Eighth Amendment Stare Decisis

In 2008, the United States Supreme Court decided Kennedy v. Louisiana, holding that the Eighth Amendment barred death sentences for the crime of child rape because such punishments were cruel and unusual. In 2023, Florida passed a statute that directly contravenes this constitutional rule. Under the Florida statute, committing sexual battery against a child is a capital offense.

In a vacuum, one might expect the Court to strike down Florida’s statute as clearly unconstitutional in violation of the Eighth Amendment based on the principle of stare decisis. Traditionally, the concept of stare decisis has referred to the obligation of the Court to follow prior precedent.

The Court’s description of the scope of stare decisis stems from its abortion cases. The Court initially explained stare decisis in Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey but arguably loosened its meaning in its decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization. Indeed, the Court’s decision in Dobbs, in which it reversed the fifty-year-old precedent of Roe v. Wade and its successor Casey, suggests that the Kennedy case could face a similar fate.

But the Eighth Amendment contains substantive doctrinal characteristics that suggest it is unique with respect to stare decisis. In particular, the Eighth Amendment’s relationship to stare decisis is unusual because the premise of the underlying doctrine is that the meaning of the Amendment will change over time. Pursuant to “the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society,” the Eighth Amendment expands over time to bar punishments formerly constitutional but now determined to be draconian.

As such, there become two possibilities with respect to applying stare decisis under the Eighth Amendment. First, stare decisis could mean what it means in other contexts—deferring to precedent and refusing to overrule a prior decision unless it rises to the level of the test previously set forth in Casey and now articulated in Dobbs. Alternatively, stare decisis could mean following the evolving standards of decency doctrine. This approach contemplates that the Amendment would change over time, such that stare decisis would require the overruling of precedent, moving the case law in a progressive, less punitive direction.

This Article argues for the latter reading. Specifically, the Article makes the novel claim that the Eighth Amendment has its own unique stare decisis doctrine, the doctrine moves in one direction, and such a reading of the Eighth Amendment is consistent with the Court’s decision in Dobbs.

In Part I, the Article explores the origins of the unique doctrine of Eighth Amendment stare decisis. Part II examines past and future applications of this doctrine. Finally, in Part III, the Article explains why the Court’s decision in Dobbs supports Eighth Amendment Stare Decisis.

All bad precedents have originated from good measures.

—Julius Caesar1 Sallust, The War with Catiline / The War with Jugurtha 114 (John T. Ramsey ed., J.C. Rolfe trans., Harvard Univ. Press 2013) (1470) (recounting a speech by Julius Caesar).

INTRODUCTION

In 2008, the United States Supreme Court decided Kennedy v. Louisiana, holding that the Eighth Amendment barred death sentences for the crime of child rape because such punishments were cruel and unusual.2Kennedy v. Louisiana, 554 U.S. 407, 421 (2008). The Court’s decision adopted a categorical constitutional bar, meaning that any imposition of the death penalty for the crime of child rape exceeded the state’s power to punish under the Constitution. In 2023, Florida passed a statute that directly contravenes this constitutional rule.3Rose Horowitch, DeSantis Expands Death Penalty to Include Child Rape, Setting Up Likely Court Challenge, NBC News (May 2, 2023, 9:01 AM), https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/politics-news/desantis-expands-death-penalty-include-child-rape-setting-likely-court-rcna82413 [https://perma.cc/37M6-LAWL]. Tennessee followed Florida in May 2024, and Alabama, Arizona, Idaho, Missouri, South Carolina, and South Dakota have also considered passing a similar law. Tennessee Authorizes Death Penalty for Child Sexual Assault in Direct Challenge to Supreme Court Precedent, Death Penalty Info. Ctr., (Sept. 25, 2024), https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/news/tennessee-authorizes-death-penalty-for-child-sexual-assault-in-direct-challenge-to-supreme-court-precedent [https://perma.cc/C9WU-BLLT]; Death Penalty for Child Sexual Abuse that Does Not Result in Death, Death Penalty Info. Ctr., https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/facts-and-research/crimes-punishable-by-death/death-penalty-for-child-sexual-abuse-that-does-not-result-in-death [https://perma.cc/R777-PWUW]. Under the Florida statute, raping4The Florida statute describes the offense as “sexual battery” against a child. Fla. Stat. § 794.011(2)(a) (2024). For purposes of simplicity, this article refers to sexual “assaults” and “batteries” as “rape.” So, all references to “child rape” include sexual assault and battery. a child is a capital offense.5Id. The statute provides that “A person 18 years of age or older who commits sexual battery upon, or in an attempt to commit sexual battery injures the sexual organs of, a person less than 12 years of age commits a capital felony, punishable as provided in ss. 775.082 and 921.1425.”

In a vacuum, one might expect the Court to strike down Florida’s statute as clearly unconstitutional in violation of the Eighth Amendment based on the principle of stare decisis. Traditionally, the concept of stare decisis has referred to the obligation of the Court to follow prior precedent.6See, e.g., Benjamin N. Cardozo, The Nature of the Judicial Process 149 (1921). Stare decisis literally means “let the decision stand.” Stare decisis, Britannica (Dec. 27, 2024), https://www.britannica.com/topic/stare-decisis [https://perma.cc/C9JX-692X]. A concept central to the rule of law, stare decisis presumes the binding nature of a prior decision, except under certain circumstances that allow for the reversing of the precedent to remedy an incorrect decision.7See, e.g., Lewis F. Powell, Jr., Stare Decisis and Judicial Restraint, 1991 J. Sup. Ct. Hist. 13, 16 (1991); Daniel A. Farber, The Rule of Law and the Law of Precedents, 90 Minn. L. Rev. 1173, 1173 (2006).

The Court’s description of the scope of stare decisis stems from its abortion cases. The Court initially explained stare decisis in Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey,8Planned Parenthood of Se. Pa. v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833, 854–55 (1992), overruled by Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 142 S. Ct. 2228 (2022); see Melissa Murray & Katherine Shaw, Dobbs and Democracy, 137 Harv. L. Rev. 728, 750 (2024) (describing Casey as providing the “canonical formulation of the Court’s approach to stare decisis”). but arguably loosened its meaning in its decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization.9Dobbs, 142 S. Ct. 2228 at 2263–65.

In Casey, the Court explained that while stare decisis is “not an ‘inexorable command,’ ”10Casey, 505 U.S. at 854 (quoting Burnet v. Coronado Oil & Gas Co., 285 U.S. 393, 405 (1932) (Brandeis, J., dissenting)); see also Payne v. Tennessee, 501 U.S. 808, 842 (1991) (Souter, J., concurring); Arizona v. Rumsey, 467 U.S. 203, 212 (1984). its application relates to “a series of prudential and pragmatic considerations designed to test the consistency of overruling a prior decision with the ideal of the rule of law.”11Casey, 505 U.S. at 854. Specifically, the Court examined (1) whether the central rule has become unworkable;12Id.; Swift & Co. v. Wickham, 382 U.S. 111, 116 (1965). (2) whether the Court could remove the rule’s limitation on state power without serious inequity to those who have relied upon it or significant damage to the stability of the society governed by it;13Casey, 505 U.S. at 855; United States v. Title Ins. & Tr. Co., 265 U.S. 472, 486 (1924). (3) whether the law’s growth in the intervening years has left the precedent’s central rule a doctrinal anachronism discounted by society;14Casey, 505 U.S. at 855; Patterson v. McLean Credit Union, 491 U.S. 164, 173–74 (1989). and (4) whether the precedent’s premises of fact have so far changed as to render its central holding somehow irrelevant or unjustifiable in dealing with the issue it addressed.15Casey, 505 U.S. at 855.

But in Dobbs, the Court adjusted the stare decisis test, using a five-factor inquiry in deciding to overrule Roe v. Wade and Casey.16Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 142 S. Ct. 2228, 2263–65 (2022). The Dobbs test did not focus on Casey; rather it relied on the Court’s decisions in Janus v. Am. Fed’n of State, Cnty., & Mun. Emps., Council 31, 138 S. Ct. 2448, 2478 (2018), and Ramos v. Louisiana, 590 U.S. 83, 121–24 (2020) (Kavanaugh, J., concurring). Specifically, the Court examined (1) the nature of the court’s error, (2) the quality of its prior reasoning, (3) the workability of the current standard, (4) the effect on other areas of law, and (5) the reliance interests in the precedent.17Dobbs, 142 S. Ct. at 2265. One way to read this shift is as a means of freeing the Court to reverse precedents it thinks are normatively incorrect.

Indeed, the Court’s decision in Dobbs,18For a thorough exploration of the Dobbs decision and its consequences, see Murray & Shaw, supra note 8. in which it reversed the fifty-year-old precedents of Roe v. Wade19Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), overruled by Dobbs, 142 S. Ct. at 2242. and its successor Casey,20Casey, 505 U.S. at 833. suggests that the Kennedy case could face a similar fate if the Court normatively disagrees with the outcome in that case.21Kennedy, after all, was a narrow 5–4 decision. Kennedy v. Louisiana, 554 U.S. 407 (2008). And the Court declined to expand the Eighth Amendment in Jones v. Mississippi, 593 U.S. 98, 101 (2021). A more open-ended view of stare decisis, in which the Court places more weight on getting the “right” answer as opposed to following its precedent, could incentivize the Court to focus on policy over precedent.22And with the current Court the “right” answer tends to be the “right” answer, meaning that the conservative policy choice is the correct one, irrespective of precedent. In addition to Roe, landmark cases such as Miranda v. Arizona, Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., and New York Times Co. v. Sullivan all face new challenges. Indeed, the Court overruled Chevron in June 2024. Loper Bright Enters. v. Raimondo, 144 S. Ct. 2244, 2273 (2024).

Likewise, a cursory glance at the Supreme Court’s Eighth Amendment cases suggests that the principle of stare decisis may carry less weight in this context.23See, e.g., Meghan J. Ryan, Does Stare Decisis Apply in the Eighth Amendment Death Penalty Context?, 85 N.C. L. Rev. 847, 855–59 (2007). For instance, the Court reversed its decisions in Penry v. Lynaugh24Penry v. Lynaugh, 492 U.S. 302 (1989), abrogated by Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304 (2002). and Stanford v. Kentucky25Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U.S. 361 (1989), abrogated by Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551 (2005). a mere thirteen and sixteen years later in Atkins v. Virginia26Atkins, 536 U.S. at 321. and Roper v. Simmons, 27Roper, 543 U.S. at 578–79. respectively.

But the Eighth Amendment contains substantive doctrinal characteristics that suggest it is unique with respect to stare decisis. In particular, the Eighth Amendment’s relationship to stare decisis is unusual because the premise of the underlying doctrine is that the meaning of the Amendment will change over time.28Weems v. United States, 217 U.S. 349, 373 (1910). The original meaning of the Eighth Amendment also contemplates change over time. See John F. Stinneford, The Original Meaning of “Unusual”: The Eighth Amendment as a Bar to Cruel Innovation, 102 Nw. U. L. Rev. 1739, 1741 (2008). Pursuant to “the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society,” the Eighth Amendment expands over time to bar punishments formerly constitutional but now determined to be draconian.29Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86, 101 (1958).

As such, two possibilities exist for applying stare decisis to Eighth Amendment decisions. First, stare decisis could mean what it means in other contexts—deferring to precedent and refusing to overrule a prior decision unless it rises to the level of the test previously set forth in Casey and now articulated in Dobbs. Alternatively, stare decisis could mean following the evolving standards of decency doctrine. This approach contemplates that the Amendment would change over time, such that stare decisis would require overruling of precedent, moving the case law in a progressive,30The majoritarian underpinnings of evolving standards doctrine cut against rule of law concerns. As explored infra Part I, the requirement that a plurality of states have abandoned a punishment as a prerequisite to declaring it unconstitutional under the Eighth Amendment means that the change reflects society’s consensus as opposed to advancing the constitutional limit beyond it. less punitive direction.31Weems, 217 U.S. at 373; Trop, 356 U.S. at 101; Roper, 543 U.S. at 560–68 (finding that the evolving standards barred juveniles from execution in contradiction of prior Court decisions). Again, the original meaning also seems to contemplate this one-way ratchet. See Stinneford, supra note 28.

This Article argues for the latter reading. Specifically, the Article advances the novel claim that the Eighth Amendment has its own unique stare decisis doctrine, the doctrine moves in one direction, and such a reading of the Eighth Amendment is consistent with the Court’s decision in Dobbs.

In Part I, the Article explores the origins of the unique doctrine of Eighth Amendment stare decisis. Part II examines past and future applications of this doctrine. Finally, in Part III, the Article explains why the Court’s decision in Dobbs supports this reading of the Eighth Amendment and bars reversal of Kennedy v. Louisiana.

I.  ORIGINS OF EIGHTH AMENDMENT STARE DECISIS

Stare decisis, at its core, reflects a commitment to the rule of law.32See, e.g., Lewis F. Powell, Jr., Stare Decisis and Judicial Restraint, 47 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 281, 288 (1990) (“[E]limination of constitutional stare decisis would represent an explicit endorsement of the idea that the Constitution is nothing more than what five Justices say it is. This would undermine the rule of law.”). Of course, this relationship is not absolute. See, e.g., South Carolina v. Gathers, 490 U.S. 805, 825 (1989) (Scalia, J., dissenting) (“[W]hen convinced of former error, this Court has never felt constrained to follow precedent. In constitutional questions, where correction depends upon amendment and not upon legislative action this Court throughout its history has freely exercised its power to reexamine the basis of its constitutional decisions.” (quoting Smith v. Allwright, 321 U.S. 649, 665 (1944))), overruled by Payne v. Tennessee, 501 U.S. 808 (1991); see also Farber, supra note 7, at 1173–74. A vestige of the common law, the idea relates to honoring past decisions for the sake of predictability and consistency.33See Farber, supra note 7, at 1177–80; see also Richard H. Fallon, Jr., Stare Decisis and the Constitution: An Essay on Constitutional Methodology, 76 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 570, 573 (2001); Earl Maltz, The Nature of Precedent, 66 N.C. L. Rev. 367, 368–69 (1988). Cases with difficult factual situations challenge this paradigm.34See, e.g., Winterbottom v. Wright, (1842) 152 Eng. Rep. 402, 405–06 (“This is one of those unfortunate cases in which . . . it is, no doubt, a hardship upon the plaintiff to be without a remedy, but by that consideration we ought not to be influenced. Hard cases, it has been frequently observed, are apt to introduce bad law.”). When a rule of law generates unfair or inequitable outcomes, courts often elect to change the rule or distinguish the case such that the rule becomes inapplicable.35See, e.g., William O. Douglas, Stare Decisis, 49 Colum. L. Rev. 735, 736 (1949); Pearson v. Callahan, 555 U.S. 223, 233 (2009) (“[S]tare decisis is not an inexorable command.”) (quoting State Oil Co. v. Khan, 522 U.S. 3, 20 (1997)).

A more consequential decision, however, relates to a decision to reject the rule itself and replace the rule with a new one.36See cases cited infra note 45. Courts seem hesitant to engage in such a rejection of stare decisis without a strong normative reason for doing so.37See sources cited supra note 32.

Interpreting constitutional language adds an additional wrinkle to the stare decisis calculation.38See generally, e.g., Fallon, supra note 33 at 573. The Court has noted that stare decisis should carry less weight in the constitutional context.39Agostini v. Felton, 521 U.S. 203, 235 (1997); Martin v. Hunter’s Lessee, 14 U.S. (1 Wheat.) 304, 326 (1816). This is precisely because the Court is responsible for defining the scope and meaning of the Constitution, which often includes open-ended language.40Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137, 177 (1803); Frederick Schauer, An Essay on Constitutional Language, 29 UCLA L. Rev. 797, 798–99 (1981). The inability to easily amend the federal Constitution means that the Court’s interpretation is not subject to review and will change only when the members of the Court change.41See, e.g., Richard Albert, The World’s Most Difficult Constitution to Amend?, 110 Calif. L. Rev. 2005, 2007–11 (2022); Kimble v. Marvel Ent., LLC, 576 U.S. 446, 456 (2015). When such decisions include placing limits on the power of state legislatures or Congress, the countermajoritarian difficulty arises.42The countermajoritarian difficulty questions the wisdom of five Justices on the Court imposing their own views to strike down laws passed by a democratic majority in the legislature. See, e.g., Barry Friedman, The Birth of an Academic Obsession: The History of the Countermajoritarian Difficulty, Part Five, 112 Yale L.J. 153, 210–13 (2002); Barry Friedman, The History of the Countermajoritarian Difficulty, Part II: Reconstruction’s Political Court, 91 Geo. L.J. 1, 1–2 (2002); Barry Friedman, The History of the Countermajoritarian Difficulty, Part Three: The Lesson of Lochner, 76 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1383, 1385–86 (2001); Barry Friedman, The History of the Countermajoritarian Difficulty, Part Four: Law’s Politics, 148 U. Pa. L. Rev. 971, 1011–19 (2000); Barry Friedman, The History of The Countermajoritarian Difficulty, Part One: The Road to Judicial Supremacy, 73 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 333, 336 (1998). See generally Alexander M. Bickel, The Least Dangerous Branch: The Supreme Court at the Bar of Politics (1962) (framing the countermajoritarian difficulty).

And yet, in Marbury v. Madison, the Court made clear that its constitutional role is to engage in such judicial review, deciding who decides the scope and meaning of the Constitution.43Marbury, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) at 177 (establishing the principle of judicial review and according the Supreme Court the power to decide who decides the meaning of the Constitution). The Court usually decides that it is its role to determine the meaning of the Constitution.44Id.; Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 142 S. Ct. 2228, 2262 (2022); Martin, 14 U.S. (1 Wheat.) at 326. The Court has further explained that when it has made such determinations incorrectly, it has the responsibility to push aside the mandates of stare decisis and change the applicable constitutional rule.45In Dobbs, the Court cites three examples of when ignoring stare decisis is appropriate to overrule prior decisions: (1) Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) (overruling the “separate but equal” doctrine of Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896)); (2) West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 U.S. 379 (1937) (overruling restrictions on the minimum wage law of Adkins v. Children’s Hospital of D.C., 261 U.S. 525 (1923) and by implication, the Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45 (1905) line of cases); and (3) West Virginia Board of Education v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624 (1943) (overruling the law compelling high school students to salute the flag previously upheld by Minersville School Disrict. v. Gobitis, 310 U.S. 586 (1940)). Dobbs, 142 S. Ct. at 2262–63.

What happens, though, when the precedent itself envisions that the rule will change over time, is different. The Eighth Amendment contemplates that the line between acceptable and unacceptable punishment will shift as society matures.46Weems v. United States, 217 U.S. 349, 373 (1910); Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86, 101 (1958). As such, the stare decisis tension at the heart of Casey and Dobbs dissipates. Instead, applying stare decisis means changing the rule.

A.  The Evolving Standards Test

The evolving standards test originates from the 1910 case of Weems v. United States.47Weems, 217 U.S. at 349. The original understanding of the concepts of both cruel and unusual was that they would change over time. See Stinneford, supra note 28 at 1741; John F. Stinneford, The Original Meaning of “Cruel”, 105 Geo. L.J. 441, 468–71 (2017). In Weems, the Court considered whether a punishment of cadena temporal—fifteen years of hard labor—for the crime of forgery constituted a cruel and unusual punishment under the Eighth Amendment.48Weems, 217 U.S. at 380–82. The case occurred in the Philippines, which at the time was a territory of the United States.

In finding that the cadena temporal punishment was unconstitutional, the Court explained its approach to interpreting the Eighth Amendment:

Legislation, both statutory and constitutional, is enacted, it is true, from an experience of evils, but its general language should not, therefore, be necessarily confined to the form that evil had theretofore taken. Time works changes, brings into existence new conditions and purposes. Therefore a principle to be vital must be capable of wider application than the mischief which gave it birth. This is peculiarly true of constitutions.49Id. at 373.

The Court added that constitutional provisions “are not ephemeral enactments, designed to meet passing occasions,” but instead seek to “approach immortality as nearly as human institutions can approach it.”50Id.

Almost fifty years later, the Court further developed the concept that the Eighth Amendment did not contain a static meaning, but one that would change over time. In Trop v. Dulles, the Court considered the constitutionality of the punishment of loss of citizenship for wartime military desertion.51Trop, 356 U.S. at 88. The Court explained that the petitioner had escaped from a stockade in Casablanca while serving as a private in the U.S. Army in French Morocco during World War II. His desertion lasted a day, before he willingly surrendered to an army officer. Trop testified that “we had decided to return to the stockade. The going was tough. We had no money to speak of, and at the time we were on foot and we were getting cold and hungry.” Id. at 87–88. Specifically, the Court considered whether permanently denying Trop a passport constituted a cruel and unusual punishment.52It is worth noting that Trop served three years imprisonment, forfeiture of all pay and allowances, and a dishonorable discharge. Id. at 88. The question for the Court was whether the additional consequence of loss of citizenship violated the Eighth Amendment. Id. at 99.

In finding for Trop, the Court explored the meaning of the Eighth Amendment.53The Court found the punishment to be inappropriate as “total destruction of the individual’s status in organized society” in stripping the “citizen of his status in the national and international political community.” Id. at 101. Citing Weems, the Court echoed the idea that “the words of the [Eighth] Amendment are not precise, and that their scope is not static.”54Id. at 100–01. As a result, “[t]he [Eighth] Amendment must draw its meaning from the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society.”55Id. at 101.

Having cemented the idea that the Eighth Amendment would evolve over time in a progressive way, the Court later established a test to determine whether a particular punishment violated society’s evolving standards of decency. In Coker v. Georgia, the Court developed this test in assessing whether a punishment of death for the crime of rape was constitutional.56Coker v. Georgia, 433 U.S. 584 (1977).

As established in Coker, the Court’s inquiry contains two parts—an objective assessment and a subjective component.57Although the Court has not framed it this way, one way of understanding this test is that the objective indicia assesses unusualness—whether the punishment is contrary to historical precedent and current practice, while the subjective indicia assesses cruelty—whether the punishment is excessive in light of the applicable purposes of punishment. The objective determination seeks “guidance in history and from the objective evidence of the country’s present judgment” concerning the punishment in question.58Coker, 433 U.S. at 593. In Coker, the Court looked to the number of jurisdictions that allowed death sentences for the crime of rape, finding that Georgia was the only state allowing that punishment where the victim was an adult woman.59Id. at 595–96. Two other states, Florida and Mississippi, allowed the death penalty for rape of a child, but not an adult. Id. at 595. Its assessment of the objective indicia also included jury verdicts, which revealed that Georgia juries only imposed death sentences in six out of sixty-three cases involving the crime of adult rape.60Id. at 596–97.

After finding that the objective evidence revealed that the punishment of death for rape was inconsistent with the societal standards of decency, the Court “brought to bear” its own independent judgment concerning the constitutionality of the punishment.61Id. at 597. This judgment constituted an assessment of the proportionality of the punishment in light of the crime committed and the characteristics of the perpetrator.62Id. at 598–99 (discussing the proportionality of death as a punishment for rape). As the Court developed this subjective inquiry in later cases, it increasingly relied on the purposes of punishment—retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, and rehabilitation—to determine whether a punishment was proportionate.63See, e.g., id. at 597–98; Enmund v. Florida, 458 U.S. 782, 797–801 (1982); Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 318–21 (2002); Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551, 568–72 (2005); Kennedy v. Louisiana, 554 U.S. 407, 434–41. This concept of proportionality applies to both retributive and utilitarian purposes of punishment. See William W. Berry III, Separating Retribution from Proportionality: A Response to Stinneford, 97 Va. L. Rev. In Brief 61, 64–70 (2011) (explaining why proportionality applies to all of the purposes of punishment, not just retribution).

Following the Court’s precedents in applying the Eighth Amendment, then, means applying the evolving standards of decency test to determine whether a punishment is cruel and unusual. It is worth noting that the Court initially cabined the application of this test to capital cases, because “death is different.”64See Furman v. Georgia, 408 U.S. 238, 286 (1972) (Brennan, J., concurring) (“Death is a unique punishment in the United States.”); Carol S. Steiker & Jordan M. Steiker, Sober Second Thoughts: Reflections on Two Decades of Constitutional Regulation of Capital Punishment, 109 Harv. L. Rev. 355, 370 (1995) (crediting Justice Brennan’s concurrence in Furman as the originator of this line of argument); see also, e.g., Ring v. Arizona, 536 U.S. 584, 616–17 (2002) (Breyer, J., concurring) (explaining that because “death is not reversible,” DNA evidence that the convictions of numerous persons on death row are unreliable is especially alarming); Woodson v. North Carolina, 428 U.S. 280, 305 (1976) (noting that death differs from life imprisonment because of its “finality”); Spaziano v. Florida, 468 U.S. 447, 460 n.7 (1984) (stating that “the death sentence is unique in its severity and in its irrevocability”), overruled by Hurst v. Florida, 577 U.S. 92 (2016); Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153, 187 (1976) (“There is no question that death as a punishment is unique in its severity and irrevocability.”); Jeffrey Abramson, Death-Is-Different Jurisprudence and the Role of the Capital Jury, 2 Ohio St. J. Crim. L. 117, 118 (2004) (discussing the Court’s death-is-different jurisprudence and arguing that it requires additional procedural safeguards “when humans play at God”). It subsequently expanded the test to include juvenile life-without-parole sentences, because “children are different too.”65Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. 460, 481 (2012). See generally Cara H. Drinan, The War on Kids: How American Juvenile Justice Lost Its Way (2017) (exploring the Miller trilogy).

Practically, this means that stare decisis—following prior precedent—contemplates changing the rule to reflect the evolving standards of society. So, overruling a prior precedent would actually be following the doctrine when the move is from a harsher punishment to a less harsh punishment. The doctrine also makes clear, however, that this concept operates only in one direction—from more severe punishment to less severe punishment.

B.  Why It Moves in One Direction

The Court’s Eighth Amendment cases demonstrate why the Eighth Amendment only changes in one direction—with increasing limits on the power of state and federal governments to impose draconian punishments. In particular, the Eighth Amendment values of dignity and proportionality underscore this point.66The Court has relied on a number of key values to inform its Eighth Amendment jurisprudence. See, e.g., William W. Berry III & Meghan J. Ryan, Eighth Amendment Values, in The Eighth Amendment and its Future in a New Age of Punishment 61, 61 (Meghan J. Ryan & William W. Berry III eds., 2020). These values include the following: dignity, individualized sentencing, absolute proportionality, comparative proportionality, humanness, non-arbitrariness, and differentness. Id. at 61–73.

In its decision in Trop, the Court emphasized that “[t]he basic concept underlying the Eighth Amendment is nothing less than the dignity of man.”67Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86, 100 (1958). Indeed, the Court has referenced the concept of dignity under the Eighth Amendment repeatedly. Furman, 408 U.S. at 274 (Brennan, J., concurring); Sellars v. Beto, 409 U.S. 968, 970 (1972) (Douglas, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari); Gregg, 428 U.S. at 173; Estelle v. Gamble, 429 U.S. 97, 102 (1976); Ingraham v. Wright, 430 U.S. 651, 684 n.1 (1977) (White, J., dissenting); Roberts v. Louisiana, 431 U.S. 633, 642–43 (1977) (Rehnquist, J., dissenting); Hutto v. Finney, 437 U.S. 678, 685 (1978); United States v. Bailey, 444 U.S. 394, 423 (1980) (Blackmun, J., dissenting); Rhodes v. Chapman, 452 U.S. 337, 361 (1981) (Brennan, J., concurring in the judgment); Autry v. McKaskle, 465 U.S. 1090, 1091 (1984) (Brennan, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari); Spaziano, 468 U.S. at 471 n.5 (Stevens, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part); Glass v. Louisiana, 471 U.S. 1080, 1080 (1985) (Brennan, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari); DeGarmo v. Texas, 474 U.S. 973, 973–74 (1985) (Brennan, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari); Cabana v. Bullock, 474 U.S. 376, 397 (1986) (Blackmun, J., dissenting); Smith v. Murray, 477 U.S. 527, 545–46 (1986) (Stevens, J., dissenting); Ford v. Wainwright, 477 U.S. 399, 406 (1986); McCleskey v. Kemp, 481 U.S. 279, 300 (1987); Thompson v. Oklahoma, 487 U.S. 815, 836 (1988); Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U.S. 361, 392 (1989) (Brennan, J., dissenting), abrogated by Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551 (2005); Walton v. Arizona, 497 U.S. 639, 675 (1990) (Brennan, J., dissenting), overruled by Ring v. Arizona, 536 U.S. 584 (2002); Wilson v. Seiter, 501 U.S. 294, 307 (1991) (White, J., concurring in the judgment); Hudson v. McMillan, 503 U.S. 1, 11 (1992); Campbell v. Wood, 511 U.S. 1119, 1121 (1994) (Blackmun, J., dissenting from the denial of certiorari); Farmer v. Brennan, 511 U.S. 825, 852–53 (1994) (Blackmun, J., concurring); Atkins, 536 U.S. at 311–12; Hope v. Pelzer, 536 U.S. 730, 738 (2002); Overton v. Bazzetta, 539 U.S. 126, 138 (2003) (Stevens, J., concurring); Roper, 543 U.S. at 560; Kennedy, 554 U.S. at 420; Baze v. Rees, 553 U.S. 35, 57 (2008); Graham v. Florida, 560 U.S. 48, 58–59 (2010); Brown v. Plata, 563 U.S. 493, 510 (2011); Woodward v. Alabama, 571 U.S. 1045, 1052 (2013) (Sotomayor, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari); Hall v. Florida, 572 U.S. 701, 708 (2014); Glossip v. Gross, 576 U.S. 863, 977 (2015) (Sotomayor, J., dissenting); Arthur v. Dunn, 580 U.S. 1141, 1154 (2017) (Sotomayor, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari); Moore v. Texas, 581 U.S. 1, 12, 20 (2017); Zagorski v. Haslam, 139 S. Ct. 20, 21 (2018) (Sotomayor, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari); Bucklew v. Precythe, 587 U.S. 119, 133–35 (2019); Coonce v. United States, 142 S. Ct. 25, 31 (2021) (Sotomayor, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari); see also Meghan J. Ryan, Taking Dignity Seriously: Excavating the Backdrop of the Eighth Amendment, 2016 U. Ill. L. Rev. 2129, 2144–56. In other words, when the Eighth Amendment bars a particular punishment practice, it reflects the conclusion that a particular punishment treats the defendant “as an object”68Rex D. Glensy, The Right to Dignity, 43 Colum. Hum. Rts. L. Rev. 65, 96 (2011); Ryan, supra note 67, at 2143. beyond what society deems as “civilized, decent, and virtuous.”69Michal Buchhandler-Raphael, Drugs, Dignity, and Danger: Human Dignity as a Constitutional Constraint to Limit Overcriminalization, 80 Tenn. L. Rev. 291, 317 (2013); Ryan, supra note 67, at 2143–44.

The Court has made clear that it “look[s] to the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society” to “enforce” this “duty of the government to respect the dignity of all persons.”70Moore, 581 U.S. at 12 (quoting Hall, 572 U.S. at 708); Roper, 543 U.S. at 560–61 (quoting Trop, 356 U.S. at 100–01). If the society matures to find a formerly acceptable form of punishment to violate a person’s dignity, then the punishment cannot, by definition, become constitutional again at some later date. Indeed, an undignified punishment or a punishment that objectifies an inmate cannot, at a later date, magically become dignified or civilized, decent, and virtuous. If the “Eighth Amendment’s protection of dignity reflects the Nation we have been, the Nation we are, and the Nation we aspire to be,” as the Court has explained, that means that over time, the United States will discard more draconian forms of punishment in favor of more humane ones.71Hall, 572 U.S. at 708.

A change operating in the other way, from less severe punishment to more severe punishment, contravenes the core principle of the evolving standards.72The Court has arguably moved in this direction in three cases—Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153 (1976); Tison v. Arizona, 481 U.S. 137 (1987); and Harmelin v. Michigan, 501 U.S. 957 (1991). However, a better reading of those cases suggests that those decisions were qualifications of prior decisions, not reversals in the direction of the evolving standards. See discussion infra Section II.C. The evolving standards “mark the progress of a maturing society,” and increasing punishment severity undercuts that very progress.73Trop, 356 U.S. at 101. This is particularly true concerning the punishments at issue—the death penalty and life without parole. Many states74Twenty-three states and the District of Columbia have abolished the death penalty: Alaska, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Dakota, Rhode Island, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin. Facts About the Death Penalty, Death Penalty Info. Ctr. (Feb. 7, 2025) [hereinafter Facts About the Death Penalty], https://dpic-cdn.org/production/documents/pdf/FactSheet.pdf [https://perma.cc/PM5V-DHBB]. Another twelve states have not had an execution in the past decade: California, Idaho, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Montana, Nevada, North Carolina, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Wyoming. And three more have not had an execution in the past five years: Arkansas, Nebraska and Ohio. States with No Recent Executions, Death Penalty Info. Ctr. (Dec. 18, 2024), https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/executions/executions-overview/states-with-no-recent-executions [https://perma.cc/73SG-SB9T]. and Western nations75All of the European Union and most democratic nations in the world have abandoned the death penalty. See generally Roger Hood & Carolyn Hoyle, The Death Penalty: A Worldwide Perspective (5th ed. 2015) (cataloguing the abolition of the death penalty across the world). have abandoned the death penalty, and the United States remains the only nation that allows juvenile life-without-parole sentences.76See, e.g., Joshua Rovner, Juvenile Life Without Parole: An Overview, The Sent’g Project, (Apr. 7, 2023), https://www.sentencingproject.org/policy-brief/juvenile-life-without-parole-an-overview [https://perma.cc/527P-XY92]. Twenty-seven states and the District of Columbia have banned life-without-parole sentences for people under 18, and in another nine states, no one is serving juvenile life-without-parole sentences. Id. Undoing limits on punishments that most of the rest of the civilized world abolished long ago would reflect a move away from societal maturation and instead embrace societal savagery. Such a move would be the antithesis of promoting human dignity.

A second principle that the Court has linked to the evolving standards of decency—proportionality—similarly demonstrates why the Eighth Amendment only moves in one direction. The Court has explained that the evolving standards test is a tool by which to measure “the requirement of proportionality contained within the Eighth Amendment.”77Enmund v. Florida, 458 U.S. 782, 813 (1982) (O’Connor, J., dissenting). As with dignity, the Court has long emphasized the concept of proportionality as “central to the Eighth Amendment.”78Graham v. Florida, 560 U.S. 48, 59 (2010); see also Weems v. United States, 217 U.S. 349, 365–67 (1910); Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153, 172–73 (1976); Coker v. Georgia, 433 U.S. 584, 597 (1977); Enmund, 458 U.S. at 812–13 (O’Connor, J., dissenting); Tison v. Arizona, 481 U.S. 137, 152 (1987); Harmelin v. Michigan, 501 U.S. 957, 997–98 (1991) (Kennedy, J., concurring in part and concurring in the judgment); Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U.S. 361, 378–79 (1989), abrogated by Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551 (2005); Penry v. Lynaugh, 492 U.S. 302, 345–46 (1989), abrogated by Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304 (2002); Atkins, 536 U.S. at 311; Roper, 543 U.S. at 574; Kennedy v. Louisiana, 554 U.S. 407, 426 (2008); Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. 460, 469 (2012); Berry & Ryan, supra note 66, at 66–69; William W. Berry III, Promulgating Proportionality, 46 Ga. L. Rev. 69, 74 (2011) [hereinafter Berry, Promulgating Proportionality]; William W. Berry III, Practicing Proportionality, 64 Fla. L. Rev. 687, 689 (2012) [hereinafter Berry, Practicing Proportionality]; William W. Berry III, Procedural Proportionality, 22 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 259, 265 (2015). That means that when the Court bars particular punishments under the Eighth Amendment, it is because the punishment is excessive in light of the characteristics of the offense79See, e.g., Coker, 433 U.S. at 592 (barring the death penalty for rape); Kennedy, 554 U.S. at 413 (barring the death penalty for child rape); Enmund, 458 U.S. at 797 (barring the death penalty for some kinds of felony murder). or the characteristics of the offender.80See, e.g., Atkins, 536 U.S. at 321 (barring the death penalty for intellectually disabled defendants); Roper, 543 U.S. at 578 (barring the death penalty for juveniles).

Under the evolving standards test, the proportionality inquiry looks at the objective indicia of national consensus in that the sentence is excessive in light of what other jurisdictions permit and impose.81See, e.g., Graham, 560 U.S. at 58–59; Miller, 567 U.S. at 469. And under the subjective indicia, the Court assesses whether the sentence is disproportionate in light of the purposes of retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, and rehabilitation.82See, e.g., Coker, 433 at 597–98; Enmund, 458 U.S. at 797–801; Atkins, 536 U.S. at 318–21; Roper, 543 U.S. at 568–72; Kennedy, 554 U.S. at 434–41; see also Berry, supra note 63, at 61–64 (explaining that proportionality applies to all of the purposes of punishment, not just retribution).

For a barred punishment to again be constitutionally permissible, it would mean that the consensus against the punishment has reversed. Such a scenario is unlikely because it would involve states implementing punishment practices in violation of the Constitution. One or more states, like Florida and Tennessee currently, might engage in a barred punishment practice, but such actions would not be enough to create a consensus to allow that kind of punishment again.83One might argue that this is exactly what happened when over forty states passed new death penalty statutes after the Furman decision barring the death penalty. See Corinna Barrett Lain, Furman Fundamentals, 82 Wash. L. Rev. 1, 46–48 (2007) (describing the response of states to Furman). But the decision in Furman was an as-applied decision, not a categorical ban, meaning that the punishment was only unconstitutional because of the way states administered it. Furman, 408 U.S. at 239–40. As such, the states were not passing laws in contravention of an evolved standard of decency, but rather to remedy the procedural defects in jury sentencing in capital cases. See discussion infra Section II.C.

In addition to a change in national consensus, a reversal would also mean that the concept of proportionality would have a fickle application. When a punishment is excessive, whether in light of retribution or one of the utilitarian purposes of punishment, it cannot magically become proportionate again. The argument would be that the initial determination was incorrect, that the Court defined a proportionate punishment as a disproportionate one.

The cautiousness of the Court’s evolving standards doctrine, though, makes such a claim less persuasive. All of its decisions to find punishments disproportionate under the Eighth Amendment have first found a majoritarian objective consensus84It is worth noting that the dissenters in some of the Court’s Eighth Amendment evolving standards cases have raised issues with the Court’s determination of consensus. See Atkins, 536 U.S. at 337–38 (Scalia, J., dissenting); Roper, 543 U.S. at 607–08 (Scalia, J., dissenting). In particular, the question relates to the proper method of state counting to determine consensus—whether it is the number of states allowing the death penalty that allow the execution of juveniles or intellectually disabled individuals, or the number of states (including abolitionist ones) that allow the practice in question. The question becomes an academic one, however, nearly two decades after the Court’s decision, as a national consensus against the practice in question has existed for two decades as a result of the Court’s decision. against the punishment in question before also finding the punishment disproportionate in its own subjective judgment.85On one level, populating the content of a countermajoritarian constitutional provision like the Eighth Amendment by looking at majoritarian practices seems contradictory, but it has nonetheless been the Court’s practice, perhaps as a way to measure “unusualness.” William W. Berry III, Unusual Deference, 70 Fla. L. Rev. 315, 327–38 (2018); see also Stinneford, supra note 28, at 1816.

A view of the Eighth Amendment as moving only in a more progressive direction is also consistent with its original meaning.86See generally Stinneford, supra note 28 (describing the original meaning of the Eighth Amendment). As John Stinneford has explained, the concept of “unusual” reflects a notion of longstanding usage.87Id. Drawing on the writings of Edward Coke as well as the common law, this original understanding reflected a proscription against cruel innovation—the adoption of newer methods of harsh punishment.88Id. The idea is that moving in a harsher direction undoes the original Eighth Amendment meaning of contrary to long usage, even if the evolving standards evolved in a more punitive direction.89Id. Under either an evolving standards reading or under an originalist reading, then, it is clear that the Eighth Amendment can change in only one direction—expanding to bar harsh punishments.

II.  APPLICATIONS OF EIGHTH AMENDMENT STARE DECISIS

While not describing its application of the Eighth Amendment as a unique form of stare decisis, the Court has nonetheless followed this approach on several occasions. And, as discussed, the national consensus continues to evolve.

A.  Past Applications

Arguably, the first application of the concept of evolving stare decisis was outside of the Eighth Amendment, before the Court articulated the details of its test in Coker. But the discussion begins here because the sentiment is the same—promoting a more progressive, humane form of punishment by placing constitutional limits on a draconian one.

1.  McGautha and Furman

In 1971, the Court considered the constitutionality of the death penalty in two companion cases, McGautha v. California90McGautha v. California, 402 U.S. 183, 186–87 (1971), reh’g granted, vacated, Crampton v. Ohio, 408 U.S. 941 (1972). McGautha and Wilkinson committed armed robbery, with conflicting testimony about which one of them had murdered a man during the robbery. and Crampton v. Ohio.91McGautha, 402 U.S. at 183, 192–94. Crampton had murdered his wife after release from a state mental hospital. These challenges made Fourteenth Amendment claims, specifically that the procedures used to impose the death sentences violated due process.92Id. at 185, 196. Both claimed that the lack of guidance given to the jury determining the sentence allowed the imposition of the death sentence without any governing standards.93Id. at 185. The judge instructed the McGautha jury in the following open-ended way:

[T]he law itself provides no standard for the guidance of the jury in the selection of the penalty, but, rather, commits the whole matter of determining which of the two penalties shall be fixed to the judgment, conscience, and absolute discretion of the jury. In the determination of that matter, if the jury does agree, it must be unanimous as to which of the two penalties is imposed.

Id. at 190. Similarly, the judge in Crampton instructed: “[i]f you find the defendant guilty of murder in the first degree, the punishment is death, unless you recommend mercy, in which event the punishment is imprisonment in the penitentiary during life.” Id. at 194. The court did not give the jury an additional guidance on what constituted “mercy” or when “mercy” was appropriate. Id.
Crampton also challenged the unitary trial procedure in which the jury determined guilt and punishment at the same time.94Id. at 208–09. The problem with a unitary trial is that it requires the defendant to choose between arguing for innocence and arguing for a lesser sentence.

In a 6–3 decision, the McGautha court rejected petitioners’ arguments, finding that the Ohio and California sentencing procedures were constitutional.95Id. at 185–86. Examining the history of the death penalty, the Court surmised that sentencing discretion in capital cases constituted a form of mercy, not the application of a generalizable concept or standard.96Id. at 203–04. While recognizing the force of petitioners’ claim on a general level, the Court nonetheless emphasized the indeterminacy of the task of developing an applicable standard for capital juries.97Id. at 203–05. It explained, “[t]o identify before the fact those characteristics of criminal homicides and their perpetrators which call for the death penalty, and to express these characteristics in language which can be fairly understood and applied by the sentencing authority, appear to be tasks which are beyond present human ability.”98Id. at 204. The Court cited a similar conclusion reached by the British Home Office prior to its abolition of the death penalty:

The difficulty of defining by any statutory provision the types of murder which ought or ought not to be punished by death may be illustrated by reference to the many diverse considerations to which the Home Secretary has regard in deciding whether to recommend clemency. No simple formula can take account of the innumerable degrees of culpability, and no formula which fails to do so can claim to be just or satisfy public opinion.

Id. at 204–05. Similarly, the Royal Commission on Capital Punishment concluded, “No formula is possible that would provide a reasonable criterion for the infinite variety of circumstances that may affect the gravity of the crime of murder. Discretionary judgment on the facts of each case is the only way in which they can be equitably distinguished.” Id. at 205.

Even though the criteria given to the juries in McGautha and Crampton did not do more than exercise “minimal control” of the jury’s “exercise of discretion,” the Court found it “quite impossible to say that committing to the untrammeled discretion of the jury the power to pronounce life or death in capital cases is offensive to anything in the Constitution.”99Id. at 207. Also important to the Court here was the idea that the alternative—mandatory sentencing—was not a feasible option because of the risk of jury nullification. Id. at 199–200. This had occurred when “jurors on occasion took the law into their own hands in cases which were ‘willful, deliberate, and premeditated’ in any view of that phrase, but which nevertheless were clearly inappropriate for the death penalty.” Id. at 199. This was because “[t]he infinite variety of cases and facets to each case would make general standards either meaningless ‘boiler-plate’ or a statement of the obvious that no jury would need.”100Id. at 208.

Likewise, the Court found that the unitary trial procedure of forcing a defendant to choose between arguing innocence and arguing for mercy did not violate due process because requiring that difficult choice was not a denial of process.101Id. at 213. Interestingly, only six states, including California, used bifurcated capital trial and sentencing procedures at the time. Id. at 208. For similar reasons, the Court likewise concluded that the unitary trial model did not infringe upon Crampton’s Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination.102Id. at 213–17.

Just a year later, the Court considered the constitutionality of the death penalty under the Eighth Amendment in Furman v. Georgia.103Furman v. Georgia, 408 U.S. 238 (1972). Furman did not offend traditional notions of stare decisis and did not constitute a direct reversal of McGautha largely because the Court decided it on different grounds. The Court in Furman found that the lack of jury guidance violated the Eighth Amendment, not Fourteenth Amendment procedural due process as raised in McGautha. Based on similar arguments to the ones raised in McGautha, the Court held 5–4 that the death penalty was unconstitutional as applied.104Id. at 239–40. Two of the five Justices—Justice Marshall and Justice Brennan—found that the death penalty was per se unconstitutional, that is, unconstitutional in all situations, not just as applied. Id. at 305–06 (Brennan, J., concurring); id. at 358–61 (Marshall, J., concurring).

Unlike the later examples of Eighth Amendment stare decisis, the decision in Furman turned on the procedure in question, not the substance.105The Furman decision itself was a short per curiam decision, with all five of the Justices in the majority criticizing the approach that Georgia implemented. But the idea is the same—moving from a more draconian procedure to a less draconian one. The failure to provide juries guidance on how to differentiate between murderers who should receive the death penalty and those who should not resulted in sentencing outcomes that the Court found to be random and arbitrary.106Id. at 309–10 (Stewart, J., concurring); see id. at 240 (Douglas, J., concurring); id. at 293–95 (Brennan, J., concurring); id. at 310–11 (White, J., concurring); id. at 314–15 (Marshall, J., concurring). Imposing death sentences in an arbitrary and random manner was particularly troubling because “death is different”—the consequence is severe and irrevocable.107See cases cited supra note 64.

So, the decision in Furman followed the underlying principle of the evolving standards of decency—protecting the dignity of criminal defendants by preventing states from subjecting them to arbitrary, random sentencing procedures in capital cases.108See cases cited supra note 106. The Court did not find that the death penalty itself was now cruel and unusual; instead, it was the unprincipled ways that Georgia imposed it that made it unconstitutional.109See cases cited supra note 106. Capital punishment without any jury guidance was the prevailing practice, and the Court found that it no longer constituted a constitutional punishment.110See cases cited supra note 106.

  1. Penry and Atkins

The Court’s cases concerning whether it is constitutional to execute an intellectually disabled111The Court used the term “mentally retarded” in both cases. In common usage, the term “intellectually disabled” has replaced “mentally retarded” as both a more accurate and less pejorative term. See, e.g., Change in Terminology: “Mental Retardation” to “Intellectual Disability,” 78 Fed. Reg. 46499 (Sept. 3, 2013) (to be codified at 20 C.F.R. pts. 404, 416) (changing the Social Security terminology from mental retardation to intellectual disability). offender provide a clear example of the application of Eighth Amendment stare decisis.112Compare Penry v. Lynaugh, 492 U.S. 302 (1989), abrogated by Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304 (2002), with Atkins, 536 U.S. at 304 (showing that Atkins overruled Penry by finding the execution of intellectually disabled inmates to be unconstitutional). In Atkins v. Virginia, the Court reversed its decision in Penry v. Lynaugh as a matter of stare decisis because the standard of decency had changed.113Atkins, 536 U.S. at 321.

In 1989, the Court decided Penry.114Penry, 492 U.S. at 302. Penry brutally raped, beat, and stabbed Pamela Carpenter with a pair of scissors, causing her subsequent death a few hours later.115Id. at 307. The brutal nature of the crime potentially played a role in the Court’s decision to uphold his death sentence. A Texas jury sentenced Penry to death despite his claims of intellectual disability and insanity.116Id. at 310–11. At trial, a clinical psychologist testified that Penry consistently scored between fifty and sixty-three on IQ tests, signifying mild to moderate intellectual disability. Id. at 307–08. Aged twenty-two at the time of the crime, Penry had “the ability to learn and the learning or the knowledge of the average 6½ year old kid,” and had a social maturity on the level of a nine- or ten-year-old. Id. at 308. As part of his habeas appeal, the Court considered whether the Eighth Amendment barred his execution in light of his intellectual disability and resulting diminished culpability.117Penry’s claim, while rejected, did have some historical precedent. The Court noted that it was “well settled at common law that ‘idiots,’ together with ‘lunatics,’ were not subject to punishment for criminal acts committed under those incapacities.” Id. at 331; see also 4 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 24–25 (4th ed. 1770) (“The second case of a deficiency in will, which excuses from the guilt of crimes, arises also from a defective or vitiated understanding, viz. in an idiot or a lunatic. . . . [I]diots and lunatics are not chargeable for their own acts, if committed when under these incapacities: no, not even for treason itself. . . . [A] total idiocy, or absolute insanity, excuses from the guilt, and of course from the punishment, of any criminal action committed under such deprivation of the senses . . . .”). The Court found, however, that Penry was not an “idiot” or a “lunatic” because the trial court found him competent and the jury rejected his insanity defense. Penry, 492 U.S. at 333.

The Court found no evidence of a national consensus against the execution of intellectually disabled offenders.118Penry, 492 U.S. at 334–35. Only two states and the federal government barred such death sentences.119Id. at 333–34. One of the two states, Maryland, had passed such a law but it had not yet gone into effect at the time of the Court’s decision. Id. Adding in the fourteen states that barred capital punishment, this meant that sixteen states barred the

execution of intellectually disabled offenders, falling short of establishing a national consensus.120Id. at 334. Similarly, Penry did not offer any evidence concerning jury sentencing outcomes with respect to intellectually disabled offenders. His evidence concerned public opinion polls that showed opposition to the execution of intellectually disabled defendants, but the Court found that insufficient to establish a national consensus. Id. at 334–35.

Similarly, the Court concluded that its own subjective judgment did not bar such sentences.121Id. at 336–39. Applying the purposes of punishment, the Court held that the execution of some intellectually disabled individuals could serve the purpose of retribution—the variance among such individuals did not mean that such individuals could never act with the culpability required to receive the death penalty.122Id. at 337–39.

Just over a decade later, the Court considered the same question in Atkins.123Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304 (2002). It applied its evolving standards of decency test in finding that the Eighth Amendment now prohibited the execution of intellectually disabled offenders.124Id. at 321.

In its analysis of objective indicia, the Court found a national consensus against executing the intellectually disabled.125Id. at 313–17. The Court noted that state legislatures had reacted to its decision in Penry as well as the execution of a different intellectually disabled inmate.126Id. at 314. By 2002, thirty states barred the execution of intellectually disabled offenders, including twelve states that had abolished the death penalty.127See Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551, 564 (2005) (citing Atkins, 536 U.S. at 313–15). Justice Scalia’s dissent in Atkins took issue with the counting method, instead claiming that eighteen of the thirty-eight death penalty states (forty-seven percent) had banned such executions—not enough to establish a national consensus. Atkins, 536 U.S. at 342 (Scalia, J., dissenting). This number far surpassed the number of states previously barring the punishment in question—a change from sixteen to thirty.128Atkins, 536 U.S. at 314–15. The Court noted that seventeen of the states barring the execution of intellectually disabled offenders had done so in the decade since Penry. Id. The Court also emphasized the direction of the change, a consistent move by state legislatures away from allowing the execution of intellectually disabled offenders.129Id. at 315 (“It is not so much the number of these States that is significant, but the consistency of the direction of change.”). Finally, the Court noted that states had executed only five known offenders with a known IQ under seventy since Penry.130Id. at 316.

With respect to the subjective indicia, the Court concluded that none of the purposes of punishment justified the execution of intellectually disabled offenders.131Id. at 318–20. The reduced culpability of intellectually disabled offenders meant that death sentences for those individuals did not satisfy the purpose of retribution.132Id. at 319. From a just deserts perspective, retribution requires punishment proportional to the offender’s culpability and the harm caused. See, e.g., Andrew von Hirsch & Andrew Ashworth, Proportionate Sentencing: Exploring the Principles 4 (2005). With respect to deterrence, the Court also concluded that the execution of intellectually disabled offenders was unlikely to deter other intellectually disabled individuals from committing homicides.133Atkins, 536 U.S. at 319–20. The Court also focused on the likelihood of error as a reason for abolishing the execution of intellectually disabled offenders. The likelihood of false confessions and the offender’s inability to aid the lawyer in his defense rested at the heart of this concern. Id. at 319–21. Interestingly, the Court in Atkins did not address the broader question of whether the holding applied to mental illness as well as intellectual disability. And it failed to even define intellectual disability, leaving that determination up to individual states. For an exploration of possible applications of Atkins to mentally ill offenders through the intersection of the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments, see Nita A. Farahany, Cruel and Unequal Punishment, 86 Wash. U. L. Rev. 859, 903–14 (2009).

In overruling its decision in Penry, the Court did not address the concept of stare decisis as a hurdle that it had to overcome.134Compare this silence to the lengthy discussions in Planned Parenthood of Se. Pa. v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833 (1992) and Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 142 S. Ct. 2228 (2022). This is because the Court majority did not view the decision in Atkins as overturning precedent.135Rather, the Court viewed its decision, in part, as a reflection of the deliberations of “the American public, legislators, scholars, and judges” and the “consensus” against executing intellectually disabled offenders. Atkins, 536 U.S. at 307. Instead, the Atkins decision followed precedent—the precedent of the evolving standards of decency doctrine—in reaching a different outcome. The decision in Atkins did not constitute an abrogation of a prior position; it constituted a foreseeable evolution in the application of a constitutional principle.136The Court has revisited the specific application of Atkins twice, providing more guidance on what tests a state may use to determine whether a defendant’s condition rises to the level of intellectual disability. In Hall v. Florida, the Court struck down Florida’s approach, which relied only on the IQ of the offender to make the determination as to intellectual disability. Hall v. Florida, 572 U.S. 701, 724 (2014). And in Moore v. Texas, the Court held that Texas’ use of antiquated science in determining intellectual disability violated the Eighth Amendment. Moore v. Texas, 581 U.S. 1, 20–21 (2017).

3.  Stanford and Roper

The Court’s decision in Roper v. Simmons, three years after Atkins, provides another example of the application of Eighth Amendment stare decisis. Roper held that the execution of juveniles—offenders under the age of eighteen at the time of the homicide—violated the Eighth Amendment,137Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551, 578–79 (2005). reversing the Court’s decision in Stanford v. Kentucky, which had allowed the execution of seventeen-year-old defendants.138Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U.S. 361, 380 (1989), abrogated by Roper, 543 U.S. at 551.

In its first consideration of age and capital sentences, the Court held in Thompson v. Oklahoma that the execution of a fifteen-year-old defendant violated the Eighth Amendment under its evolving standards of decency test.139Thompson v. Oklahoma, 487 U.S. 815 (1988). Under its objective indicia, the Court found that eighteen states set the minimum age for a capital sentence at sixteen years old.140Id. at 829. When combined with the fourteen states that had abolished capital punishment, the Court counted thirty-two jurisdictions that barred the execution of defendants under the age of sixteen.141Id. at 826–27. The Court also pointed to international practices where many countries had abolished the death penalty, and others barred juveniles from receiving the death penalty. Id. at 830–31. The Court also looked to jury verdicts and found less than twenty instances of executions of individuals who committed capital crimes under age sixteen.142Id. at 832. And none of those verdicts had been after 1948, in the forty years prior to the case.143Id.

With respect to the subjective indicia, the Court highlighted the diminished culpability of juvenile offenders as a basis for finding that retribution did not support the execution of a fifteen-year-old offender.144Id. at 836–37. It also found that deterrence did not support executing those under the age of sixteen who committed crimes; offenders over the age of sixteen had committed ninety-eight percent of homicides.145Id. at 837. The Court also noted the unlikelihood of under-sixteen offenders engaging in a cost-benefit analysis as well as the remote possibility of execution as additional reasons why deterrence did not support death sentences for fifteen year olds. Id. at 837–38.

In Stanford v. Kentucky, the Court found that the evolving standard of decency that had reached under-sixteen-year-old offenders had not reached sixteen and seventeen-year-olds.146Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U.S. 361, 380 (1989), abrogated by Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551 (2005). The Court held that the Eighth Amendment did not bar the execution of Stanford, who was seventeen when he committed murder.147Id.

With respect to the objective indicia, the Court found that most states permitted capital punishment for sixteen-year-olds.148Id. at 371. Fifteen states rejected the death penalty for offenders under seventeen years old and twelve for offenders under eighteen years old.149Id. 371–72. The Court noted that these numbers were more similar to Tison v. Arizona, 481 U.S. 137 (1987), which did not expand limits on the death penalty for felony murder, as opposed to Coker v. Georgia, 433 U.S. 584 (1977) and Enmund v. Florida, 458 U.S. 782 (1982), which did expand the Eighth Amendment. The Court also rejected the evidence that few juries had sentenced under-eighteen-year-old offenders to death because so few under-eighteen-year-old offenders had committed capital crimes.150Stanford, 492 U.S. at 373–74.

In applying the subjective indicia, the Court found no conclusive evidence supporting a determination with respect to either retribution or deterrence.151Id. at 377–78. And the Court did not really engage with this idea because it had found that a national consensus against executing sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds did not exist.152Id. at 377. Justice Scalia’s view here that the Court should not use the Eighth Amendment to restrict punishments outside of national consensus is an outlier in the Court’s Eighth Amendment cases. See, e.g., Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 318–21 (2002); Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551, 568–72 (2005); Kennedy v. Louisiana, 554 U.S. 407, 434–41 (2008).

Sixteen years later, the Court decided Roper, following the same Eighth Amendment stare decisis approach used in Atkins to find that death sentences for juvenile offenders were cruel and unusual punishments.153Roper, 543 U.S. at 578–79. As in Atkins, the application of the majoritarian objective indicia commenced with counting the state laws, and like Atkins, thirty states prohibited the execution of juvenile offenders (twelve of which banned the death penalty altogether).154Id. at 564–65. Also like Atkins, the Court in Roper was assessing whether the evolving standards of decency provided enough evidence of changed circumstances to reverse its prior decision in Stanford.155Id. Stanford held that the execution of seventeen-year-old offenders did not violate the Eighth Amendment. Stanford, 492 U.S. at 380. The Court also noted the presence of objective evidence moving toward ending juvenile executions, although only five states (as compared to sixteen in Atkins) had abandoned the juvenile death penalty since Stanford.156Roper, 543 U.S. at 565. Even though the change in Roper was less pronounced than in Atkins, the Court still emphasized that it found it “significant.” Also, no state had reinstated the juvenile death penalty since Stanford.157Id. at 565–66. One other important aspect of the decision in Roper bears mentioning. At the end of its analysis, the Court also cited to the relevance of international standards and practices in determining the meaning of the evolving standards. Id. at 575–78; see David Fontana, Refined Comparativism in Constitutional Law, 49 UCLA L. Rev. 539, 546–47 (2001). In particular, the Court emphasized that the United States was the only country in the world that permitted the juvenile death penalty. Roper, 543 U.S. at 575.

With respect to the subjective standards, the Court developed the idea that juveniles were offenders that, by definition, possessed a diminished level of culpability.158Roper, at 569–70. Specifically, the Court cited (1) the lack of maturity and undeveloped sense of responsibility, (2) the susceptibility of juveniles to outside pressures and negative influences, and (3) the unformed nature of juveniles’ character as compared to adults.159Id.

In light of the diminished level of culpability, the purposes of punishment, in the Court’s view, failed to justify the imposition of juvenile death sentences.160Id. at 570–71. Such death sentences failed to achieve the purpose of retribution in light of the diminished culpability.161Id. at 571. Likewise, the Court concluded that execution of juveniles did not achieve a deterrent effect—offenders with diminished capacity will be unlikely to be susceptible to deterrence.162Id. at 571–72. In addition, the Court found no evidence that a juvenile death sentence would add any deterrent value beyond that achieved by a life-without-parole sentence.163Id.

As with Atkins, the decision in Roper is a clear example of the principle of Eighth Amendment stare decisis. The Court followed its precedent—the evolving standards of decency—in finding that the national consensus and its subjective judgment demonstrated that the execution of juveniles constitutes a cruel and unusual punishment. As such, the decision in Roper to overrule Stanford constituted an application of Eighth Amendment stare decisis, reflecting the Court’s interpretation of the Eighth Amendment.

4.  Death Is Different and Juveniles Are Different

A final important example of the Court’s application of Eighth Amendment stare decisis relates to its use in the juvenile life-without-parole context in Graham v. Florida.164Graham v. Florida, 560 U.S. 48 (2010). Here, the Court found that a principle underlying its evolving standards of decency—differentness—had evolved to include another category of cases.165See, e.g., William W. Berry III, Eighth Amendment Differentness, 78 Mo. L. Rev. 1053, 1073–75 (2013) (arguing that the juvenile life-without-parole differentness opens the door to other forms of differentness).

For over thirty years after Furman, the Court had cabined its application of evolving standards to capital cases.166See, e.g., Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 318–21 (2002); Roper, 543 U.S. at 568–72; Kennedy v. Louisiana, 554 U.S. 407, 434–41 (2008). The Court’s reasoning for this bright line focused on the idea that “death is different.”167See cases cited supra note 64. The Court has often echoed this principle. See, e.g., Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153, 187 (1976) (“There is no question that death as a punishment is unique in its severity and irrevocability.”); Woodson v. North Carolina, 428 U.S. 280, 305 (1976) (explaining that death differs from life imprisonment because of its “finality”); Spaziano v. Florida, 468 U.S. 447, 460 n.7 (1984) (“[T]he death sentence is unique in its severity and in its irrevocability . . . .”), overruled by Hurst v. Florida, 577 U.S. 92 (2016); Ring v. Arizona, 536 U.S. 584, 616–17 (2002) (Breyer, J., concurring in the judgment) (noting that because “death is not reversible,” DNA evidence showing that the convictions of numerous persons on death row are unreliable is especially alarming); see also Rachel E. Barkow, The Court of Life and Death: The Two Tracks of Constitutional Sentencing Law and the Case for Uniformity, 107 Mich. L. Rev. 1145, 1145 (2009) (acknowledging the Court’s different treatment of capital cases). As a punishment, death was unique both in terms of its severity—the most severe punishment available—and its irrevocability—one cannot undo a death sentence after an execution.168See, e.g., Gregg, 428 U.S. at 187; Spaziano, 468 U.S. at 460 n.7.

In Graham v. Florida, the Court considered whether the Eighth Amendment forbid life-without-parole sentences for juvenile offenders in non-homicide cases.169Graham, 560 U.S. at 52–53. Building upon its decision in Roper, the Court applied the evolving standards of decency to cases of juvenile life without parole in barring such sentences in non-homicide cases.170Id. at 61–62; id. at 102 (Thomas, J., dissenting) (“For the first time in its history, the Court declares an entire class of offenders immune from a noncapital sentence using the categorical approach it previously reserved for death penalty cases alone.”).

The Court further clarified its expansion of the differentness principle to include juvenile life-without-parole cases in Miller v. Alabama, in which it struck down mandatory juvenile life-without-parole sentences under the Eighth Amendment.171Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. 460, 465 (2012) (barring mandatory juvenile life-without-parole sentences). The Court in Miller explained that while death is different, “children are different too.”172Id. at 481.

As with its other applications of Eighth Amendment stare decisis, the Court in the juvenile life-without-parole cases relied on both objective and subjective understandings of the nature of juvenile offenders. The Court in Graham emphasized that only eleven states allowed life-without-parole sentences for juveniles in non-homicide cases.173Graham, 560 U.S. at 64. At the time the United States was one of eleven countries in the world that authorized juvenile life-without-parole sentences and one of two that used them. Id. at 80–81. Currently, the U.S. is the only country in the world that allows such sentences. See Rovner, supra note 76. Both cases also expanded on the conversation from Roper concerning the reduced culpability of juveniles.174Graham, 560 U.S. at 68; Miller, 567 U.S. at 471–74. Juvenile life-without-parole sentences not only make retribution and deterrence less justifiable, but also implicate incapacitation and rehabilitation, with the age of juveniles making change more possible than with older offenders.175Graham, 560 U.S. at 71–74; Miller, 567 U.S. at 471–74.

The important point here relates to the idea that part of the evolving standards expansion includes punishments other than the death penalty. It is certainly possible that, as society evolves, other kinds of punishment, including life without parole and solitary confinement, might also violate the Eighth Amendment.176See Berry, supra note 165, at 1081–86.

B.  Distinguishable Deviations

The Court’s application of the Eighth Amendment has arguably moved in a more punitive way in a few situations, but careful examination of these cases in context shows that they are distinguishable from the concept of Eighth Amendment stare decisis and do not undermine that concept.

1.  Furman and Gregg

The first example where one might argue that the Court moved in a direction favoring harsher punishment occurred when it reinstated the death penalty in Gregg v. Georgia,177Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153, 207 (1976) (joint opinion of Stewart, Powell, & Stevens, JJ.) (upholding Georgia’s death penalty statute). The Court decided four other cases on the day that it decided Gregg. See Proffitt v. Florida, 428 U.S. 242, 259–60 (1976) (joint opinion of Stewart, Powell, & Stevens, JJ.) (upholding Florida’s death penalty statute); Jurek v. Texas, 428 U.S. 262, 276 (1976) (joint opinion of Stewart, Powell, & Stevens, JJ.) (upholding Texas’s death penalty statute); Woodson v. North Carolina, 428 U.S. 280, 301 (1976) (joint opinion of Stewart, Powell, & Stevens, JJ.) (striking down North Carolina’s death penalty statute); Roberts v. Louisiana, 428 U.S. 325, 336 (1976) (joint opinion of Stewart, Powell, & Stevens, JJ.) (striking down Louisiana’s death penalty statute). four years after it had declared it unconstitutional in Furman.178Furman v. Georgia, 408 U.S. 238, 239–40 (1972).

The Court in Furman, however, with its per curiam opinion and five concurrences, did not rule out the future use of the death penalty.179Id. Rather, the Court’s as-applied decision meant that the states had to remedy the flaw in the death penalty—the random and arbitrary use of it—before using it again.180Id.

Importantly, a majority of the Court did not find a consensus against the death penalty,181See supra note 104 and accompanying text. and the response of the states—an overwhelming number immediately passing new statutes—supports the idea that, at least at that time, the evolving standard did not bar death sentences.182See supra note 104 and accompanying text; Lain, supra note 83 at 46-48.

Even so, a modern examination of the Court’s decision in Gregg suggests that it is incorrect. This is because the safeguards it believed remedied the problems identified in Furman actually were insufficient to do so.183See Glossip v. Gross, 576 U.S. 863, 908–09 (2015) (Breyer, J., dissenting); Callins v. Collins 510 U.S. 1141, 1144 (1994) (Blackmun, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari); William W. Berry III, Repudiating Death, 101 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 441, 442–44 (2011) (explaining how Justices Blackmun, Powell, and Stevens all eventually favored death penalty abolition). The number and diversity of aggravating factors that most states used in their statutes did little to narrow the class of murderers; with felony murder, almost all homicides could still be death-eligible if the prosecutor was so inclined.184Berry, Promulgating Proportionality, supra note 78, at 104; Jeffrey L. Kirchmeier, Aggravating and Mitigating Factors: The Paradox of Today’s Arbitrary and Mandatory Capital Punishment Scheme, 6 Wm. & Mary Bill Rgts. J. 345, 363 (1998). This is particularly true with respect to the “especially heinous” aggravating factor. See Godfrey v. Georgia, 446 U.S. 420, 433 (1980); Zant v. Stephens, 462 U.S. 862, 874 (1983); Lowenfeld v. Phelps, 484 U.S. 231, 241–46 (1988); Walton v. Arizona, 497 U.S. 639, 652–57 (1990), overruled by Ring v. Arizona, 536 U.S. 584 (2002); Richard A. Rosen, The “Especially Heinous” Aggravating Circumstance in Capital Cases—The Standardless Standard, 64 N.C. L. Rev. 941, 988–89 (1986). Equally as important, the comparative proportionality review never occurred as promised, but instead as a diminished form of review that never included cases with life sentences.185Walker v. Georgia, 555 U.S. 979, 982–84 (2008) (Stevens J., dissenting from denial of certiorari); Berry, Practicing Proportionality, supra note 78, at 699–701. As a result, the arbitrariness and randomness in jury outcomes persists and is perhaps even worse that it was in 1972.186Glossip, 576 U.S. at 908–09 (Breyer, J., dissenting).

2.  Enmund and Tison

Another set of cases that might appear to demonstrate a move from less harsh to more harsh punishment are the Court’s decisions in Enmund v. Florida187Enmund v. Florida, 458 U.S. 782 (1982). and Tison v. Arizona.188Tison v. Arizona, 481 U.S. 137, 152–58 (1987). These cases, nonetheless, are similarly distinguishable.

In Enmund, the Court considered whether a death sentence for a felony murder involving a person who did not kill, attempt to kill, or intend to kill violated the Eighth Amendment.189Enmund, 458 U.S. at 783–85. Enmund involved Sampson and Jeanette Armstrong robbing an elderly couple, Thomas and Eunice Kersey, one morning at the Kersey residence. While Sampson Armstrong was holding Thomas Kersey at gunpoint, Eunice Kersey emerged from the house and shot Jeanette Armstrong. Sampson Armstrong, and possibly Jeanette Armstrong, subsequently shot and killed both Thomas and Eunice Kersey. Earl Enmund played a role as a getaway driver. Id. As the Florida Supreme Court explained, “[T]he only evidence of the degree of his participation is the jury’s likely inference that he was the person in the car by the side of the road near the scene of the crimes.” Id. at 786. Of the thirty-six jurisdictions that permitted the death penalty at the time, the Court noted that only eight jurisdictions authorized the death penalty for accomplices in felony murder robbery cases like Enmund without proof of additional aggravating circumstances.190Id. at 789. In addition, another nine states allowed death sentences for felony murder accomplices where other aggravating factors were present.191Id. at 791. The Court found that the legislative practice weighed “on the side of rejecting capital punishment for the crime at issue.”192Id. at 793 (footnote omitted). The Court also considered jury sentences, although those are a difficult proposition given the variety in felony murder cases and state felony murder laws. Id. at 794–96.

In the second part of the evolving standards test, the Enmund Court brought its own judgment to bear, finding that the death sentence was inappropriate for Enmund.193Id. at 797. Specifically, the Court held that his criminal culpability did not rise to the level required by just deserts retribution to warrant a death sentence.194Id. at 800–01. The Court similarly dismissed deterrence as a supporting rationale for a death sentence in Enmund’s case.195Id. at 797–801. To be fair, retribution appears to be the only purpose that could justify the death penalty, and it might not even accomplish that. See infra Section III.A.

Finally, it is notable that Enmund appeared to focus only on the relevant facts of Enmund’s case.196Enmund, 458 U.S. at 801. The Court did not explicitly create a categorical rule with respect to death sentences for felony murder convictions.197See id. Notice that the Enmund rule excluded cases where there was both no act and no mens rea related to the homicide in question. It did not extend to situations where one element was present but not the other.

Tison involved the prosecution of two of Gary Tison’s sons after their father and an associate brutally murdered a family after stealing their car.198Tison v. Arizona, 481 U.S. 137, 139–41 (1987). For a chilling account of Gary Tison’s escape from prison and subsequent crime spree, see generally James W. Clarke, Last Rampage: The Escape of Gary Tison (1988). The sons participated both in helping Tison break out of prison and in the carjacking.199Tison, 481 U.S. at 139–40. They were not directly present, however, at the moment when their father killed the family200Id. at 139–41. The facts are harrowing. Gary Tison, Randy Greenawalt, and the two Tison sons were plotting how to escape from the authorities. They needed a new car to drive to avoid detection by the police. They feigned car trouble on the side of the road. A couple, along with their baby and niece, decided to stop and help. The escapees pulled a gun on the family and forced them into the Tison car, which they drove away from the road. Gary Tison then shot the tires so the family would not be able to drive away. The man in the family asked for water, as they were being left in the desert. Gary Tison sent his two teenaged sons back to the other car to get water. He then brutally shot the parents and the children. A manhunt ensued, and the police captured the sons and Greenawalt. Gary Tison died of exposure in the desert hiding from the police. Id. and were unaware that he intended to do so.201Id. Tison’s death may have increased the public desire (or at least that of the prosecutor) to seek death sentences for his sons. See Clarke, supra note 198, at 263–66.

In assessing the jury’s imposition of death sentences on the sons, the Tison Court considered whether their punishments violated the Eighth Amendment.202Tison, 481 U.S. at 152–58. The Tison Court adopted a new rule—that a capital felony murder is constitutional when the individuals in question are (1) major participants in the felony and (2) exhibit a reckless indifference to human life.203See id. 151–58.

Using the evolving standards of decency doctrine, the Court applied the same counting of state statutes as in Enmund but combined the jurisdictions that allowed felony murder for any accomplice with those that only allowed felony murder with additional aggravating circumstances.204Id. at 152–55. The Court reasoned that, unlike Enmund, the Tison sons played an active role in the crime (particularly the prison escape), and as a result both categories of jurisdictions should count, leading to a finding that only eleven jurisdictions did not allow death sentences in felony murder cases like Tison.205Id. at 151–55. The Court focused on the recklessness demonstrated by the sons in busting Tison out of prison, particularly considering their knowledge of his dangerous character and criminal past.

The Court’s subjective judgment likewise found that the death sentences imposed on the Tison sons were not disproportionate.206Id. at 155–58. Specifically, the Court cited that the Tison sons’ “reckless indifference to human life” provided the intent to justify a death sentence, even though the sons did not participate in the killing itself.207Id. at 157–58. The distinction, then, between the outcomes in Enmund and Tison was the intent of the felony murder accomplices.208Id. For an argument that a recklessness mens rea should be a prerequisite for imposing capital punishment for felony murder, see Guyora Binder, Brenner Fissell & Robert Weisberg, Capital Punishment of Unintentional Felony Murder, 92 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1141, 1142 (2017). For an argument pertaining to the act requirement, see Guyora Binder, Brenner Fissell & Robert Weisberg, Unusual: The Death Penalty for Inadvertent Killing, 93 Ind. L.J. 549, 553 (2018). See also William W. Berry III, Capital Felony Merger, 111 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 605, 612 (2021) (making a novel argument for implementing a new form of the merger doctrine in capital felony murder cases). Unlike in Enmund, the Tison Court made clear that the majority view did not provide a consensus view in favor of eliminating the application of the punishment at issue.209Tison, 481 U.S. at 157–58.

So, the Court’s decisions here were not a move toward narrowing the Eighth Amendment. Rather, the Court in Tison simply qualified the scope of Enmund, which did not even impose a categorical rule in the first place. Tison did not overrule Enmund but instead reframed the inquiry. Note that the shift with respect to the act requirement moves the inquiry to the relationship of the act of the defendant to the felony, not the homicide.210While problematic, this is consistent with how states use felony murder. See sources cited supra note 208. In addition, the Tison rule keeps the mens rea connected to the homicide and captures all reckless actors.211On its face, Tison may simply be a case in which hard facts make bad law. See supra note 34 and accompanying text. Given the brutality of the murder and the inability to hold Gary Tison responsible, the death sentences the jury imposed are unsurprising.

Even so, one response would have been to create an exception to the Enmund rule instead of rewriting it. See William W. Berry III, Rethinking Capital Felony Murder, Jotwell (Feb. 12, 2018) (reviewing Binder et al., supra note 208), https://crim.jotwell.com/rethinking-capital-felony-murder [https://perma.cc/Y9DQ-6SFW].

The rule could be that the death penalty is unavailable in cases in which there is no act, attempt, or mens rea, unless the defendants otherwise bear some culpability. To the extent that the Tison sons should face the death penalty, it is because they bear serious culpability in helping their father escape prison and providing him with weapons, particularly in light of his violent criminal past.

Indeed, the better reading of these cases is to treat Enmund as the rule and Tison as an exception. Courts have done the opposite, treating Tison as a modification of Enmund. The effect has been that the Eighth Amendment does not provide any meaningful limitation in capital felony murder cases.

3.  Thompson and Stanford

One might perceive that the decisions in Thompson and Stanford, discussed above, constitute a move away from the evolving standards, but like Enmund and Tison, the decisions reached parallel, but not overlapping, conclusions. Thompson barred the execution of fifteen-year-olds and younger; Stanford allowed the execution of sixteen and seventeen-year-olds.212Thompson v. Oklahoma, 487 U.S. 815, 838 (1988); Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U.S. 361, 380 (1989), abrogated by Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551 (2005). In much of the same way that Tison clarified the scope of Enmund, Stanford clarified the scope of Thompson.213Stanford, 492 U.S. at 370–73.

4.  Solem and Harmelin

The final example of the Court arguably narrowing the Eighth Amendment occurs in the cases of Solem v. Helm214Solem v. Helm, 463 U.S. 277 (1983). and Harmelin v. Michigan.215Harmelin v. Michigan, 501 U.S. 957 (1991). Both of these cases concern the Eighth Amendment doctrine that the Court applies in non-capital, non-juvenile cases—the gross disproportionality doctrine.216In the Court’s usage, gross disproportionality thus means that the sentence imposed is grossly excessive in light of the criminal actions of the defendant and the applicable purposes of punishments, including utilitarian purposes. Claims for relief under this doctrine almost always fail. See Lockyer v. Andrade, 538 U.S. 63, 66–68, 77 (2003) (upholding on habeas review two consecutive sentences of twenty-five years to life for stealing approximately $150 worth of videotapes, where the defendant had three prior felony convictions); Ewing v. California, 538 U.S. 11, 18–20, 30–31 (2003) (plurality opinion) (upholding sentence of twenty-five years to life for stealing approximately $1,200 worth of golf clubs, where the defendant had four prior felony convictions); Harmelin, 501 U.S. at 961, 996 (upholding a mandatory life-without-parole sentence for possessing 672 grams of cocaine); Hutto v. Davis, 454 U.S. 370, 370–71, 374–75 (1982) (per curiam) (upholding two consecutive sentences of twenty years for possession with intent to distribute and distribution of nine ounces of marijuana); Rummel v. Estelle, 445 U.S. 263, 266, 285 (1980) (upholding life-with-parole sentence for felony theft of $120.75 by false pretenses, where defendant had two prior felony convictions). But see Solem, 463 U.S. at 279–82, 303 (finding unconstitutional, by a 5–4 vote, a life-without-parole sentence for presenting a no-account check for $100, where the defendant had six prior felony convictions). The results are not any more promising at the state level under the Eighth Amendment or its state constitutional analogues. See William W. Berry III, Cruel and Unusual Non-Capital Punishments, 58 Am. Crim. L. Rev. 1627, 1642–52 (2021) (summarizing state cases in which non-capital, non-juvenile life-without-parole defendants have prevailed under state constitutional Eighth Amendment analogues). These decisions parallel the opinions in Enmund and Tison, with the Court granting relief under the Eighth Amendment in the first case but using the second case to make sure that the outcome in the first case only had a narrow application.

In Solem v. Helm, the Court found that the life-without-parole sentence imposed for a bad check in the amount of $100 was grossly disproportionate in violation of the Eighth Amendment.217Solem, 463 U.S. at 279–82, 303. Specifically, the Court explained that the Eighth Amendment required consideration of (1) the gravity of the offense and the harshness of the penalty; (2) the sentences imposed on other criminals in the same jurisdiction; and (3) the sentences imposed for commission of the same crime in other jurisdictions.218Id. at 292. Applying these concepts, the Court held that Helm’s sentence violated the Eighth Amendment because it was a far less severe crime than others for which the life-without-parole punishment—the most serious other than death—had been applied.219Id. at 296–300. A life-without-parole sentence means that the offender is to die in prison with no possibility of release. See Marc Mauer, Ryan S. King & Malcolm C. Young, The Meaning of “Life”: Long Prison Sentences in Context 4 (2004), http://www.sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/inc-meaningoflife.pdf [http://perma.cc/7633-4SZB]; Dirk van Zyl Smit, Taking Life Imprisonment Seriously in National and International Law 1 (2002). Life-without-parole sentences are sometimes called “flat life,” “natural life,” or “whole life” sentences. “Death-in-prison” or “a civil death” is perhaps a more accurate way of characterizing life-without-parole sentences. See Michael M. O’Hear, The Beginning of the End for Life Without Parole?, 23 Fed. Sent’g Rep. 1, 5 (2010). Even with the recidivist premium, the Court found that the punishment of life without parole for passing a bad check was grossly disproportionate.220Solem, 463 U.S. at 296–303.

Less than a decade later, however, the Court clarified its test from Solem. In Harmelin, the Court upheld a mandatory life-without-parole sentence for a first-time offense of possession of 672 grams of cocaine.221Harmelin, 501 U.S. at 961, 996. In a 5-4 decision, the Justices in the majority splintered on the reasoning for the decision.222Id. at 960–61. In a clear attempt to narrow Solem, Justice Scalia, joined by then-Chief Justice Rehnquist, held that the Eighth Amendment did not contain a proportionality guarantee, and therefore Harmelin’s sentence could not be unconstitutionally disproportionate.223Id. at 962–94 (opinion of Scalia, J.). The controlling plurality, however, found that the Eighth Amendment had a proportionality guarantee,224Id. at 996–98 (Kennedy, J., concurring in part and concurring in the judgment). but that Harmelin’s sentence was nonetheless proportionate in light of the deference accorded to states in non-capital sentencing.225Id. at 999, 1003, 1008–09. For an argument of why the Court should not accord states such deference, see Berry supra note 85, at 318. Justice Kennedy determined that the Solem three-part analysis remained useful,226Harmelin, 501 U.S. at 1004–05. but a reviewing court should consider the second and third factors—that is, the intra- and inter-jurisdictional analyses—only if “a threshold comparison of the crime committed and the sentence imposed leads to an inference of gross disproportionality.”227Id. at 1005. The plurality described the tools for the Solem analysis as including the following ideas:

First, the fixing of prison terms for specific crimes involves a substantial penological judgment that, as a general matter, is properly within the province of the legislature, and reviewing courts should grant substantial deference to legislative determinations. Second, there are a variety of legitimate penological schemes based on theories of retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, and rehabilitation, and the Eighth Amendment does not mandate adoption of any one such scheme. Third, marked divergences both in sentencing theories and the length of prescribed prison terms are the inevitable, often beneficial, result of the federal structure, and differing attitudes and perceptions of local conditions may yield different, yet rational, conclusions regarding the appropriate length of terms for particular crimes. Fourth, proportionality review by federal courts should be informed by objective factors to the maximum extent possible, and the relative lack of objective standards concerning length, as opposed to type, of sentence has resulted in few successful proportionality challenges outside the capital punishment context. Finally, the Eighth Amendment does not require strict proportionality between crime and sentence, but rather forbids only extreme sentences that are grossly disproportionate to the crime.

Id. at 959. For an argument that the Court decided Harmelin incorrectly, see Berry, supra note 85, at 329–32.

Harmelin, then, did not overrule Solem. It simply qualified the gross disproportionality test, specifying that failing to pass the first part, which most cases do not, ends the inquiry.228Harmelin, 501 U.S. at 1004–05.

C.  Future Applications

A cursory examination of recent trends in state punishment practices suggests that the evolving standards have already evolved to reach other kinds of punishments.229Given the Court’s recent decision in Jones v. Mississippi, 593 U.S. 98 (2021), in which it declined to expand the Eighth Amendment, one might expect the Court not to find that the evolving standards have moved. But under the concept of Eighth Amendment stare decisis, the Court has an obligation to expand the doctrine when new cases demonstrate that the standards of decency have evolved in light of national consensus and the purposes of punishment. The most obvious category of punishments is the categorical areas barred in capital cases, but not juvenile life-without-parole cases.230For an exploration of these categories, see William W. Berry III, Unconstitutional Punishment Categories, 84 Ohio St. L.J. 1, 14–24 (2023).

The Court has identified six categories of capital punishment that the Eighth Amendment proscribes: (1) mandatory death sentences;231Woodson v. North Carolina, 428 U.S. 280, 305 (1976) (striking down North Carolina’s mandatory capital statute); Roberts v. Louisiana, 428 U.S. 325, 336 (1976) (striking down Louisiana’s mandatory capital statute); see also Lockett v. Ohio, 438 U.S. 586, 605 (1978) (finding that the proscription against mandatory sentences also required individual sentencing discretion in capital cases); William W. Berry III, Individualized Sentencing, 76 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 13, 22 (2019) (arguing for a broader application of the Woodson-Lockett principle). (2) executions of juveniles;232Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551, 578 (2005) (barring executions of juvenile defendants). Roper reversed Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U.S. 361, 370–73 (1989), which had allowed the execution of a seventeen-year-old, and expanded Thompson v. Oklahoma, 487 U.S. 815, 838 (1988), which barred executions of defendants fifteen years old and younger. Roper, 543 U.S. at 574–75. (3) executions of intellectually disabled defendants;233Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 321 (2002) (finding death sentences for intellectually disabled offenders unconstitutional); Roper, 543 U.S. at 578 (finding death sentences for juvenile offenders unconstitutional); Hall v. Florida, 572 U.S. 701, 704 (2014) (requiring that the intellectual disability determination be more than just IQ); Moore v. Texas, 581 U.S. 1, 5–6 (2017) (requiring that the intellectual disability determination apply modern definitional approaches); see also Ford v. Wainwright, 477 U.S. 399, 401 (1986) (finding death sentences for insane individuals unconstitutional). (4) executions for certain felony murder crimes;234Enmund v. Florida, 458 U.S. 782, 797 (1982) (finding death sentences for some felony murders unconstitutional); Tison v. Arizona, 481 U.S. 137, 157–58 (1987) (clarifying the holding from Enmund). (5) executions for the crime of adult rape;235Coker v. Georgia, 433 U.S. 584, 592 (1977) (finding death sentences for rape unconstitutional). and (6) executions for the crime of child rape.236Kennedy v. Louisiana, 554 U.S. 407, 413 (2008) (finding the death sentences for child rape unconstitutional). The Court has extended some of the categorical punishment bars to juvenile life without parole, covering three of the unconstitutional capital punishment categories—mandatory juvenile life-without-parole sentences,237Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. 460, 465 (2012) (barring mandatory juvenile life-without-parole sentences); Montgomery v. Louisiana, 577 U.S. 190, 206–13 (2016) (applying the Court’s decision in Miller retroactively). juvenile life-without-parole sentences for adult rape,238Graham v. Florida, 560 U.S. 48, 82 (2010) (barring juvenile life-without-parole as a punishment for non-homicide crimes). See generally Cara H. Drinan, Graham on the Ground, 87 Wash. L. Rev. 51 (2012) (exploring the practical consequences of the Graham decision). and juvenile life-without-parole sentences for child rape.239Graham, 560 U.S. at 82 (barring juvenile life-without-parole as a punishment for non-homicide crimes).

The other categories the Court should extend the death penalty evolving standards doctrine to are (1) categorical limits on juvenile life-without parole sentences in felony murder cases like in Enmund and Tison; (2) categorical limits on juvenile life-without-parole sentences for intellectually disabled defendants like in Atkins; and (3) a categorical limit on juvenile life-without-parole altogether, mirroring the Court’s decision in Roper imposing a categorical ban on the death penalty for juveniles.

Beyond these categorical exceptions, three broad categories of punishment seem like future candidates for constitutional bars under Eighth Amendment stare decisis: the death penalty, juvenile life-without-parole sentences, and emerging adult life-without-parole sentences.240The Court has not applied the evolving standards of decency to its method of execution cases. See, e.g., Glossip v. Gross, 576 U.S. 863, 977 (2015) (Sotomayor, J., dissenting). For an argument that the Court should apply this test to such cases, see William W. Berry III & Meghan J. Ryan, Cruel Techniques, Unusual Secrets, 78 Ohio St. L.J. 403, 405–08 (2017).

1.  Death Penalty

The recent move toward death penalty abolition among the states suggests that it may soon reach the evolving standards threshold of national consensus against it, if it has not already.241This move has been coming in recent years. See William W. Berry III, Evolved Standards, Evolving Justices? The Case for a Broader Application of the Eighth Amendment, 96 Wash. U. L. Rev. 105, 144–50 (2018). At the time of Gregg, thirty-nine states had capital statutes.242State by State, Death Penalty Info. Ctr., https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/states-landing [https://perma.cc/U7M4-PUU8]; Facts About the Death Penalty, supra note 74. Currently, twenty-seven states allow capital punishment, but six have gubernatorial holds on executions.243See sources cited supra note 242. Of those twenty-seven states, fifteen have not had an execution in the past five years and thirteen have not had an execution in the past decade.244See sources cited supra note 74. Indeed, only Alabama, Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, Missouri, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Utah, Tennessee, and Texas—eleven states—have executed anyone in the past five years.245Executions by State and Year, Death Penalty Info. Ctr. (Oct. 17, 2024) https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/executions/executions-overview/executions-by-state-and-year [https://perma.cc/RWZ6-XLQY]. Of those, Alabama, Missouri, Oklahoma, and Texas are the only states using it on a regular basis. Id.

And those states are not conducting many executions.246See sources cited supra note 242. For the past five years, fewer than twenty-five executions have occurred each year, with a total of ninety-two in the period from 2019–2023.247See Death Penalty Info. Ctr., supra note 245. The direction of change is also clear. Since 2007, ten states have abolished the death penalty.248These states include New Jersey (2007), New Mexico (2009), Illinois (2011), Connecticut (2012), Maryland (2013), Delaware (2016), Washington (2018), New Hampshire (2019), Colorado (2020), and Virginia (2021). See sources cited supra note 242. Finally, the number of new death sentences has dropped drastically2492023 Death Sentences by Name, Race, and County, Death Penalty Info. Ctr., https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/facts-and-research/sentencing-data/death-sentences-by-year/2023-death-sentences-by-name-race-and-county [https://perma.cc/L7SM-A2VW] (showing twenty-one new death sentences in 2023 and decreasing trend lines of new death sentences over the past two decades). with the adoption of life without parole in almost every jurisdiction.250See, e.g., Death Sentencing Graphs by State, Death Penalty Info. Ctr., https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/facts-and-research/sentencing-data/state-death-sentences-by-year [https://perma.cc/EY25-MK57]; Note, A Matter of Life and Death: The Effect of Life-Without-Parole Statutes on Capital Punishment, 119 Harv. L. Rev. 1838, 1838 (2006).

With respect to the objective indicia of national consensus, then, the evidence is close if not already there. While there are twenty-seven capital statutes in place, only twenty-one states allow executions currently, and only twelve states have recently executed an offender.251States with No Recent Executions, Death Penalty Info. Ctr. (Dec. 18 2024), https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/executions/executions-overview/states-with-no-recent-executions [https://perma.cc/L5ME-NK5T]. The pattern of abolition, including five states in the past decade,252See statistics cited supra note 248. and the decline in death sentences also supports this conclusion.253See source cited supra note 249. International consensus supports a similar conclusion, with the European Union and most Western nations having abolished the death penalty long ago.254See Hood & Hoyle, supra note 75, passim.

With respect to the subjective indicia, it would not be a stretch for the Court to conclude that the death penalty does not serve any of the purposes of punishment.255See, e.g., Furman v. Georgia, 408 U.S. 238, 358–61 (1972) (Marshall, J., concurring). Several of the Justices have concluded that abolition is the best solution. See Glossip v. Gross, 576 U.S. 863, 908 (Breyer, J., dissenting); Berry, supra note 183, at 442–44 (explaining how Justices Blackmun, Powell, and Stevens all eventually concluded that states should abolish the death penalty). It is certainly possible to conclude that the death penalty is an excessive punishment for the purpose of retribution.256Dan Markel, State, Be Not Proud: A Retributivist Defense of the Commutation of Death Row and the Abolition of the Death Penalty, 40 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L. Rev. 407, 458 (2005). And there is strong evidence that the death penalty does not deter.257John J. Donohue & Justin Wolfers, The Death Penalty: No Evidence for Deterrence, Economists’ View, Apr. 2006, at 5, https://dpic-cdn.org/production/legacy/DonohueDeter.pdf [https://perma.cc/2B8H-LU34]; Carol S. Steiker, No, Capital Punishment Is Not Morally Required: Deterrence, Deontology, and the Death Penalty, 58 Stan. L. Rev. 751, 754–56 (2005). The purpose of incapacitation also does not justify the death penalty. See William W. Berry III, Ending Death by Dangerousness: A Path to the De Facto Abolition of the Death Penalty, 52 Ariz. L. Rev. 889, 894 (2010). And rehabilitation seems beside the point. But see Meghan J. Ryan, Death and Rehabilitation, 46 U.C. Davis L. Rev. 1231, 1234–36 (2013).

2.  Juvenile Life Without Parole

If there is evidence that the death penalty has contravened the evolving standards of decency under the Eighth Amendment, there is perhaps even more evidence that juvenile life-without-parole sentences also cross the constitutional line.258See Berry, supra note 241, at 143–44. After the Court’s 2012 decision in Miller v. Alabama, states have moved consistently in the direction of abolishing juvenile life without parole.259Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. 460, 465 (2012); Rovner supra note 76.

As of 2023, thirty-three states and the District of Columbia have no one serving juvenile life-without-parole sentences, with twenty-eight of those states banning juvenile life without parole.260States that Ban Life Without Parole for Children, The Campaign for the Fair Sent’g of Youth, https://cfsy.org/media-resources/states-that-ban-juvenile-life-without-parole [https://perma.cc/E4TN-KKQR]. The states that have banned juvenile life without parole are the following: Alaska, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, and Wyoming. Id. Maine, Missouri, Montana, New York, and Rhode Island allow juvenile life without parole, but have no one serving that sentence. Id. In addition, the number of juvenile life-without-parole sentences has drastically declined over the past decade in light of the Court’s decisions in Graham,261Graham v. Florida, 560 U.S. 48, 82 (2010) (barring juvenile life without parole for non-homicide crimes). Miller,262Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. 460, 465 (2012) (barring mandatory juvenile life-without-parole sentences). and Montgomery v. Louisiana.263Montgomery v. Louisiana, 577 U.S. 190, 206–13 (2016) (applying the Court’s decision in Miller retroactively). A survey of the Sentencing Project found 1,465 people serving juvenile life-without-parole sentences in January 2020, a 38% decline from 2016 and a 44% decline from 2012.264Rovner, supra note 76. With respect to international consensus, the United States remains the only country in the world that permits juvenile life-without-parole sentences.265Id.

In addition to the evidence of national consensus against juvenile life without parole, it is clear that the purposes of punishment do not support these sentences. The diminished culpability of juveniles, as discussed in Roper, Graham, Miller, and Montgomery, makes it unlikely that a juvenile would deserve a life-without-parole sentence.266Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551, 569–70 (2005); Graham, 560 U.S. at 71–74; Miller, 567 U.S. at 479–80; Montgomery, 577 U.S. at 206–09. The Court has explained this point at length in the context of the juvenile death penalty, juvenile life-without-parole sentences for non-homicide crimes, and mandatory juvenile life-without-parole sentences.267Miller, 567 U.S. at 471–72 (“Because ‘[t]he heart of the retribution rationale’ relates to an offender’s blameworthiness, ‘the case for retribution is not as strong with a minor as with an adult.’ ” (quoting Graham, 560 U.S. at 71)); Graham, 560 U.S. at 68 (“[J]uvenile offenders cannot with reliability be classified among the worst offenders.” (quoting Roper, 543 U.S. at 569)); Roper, 543 U.S. at 569–70 (explaining that as compared to adults, juveniles have “[a] lack of maturity and an underdeveloped sense of responsibility”; they “are more vulnerable or susceptible to negative influences and outside pressures, including peer pressure”; and their characters are “not as well formed”); Thompson v. Oklahoma, 487 U.S. 815, 835 (1988) (plurality opinion) (“The reasons why juveniles are not trusted with the privileges and responsibilities of an adult also explain why their irresponsible conduct is not as morally reprehensible as that of an adult.”).

It likewise seems impossible to determine that a juvenile’s “crime reflects irreparable corruption” at the time of sentencing, meaning that the utilitarian purposes of deterrence, incapacitation, or rehabilitation would not support such a sentence.268Roper, 543 U.S. at 573; Graham, 560 U.S. at 68; Miller, 567 U.S. at 479–80; Montgomery, 577 U.S. at 195, 208–09. In particular, the Court has emphasized the pronounced potential that juveniles have for rehabilitation.269Miller, 567 U.S. at 471 (“[A] child’s character is not as ‘well formed’ as an adult’s; his traits are ‘less fixed’ and his actions less likely to be ‘evidence of irretrievabl[e] deprav[ity].’ ” (quoting Roper, 543 U.S. at 570)); Graham, 560 U.S. at 68 (“Juveniles are more capable of change than are adults, and their actions are less likely to be evidence of ‘irretrievably depraved character’ than are the actions of adults.” (quoting Roper, 543 U.S. at 570)); Roper, 543 U.S. at 570 (“From a moral standpoint it would be misguided to equate the failings of a minor with those of an adult, for a greater possibility exists that a minor’s character deficiencies will be reformed.”).

3.  Emerging Adult Life Without Parole

A similar, but broader category of young offenders has also garnered judicial interest in the context of state constitutions. The Court in its juvenile life-without-parole cases recognized the diminished capacity and culpability of under-eighteen offenders.270See Rovner, supra note 76. But the science supporting this understanding does not draw a bright line at age eighteen.271See, e.g., Elizabeth Cauffman & Laurence Steinberg, Emerging Findings from Research on Adolescent Development and Juvenile Justice, 7 Victims & Offenders 428, 432–34 (2012); Nico U. F. Dosenbach, Binyam Nardos, Alexander L. Cohen, Damien A. Fair, Jonathan D. Power, Jessica A. Church, Steven M. Nelson, Gagan S. Wig, Alecia C. Vogel, Christina N. Lessov-Schlaggar, Kelly Anne Barnes, Joseph W. Dubis, Eric Feczko, Rebecca S. Coalson, John R. Pruett Jr., Deanna M. Barch, Steven E. Petersen & Bradley L. Schlaggar, Prediction of Individual Brain Maturity Using fMRI, 329 Sci. 1358, 1359–60 (2010); Catherine Lebel & Christian Beaulieu, Longitudinal Development of Human Brain Wiring Continues from Childhood into Adulthood, 31 J. Neuroscience 10937, 10943–46 (2011); Adolf Pfefferbaum, Torsten Rohlfing, Margaret J. Rosenbloom, Weiwei Chu, Ian M. Colrain & Edith V. Sullivan, Variation in Longitudinal Trajectories of Regional Brain Volumes of Healthy Men and Women (Ages 10 to 85 Years) Measured with Atlas-Based Parcellation of MRI, 65 NeuroImage 176, 186–91 (2013); Laurence Steinberg & Elizabeth S. Scott, Less Guilty by Reason of Adolescence: Developmental Immaturity, Diminished Responsibility, and the Juvenile Death Penalty, 58 Am. Psych. 1009, 1014–17 (2003). For an exploration of the complications of constitutional line drawing in this context, see generally William W. Berry III, Eighth Amendment Presumptive Penumbras (and Juvenile Offenders), 106 Iowa L. Rev. 1 (2020). If anything, it suggests that brain development is not complete until one reaches their late twenties.272See, e.g., Dosenbach et al., supra note 271, at 1358–59; Lebel & Beaulieu, supra note 271, at 10943–46; Pfefferbaum et al., supra note 271, at 186–91.

As a result, courts have begun to consider emerging adults—offenders aged eighteen to twenty—as similar to juveniles and worthy of the same constitutional protections.273These include restricting mandatory life-without-parole sentences, per Miller, and life-without-parole sentences in non-homicide cases, per Graham. But courts have not yet extended this concept to capital cases, perhaps because many of the jurisdictions considering these limitations have already abolished the death penalty. See infra notes 274–76. A recent case, Commonwealth v. Mattis, demonstrates this trend.274Commonwealth v. Mattis, 224 N.E.3d 410 (Mass. 2024). Massachusetts is not alone in recognizing that emerging adult offenders require different treatment from older adult offenders. For example, the District of Columbia provides a chance at sentence reduction for people who were under twenty-five years old when they committed a crime. D.C. Code § 24-403.03 (2024). In 2019, Illinois enacted a law allowing parole review at ten or twenty years into a sentence for most crimes, exclusive of sentences to life without parole, if the individual was under twenty-one years old at the time of the offense. 730 Ill. Comp. Stat. 5/5-4.5-115 (2024). Effective January 1, 2024, Illinois also ended life without parole for most individuals under twenty-one years old, allowing review after they serve forty years. Ill. Pub. L. No. 102-1128, § 5 (2022). California has extended youth offender parole eligibility to individuals who committed offenses before twenty-five years of age. Cal. Penal Code § 3051 (West 2024). Similarly, in 2021, Colorado expanded specialized program eligibility, usually reserved for juveniles, to adults who were under twenty-one when they committed a felony. H.B. No. 21-1209, Gen. Assemb., Reg. Sess. (Colo. 2021) (enacted). In Wyoming, “youthful offender” programs now offer reduced and alternative sentencing for those under thirty years old. Wyo. Stat. Ann. §§ 7-13-1002, -1003 (2024). In Mattis, the Massachusetts Supreme Court struck down all life-without-parole sentences for emerging adults, individuals aged eighteen to twenty, under the state constitution.275Other state courts have found similar constitutional restrictions. See In re Pers. Restraint of Monschke, 482 P.3d 276, 288 (Wash. 2021) (prohibiting the imposition of mandatory life-without-parole sentences on emerging adults from age eighteen to twenty under the Washington constitution); People v. Parks, 987 N.W.2d 161, 183 (Mich. 2022) (finding mandatory death sentences for eighteen year olds unconstitutional under the Michigan constitution).

In applying the language of its state constitution,276The Massachusetts Constitution provides that “[n]o magistrate or court of law, shall . . . inflict cruel or unusual punishments.” Mass. Const. pt. 1, art. XXVI. Interestingly, the court used the federal evolving standards of decency instead of a separate state standard, despite the disjunctive language of the state constitution. See William W. Berry III, Cruel State Punishments, 98 N.C. L. Rev. 1201, 1227–32 (2020) (exploring the language of the state punishment clauses and the possible consequences of different linguistic approaches). the Mattis court relied heavily on the Court’s Eighth Amendment juvenile cases—Roper, Graham, and Miller—in recognizing the “mitigating qualities of youth.”277Mattis, 224 N.E.3d at 418–20 (quoting Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. 460, 476 (2012)). In assessing the contemporary standards of decency, the court looked to science, trends in the state, and trends in other jurisdictions.278Id. After explaining why the science overwhelmingly supports treating twenty-year-old offenders like seventeen-year-old offenders,279Specifically, the district court made four key factual findings as to emerging adults that warranted treating them like juveniles: (1) diminished impulse control, (2) likelihood of engaging in risk taking in pursuit of a reward, (3) heightened peer influence, and (4) increased capacity for change. Id. at 421–24. The court agreed with these findings. Id. the court looked to examples of how Massachusetts treated emerging adults more like juveniles than adults.280Id. at 424–25. These included the allowing of custody until age twenty-one by the Department of Youth Services, the imposition of dual sentences for youthful offenders, and the establishment of young adult correctional units in state prisons. It then surveyed other jurisdictions in finding that Massachusetts was only one of ten states that currently requires eighteen- to twenty-year-old offenders convicted of murder to receive life-without-parole sentences.281Id. at 427.

With Michigan and Washington reaching similar conclusions under their state constitutions, it seems possible that the Court could arrive at a similar place.282See cases cited supra note 275. The first step would be a conclusion that emerging adults were like juveniles in that they would also be “different” for purposes of the Eighth Amendment. Then, the question would be whether a consensus existed. As the Mattis court found, most states bar mandatory life-without-parole sentences, suggesting a national consensus with respect to mandatory life-without-parole sentences for emerging adults.283Mattis, 224 N.E.3d at 427. A broader application could exist if other states follow the lead of Massachusetts, Michigan, and Washington in barring the imposition of life-without-parole sentences on emerging adults.284State courts are increasingly finding limits on punishment under their state constitutions. See In re Pers. Restraint of Monschke, 482 P.3d 276, 288 (Wash. 2021) (barring mandatory life without parole sentences for emerging adults—eighteen- to twenty-year-olds—under the state constitution); State v. Bassett, 428 P.3d 343, 355 (Wash. 2018) (barring juvenile life-without-parole sentences under the state constitution); People v. LaValle, 817 N.E.2d 341, 367 (N.Y. 2004) (finding that the state death penalty statute violated the New York constitution); Rauf v. State, 145 A.3d 430, 433–34 (Del. 2016) (finding that the Delaware death penalty statute violated the Delaware constitution); State v. Lyle, 854 N.W.2d 378, 380–81 (Iowa 2014) (finding that all mandatory minimum sentences for juveniles violate the state constitution); State v. Kelliher, 873 S.E.2d 366, 370 (N.C. 2022) (holding that any sentence that requires a juvenile offender to serve forty years violates the state constitution); People v. Parks, 987 N.W.2d 161, 164–65 (Mich. 2022) (barring mandatory life-without-parole sentences for eighteen-year-olds); Mattis, 224 N.E.3d at 415 (barring life-without-parole sentences for eighteen- to twenty-year-olds and under pursuant to the state constitution); see also Berry, supra note 276, at 1206.

The subjective proportionality analysis would be less difficult. The scientific evidence of the similarity between juveniles and emerging adults means that the same arguments from Roper, Graham, and Miller would apply.285See cases cited supra note 266. That means that retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, and rehabilitation might not support the imposition of life-without-parole sentences on emerging adults.286A further step would be to expand the Eighth Amendment to bar all life-without-parole sentences, but the societal consensus seems further away. For an argument for the abolition of life-without-parole sentences, see William W. Berry III, Life-with-Hope Sentencing, 76 Ohio St. L.J. 1051, 1068–81 (2015).

D.  The Limit of Evolving Standards

Having mapped out the concept of Eighth Amendment stare decisis and some potential future applications, the next question is whether the doctrine limits the Court, particularly in considering laws that violate the current doctrine, such as the Florida law highlighted at the beginning of the Article. In particular, the issue is whether Eighth Amendment stare decisis would bar the Court from reversing the limits imposed in Kennedy v. Louisiana287Kennedy v. Louisiana, 554 U.S. 407 (2008). and Graham v. Florida.288Graham, 560 U.S. at 48.

1.  Kennedy

As discussed, the Court in Kennedy barred the imposition of death sentences for the crime of child rape.289Kennedy, 554 U.S. at 413. Applying the evolving standards demonstrates why the Florida law is unconstitutional. First, the evolving standards only evolve in one direction—from more severe to less severe. If the Eighth Amendment currently limits the harshest punishment for child rapes, the only direction this punishment could move is to less severe—to barring life-without-parole for child rape.

In addition, there is a clear national consensus against the death penalty for child rape as, prior to the Florida and Tennessee laws, no state has sentenced anyone to death for child rape since at least before the Court barred it in 2008.290Florida sought the death penalty in a child rape case after the passage of its new statute, but the defendant pled guilty and received a life-without-parole sentence. Death Penalty for Child Sexual Abuse that Does Not Result in Death, Death Penalty Info. Ctr., https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/facts-and-research/crimes-punishable-by-death/death-penalty-for-child-sexual-abuse-that-does-not-result-in-death [https://perma.cc/LBM8-UE6W]. Further, as the Court explained in Kennedy, the death penalty for adult rape was rare even before Coker, much less for child rape.291Kennedy, 554 U.S. at 428–29.

The subjective indicia also counsel against the death penalty as a punishment for rape. The Court has made clear in Coker and Kennedy that death is an excessive punishment in most cases for non-homicide crimes, particularly sex crimes.292Coker v. Georgia, 433 U.S. 584, 592, 597–600 (1977); Kennedy, 554 U.S. at 435–38. The Court views death as a punishment for a non-death crime as extending beyond just deserts retribution, as well as being insufficient to accomplish the purpose of deterrence.293Coker, 433 U.S. at 592, 597–600; Kennedy, 554 U.S. at 435–38, 441–45.

2.  Graham

The analysis for a challenge to the rule in Graham would be almost identical. In Graham, the Court barred the imposition of life-without-parole sentences in non-homicide cases.294Graham v. Florida, 560 U.S. 48, 82 (2010).

To reverse this decision under the Eighth Amendment stare decisis rule would be impossible, as it would require the Court to move from a less harsh punishment to a harsher one in allowing juvenile life without parole for a non-homicide crime when it was previously unconstitutional.

Likewise, there is a national consensus against imposing life-without-parole sentences for non-homicide crimes committed by juveniles.295As with Kennedy, the result of Graham was to bar a particular kind of sentence, meaning that no state has imposed such a sentence since 2010. If anything the evidence is even stronger than in Graham, with a majority of states having either banned juvenile life without parole or having no person serving such a sentence.296Rovner, supra note 76.

And the analysis of the subjective indicia would be the same. The diminished culpability of juveniles would mean that juvenile life without parole would be a disproportionate sentence in light of the goals of retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, and rehabilitation.

Under the evolving standards, then, the Court would apply Eighth Amendment stare decisis to strike down any statute, like Florida’s, that contravened Kennedy or any state statute that contravened Graham. The one possible loophole in this analysis would relate to the Court’s decision in Dobbs, which articulated the current stare decisis standard. Section III.B eliminates that possibility by demonstrating that Eighth Amendment stare decisis is consistent with the rule in Dobbs.

III.  WHY DOBBS SUPPORTS EIGHTH AMENDMENT STARE DECISIS

In considering whether the Court has latitude to overrule Kennedy, the question involves the application of Dobbs to Eighth Amendment stare decisis. As demonstrated below, the Dobbs approach to stare decisis affirms both the concept of Eighth Amendment stare decisis and the individual decision in Kennedy. The Dobbs case articulated five factors the Court should consider when weighing whether to follow its prior precedents: (1) the nature of the Court’s error, (2) the quality of its prior reasoning, (3) the workability of the current standard, (4) the effect on other areas of law, and (5) reliance interests in the precedent.297Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 142 S. Ct. 215, 2261–65 (2022). I am not the only scholar to consider the application of the Dobbs test to Kennedy. For a less rosy assessment, see Alexandra L. Klein, Kennedy v. Louisiana and the Future of the Eighth Amendment, 52 Pepperdine L. Rev. (forthcoming 2025) (exploring the potential for overruling Kennedy through the Dobbs concept of democratic deliberation via a “devolving” standards of decency approach or a more restricted historical approach).

A.  The Dobbs Test

It is worth noting that the framework of the evolving standards of decency rests in part on an assessment of majoritarian consensus, despite its purpose of articulating a countermajoritarian right.298See discussion supra Part I. This means that Court decisions in this area are much less likely to be products of judicial activism as they base their decisions on what they perceive to be the majority practice.299Of course, the dissents in the Court’s Eighth Amendment cases often argue that these decisions are activist, largely related to disputes concerning state-counting. See supra notes 84, 127, 152 and accompanying text.

1.  The Nature of the Court’s Error

While the Court has often had disagreements concerning the application of the evolving standards of decency test, the test itself has never been a point of contention.300See discussion supra Part I. From the beginning of its Eighth Amendment cases, the Court has been virtually unanimous in its determination that the Eighth Amendment evolves over time, and only moves in one direction—toward less harsh punishments.301See discussion supra Section I.B. A decision ignoring or overruling Eighth Amendment stare decisis as a general principle would constitute a complete disregard of the rule of law.302See discussion supra Section I.B.

If there is an error in the evolving standards of decency test, it would relate either to the objective determination of the Court concerning the national consensus for a particular punishment or to the subjective determination of the Court with respect to the purposes of punishment.303See discussion supra Section I.A.

With respect to Kennedy, finding an error with respect to the objective indicia would be almost impossible. At the time of Kennedy, only five states allowed the execution of child rapists.304Kennedy v. Louisiana, 554 U.S. 407, 423–24 (2008). And currently, only two states allow the death penalty for child rape.305See sources cited supra note 3.

To reverse this perception, a national revolution with more than half of the states adopting statutes similar to Florida’s statute would be a prerequisite for even raising the objective indicia question.306Kennedy, 554 U.S. at 423–34. Even then, some additional evidence of state juries sentencing individuals to death for child rape would also be necessary. And as the Court in Kennedy indicated, such prosecutions have been rare.307Id.

This is exactly the point. Where almost every jurisdiction is unwilling to sanction a particular punishment for a particular crime and juries are unwilling to impose such sentences, the rare jurisdiction with the outlier jury that imposes a death sentence for child rape defies the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a mature society.308Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86, 101 (1958); see discussion supra Part I.

Moving to the subjective standards, the Court likewise would be unlikely to find that the punishment of the death penalty was a proportionate punishment for child rape. First, the Court has always reached the same conclusion under the subjective standards as it has under the objective standards when it applies the evolving standards of decency test.

Second, the Court has made clear, both in Coker and Kennedy, that it finds imposing death for a non-homicide sexual crime to be disproportionate.309Coker v. Georgia, 433 U.S. 584, 592, 597–600 (1977); Kennedy, 554 U.S. at 435–38. It has consistently found that despite the brutal and scarring nature of sex crimes, such crimes do not result in physical death.310Id. A punishment of death, then, would be excessive in light of the crime committed.311Id. While the anger that many feel toward child sex offenders likely makes that bright line unsatisfying, it is nonetheless the bright line that the Court has chosen twice.312Id.

The purposes of punishment support such a determination. If retribution concerns just deserts, and not revenge, then it requires courts to impose a sentence no more than and no less than what the offender deserves based on the culpability of the offender and the harm caused.313See von Hirsch & Ashworth, supra note 132, passim. If the harm caused did not involve death, then it follows that the punishment should not involve death either.314Coker, 433 U.S. at 592, 597–600; Kennedy, 554 U.S. at 435–38. Similarly, deterrence does not support death as a punishment for child rape.315Coker, 433 U.S. at 592, 597–600; Kennedy, 554 U.S. at 435–38, 441–45. The marginal deterrence between a death sentence as opposed to a life-without-parole sentence is likely insignificant, particularly in light of the two-decade time gap between sentencing and execution.316NEW RESOURCE: Bureau of Justice Statistics Reports 2021 Showed 21st Consecutive Year of Death Row Population Decline, Death Penalty Info. Ctr. (Sept. 25, 2024), https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/news/new-resource-bureau-of-justice-statistics-reports-2021-showed-21st-consecutive-year-of-death-row-population-decline [https://perma.cc/36T3-M24P] (“[O]n average, death row prisoners incarcerated as of December 31, 2021, had spent 20.2 years behind bars.”).

Finally, as discussed, the deeper problem here would be that remedying that “error” would violate the core principle of Eighth Amendment stare decisis—that the evolving standards only evolve in one direction.317See discussion supra Section I.B. It would involve enabling states to engage in a harsher punishment than before for a particular crime or offender.318This would allow, for instance, the execution of juveniles or intellectually disabled offenders—practices previously deemed in violation of the evolving standards of decency.

2.  The Quality of Its Prior Reasoning

The question of the strength of the prior reasoning with respect to Eighth Amendment stare decisis and the evolving standards approach mirrors the question of error. If there is a flaw in the overall structure of the evolving standards paradigm, it is that it relies on majoritarian indicia to inform a countermajoritarian standard.319See sources cited supra note 85 and accompanying text. In the Court’s cases, this has served as a mechanism to reduce judicial activism and the aggressive substitute of the Court’s normative views for those of state legislatures and juries.320This is because the Court’s subjective judgment always matches the societal consensus. If anything, it has caused the Court to be entirely too hesitant in permitting states to use the draconian sentencing practices that have contributed to mass incarceration.321See Berry, supra note 85, at 321–22.

A likely argument against the reasoning of the evolving standards doctrine would be that the standards should evolve in both directions, allowing punishments to become harsher. The Court cannot achieve such a result without repudiating the entire doctrine. As discussed, the evolving standards doctrine serves to protect human dignity and promote proportionality.322See discussion supra Section I.B. Moving toward harsher punishments would undermine both.

To allow movement toward harsher punishments would invert the entire Eighth Amendment and its basic meaning. Instead of being a constitutional protection for individuals against cruel and unusual punishment, the Eighth Amendment would protect the ability of outlier states to engage in extreme punishments disallowed by most other jurisdictions. In other words, reading the Eighth Amendment to allow harsher punishments to reemerge would mean that the Eighth Amendment would authorize cruel and unusual punishments—the very thing it proscribes.

As applied to Kennedy, these objections would be even more robust. Attacking the underlying reasoning of the evolving standards would mean ignoring both the dignity of the offender and the concept of proportionality. And undoing the outcome in Kennedy would sanction the imposition of a cruel and unusual punishment.

The imposition of the death penalty for a child rapist in Florida would be cruel as it is disproportionate in two senses. First, as discussed above, it is an excessive punishment for the crime committed.323Coker v. Georgia, 433 U.S. 584, 592, 597–600; Kennedy v. Louisiana, 554 U.S. 407, 435–38 (2008). Second, it is comparatively disproportionate—almost no other child rapist would receive the same punishment.324See sources cited supra note 185.

For the same reason, it would be an unusual punishment in several ways. Not only would it be rare, as almost no other child rapists would receive a death sentence, but it would also be contrary to longstanding practice.325See Stinneford, supra note 28, passim and accompanying text. Even when the Eighth Amendment allowed the death penalty for child rape, almost no states had such a law, and within those states almost no one received a death sentence.326Coker, 433 U.S. at 595–96; Kennedy, 554 at 433–34.

3.  The Workability of the Current Standard

The concept of the evolving standards of decency remains very workable. It is a simple two-part test that requires the Court to assess readily available information and then make its own determination, applying criminal law theory to criminal sentences.

In reviewing Kennedy, for instance, it will not be difficult to determine how many states authorize the death penalty for child rape. It will similarly be easily ascertainable how many individuals have received death sentences for the crime of child rape.

With respect to the Court’s subjective analysis, it will similarly not have difficulty engaging in the analysis of whether a death sentence satisfies the purposes of retribution and deterrence for the crime of child rape.

4.  The Effect on Other Areas of Law

The Court’s Eighth Amendment stare decisis approach will not have a significant effect on other areas of law. While the Eighth Amendment is not unique in its reliance on jurisdiction counting, it also does not bear particularly on other kinds of constitutional interpretation.327See generally Corinna Barrett Lain, The Unexceptionalism of “Evolving Standards”, 57 UCLA L. Rev. 365 (2009) (explaining that other constitutional provisions also engage in state counting). While having some similar characteristics to the due process doctrine, the Eighth Amendment does not invoke that doctrine, and that doctrine does not invoke it.328Id.

As such, this part of the Dobbs test would not have much of an impact on its application to Eighth Amendment stare decisis or the evolving standards doctrine. Upholding Kennedy would not create a significant change in other areas; striking it down would not either. The analysis here would pertain simply to the future of the doctrine itself and its application.

Even so, one could imagine tangential effects from overturning the evolving standards doctrine. There are certain parallels with Sixth Amendment jurisprudence in which the doctrines of the Sixth Amendment and Eighth Amendment could inform each other.329In both contexts, statutory schemes emerged from a concern related to arbitrary and inconsistent sentencing outcomes. These statutory approaches sought to remedy the sentencing problem by imposing mandatory sentencing requirements. The Court subsequently found the mandatory approaches to be unconstitutional. See William W. Berry III, The Sixth and Eighth Amendment Nexus and the Future of Mandatory Sentences, 99 N.C. L. Rev. 1311, 1312–14 (2021). These relate to the similar constitutional restrictions both amendments have placed on mandatory sentencing schemes.330Id.

Another possible ripple from abandoning the evolving standards of decency doctrine could relate to juvenile offenders. The concept that juveniles are different from adults extends beyond the Eighth Amendment. In other areas of law, courts and legislatures have chosen to treat juveniles differently from adults. Changing the approach to juveniles under the Eighth Amendment could influence other areas that have adopted similar approaches.

5.  The Reliance Interests in the Precedent

Finally, the question becomes whether there are significant reliance interests in the Eighth Amendment stare decisis approach and the evolving standards of decency doctrine. Criminal defendants clearly have an interest in preventing states from subjecting them to draconian punishments. While the Court’s limits on states have been few—far fewer than perhaps the national consensus reflects—rolling back those limits could exacerbate expansive uses of the death penalty by outlier jurisdictions and promote unequal punishment. It could also invite small groups of citizens to engage in human rights abuses with no judicial review.

B.  The Dobbs Reasoning

Implicit in the Court’s holding in Dobbs is both a disdain for abortion and the Court’s prior holdings in Roe and Casey. For the majority, the decision clearly reflects a view that the Court “got it wrong” in its earlier cases in a fundamental way. On some level, the Court’s reasoning was beside the point.331Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 142 S. Ct. 2228, 2265 (2022); Murray & Shaw, supra note 8, at 734.

Unlike the culture war terrain of the abortion issue, criminal justice has historically enjoyed a bipartisan consensus of sorts.332See generally David Garland, The Culture of Control: Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society (2001); 13th (Netflix 2016); Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010); Marc Mauer, Race to Incarcerate (2006) (sources that highlight the move toward mass incarceration as a bipartisan issue rather than the product of a single party platform). Liberals and conservatives, for different reasons, both rode the “tough on crime” wave of the 1980s and 1990s to unprecedented levels of mass incarceration.333See sources cited supra note 332. And since the turn of the century, both groups have worked to slowly and incrementally undo some of this trend.334See sources cited supra note 332. The bipartisan First Step Act provides one example of this consensus.335First Step Act of 2018, Pub. L. No. 115-391, 132 Stat. 5194; An Overview of the First Step Act, Fed. Bureau of Prisons, https://www.bop.gov/inmates/fsa/overview.jsp [https://perma.cc/4HF3-N4X6].

Outside of Furman, the Court’s Eighth Amendment decisions have not generated widespread public response or objection.336See Lain, supra note 83 at 46-48. This is in part because the evolving standards doctrine has served to restrict outliers, not advance broad normative change.

Undoing the decision in Kennedy would encourage states to engage in draconian punishment practices to test the boundaries of the Eighth Amendment. Florida’s statute is unconstitutional on its face. Upholding it would not only undermine the rule of law, but would also encourage state legislatures to disregard the Court’s decisions and the evolving standards. This would be different than ignoring stare decisis. It would constitute a repudiation of over one hundred years of jurisprudence.

Further, a significant part of the Court’s reasoning in Dobbs dealt with its concern with the “disruption of democratic deliberation.”337Murray & Shaw, supra note 8, at 753; Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 142 S. Ct. 2228, 2265 (2022). The concern related to the use of the constitution to interfere with legislative authority, particularly on issues of “profound importance to the electorate.”338Murray & Shaw, supra note 8, at 753–54; Dobbs, 142 S. Ct. at 2265. As shown by the response to the Court’s decision in Furman, abolition of the death penalty might constitute a similar kind of issue.339See Lain, supra note 83 at 46-48. But it does not appear that the evolving standards of decency generally or the execution of child rapists specifically would fall into this category.

The difference again relates to the majoritarian anchor of the evolving standards of decency. Overruling an Eighth Amendment limit would not restore the power to the people as a general matter. It would give power to a particular state to violate a national, and in some cases international, consensus against a particular punishment practice. Put differently, it would provide a license to certain jurisdictions to violate the individual rights of defendants when an overwhelming majority of jurisdictions accord defendants those very rights.

CONCLUSION

Florida’s decision to pass a new statute that clearly violates the Eighth Amendment and the Court’s decision in Kennedy does not change the analysis in the case or under the Constitution. The Court’s decision in Dobbs does not open the door to such defiance, and it does not support rejection of the Court’s precedents.

This Article has demonstrated why, even if the Court thinks the normative outcome in Kennedy is wrong, the Court still must strike down the Florida statute if given the opportunity. Specifically, this Article has made the case for a novel reading of the doctrine of stare decisis under the Eighth Amendment. Drawn from the Court’s evolving standards of decency doctrine, this Eighth Amendment stare decisis requires the Court to change the rule in cases in which the national consensus has evolved and the Court finds the sentence to be disproportionate.

The Article first developed this concept by explaining the origins of this doctrine and defending the core principle that the evolving standards only evolve from more severe to less severe punishment. The Article then explored past applications of the doctrine, distinguished deviations from the doctrine, highlighted some future applications of the doctrine, and delineated the limits of the doctrine on state legislatures. Finally, the Article concluded by demonstrating how this reading of the Eighth Amendment is consistent with the Dobbs decision, both as a doctrinal and theoretical matter.

98 S. Cal. L. Rev. 255

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* Associate Dean for Research and Montague Professor of Law, University of Mississippi. The author would like to thank Corinna Barrett Lain, Meghan Ryan, Cara Drinan, Kathryn Miller, Eric Berger, Alex Klein, Katie Kronick, Rachel Lopez, and Daniel Harawa for helpful comments on an early draft during the Eighth Amendment Roundtable at Cardozo Law School in April 2023.

Detention, Disenfranchisement, and Doctrinal Integration

On any given day, approximately 2.3 million individuals are incarcerated, many of whom are eligible voters and are disproportionately people of color.[1] The majority of state and local governments do not affirmatively provide incarcerated voters with special accommodations to ensure that they are able to exercise their right to vote, leaving many effectively disenfranchised. What is the constitutional harm to these persons: Is the harm the denial of the right to vote, which society owes to every eligible citizen? Or the failure of the duty of care that the state owes to every prisoner in its charge? Is the constitutional harm the denial of Fourteenth Amendment equal protection? Or the imposition of Eighth Amendment cruel and unusual punishment? Or is it somewhere in between, or in some sense, all of these? Controlling Supreme Court jurisprudence approaches this question through a limited standalone application of the Equal Protection Clause. This Article revisits the controlling interpretation of the right to vote in jails and develops an alternative interpretation that integrates the Due Process Clause and Equal Protection Clause to fully account for the liberty-based harms specific to incarcerated voters. At the core of the current interpretation lies a fundamental misconception that fails to recognize both the profundity and centrality of the right to vote and the inequalities between incarcerated and non-incarcerated individuals. For detainees, an interpretation integrating substantive due process and equal protection might clarify the contours of the state’s obligation to ensure protection of this fundamental right.


           [1].       Press Release, Wendy Sawyer & Peter Wagner, Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie 2020, Prison Pol’y Initiative (Mar. 24, 2020), https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/pie2020.html [https://
perma.cc/Z7G2-FASF]; Chris Uggen, Ryan Larson, Sarah Shannon & Arleth Pulido-Nava, Sent’g Project, Locked Out 2020: Estimates of People Denied Voting Rights Due to a Felony Conviction 8 fig.1 (2020), https://www.sentencingproject.org/publications/locked-out-2020-estimates-of-people-denied-voting-rights-due-to-a-felony-conviction/#III.%20Disenfranchisement%20in%202020 [https://perma.cc/8DTP-KNDC] (indicating that 25% of people in prison are disenfranchised).

* Assistant Professor, University of Baltimore School of Law. I would like to sincerely thank Aderson B. Francois, Deborah Epstein, Robin West, Colin Starger, Michele Gilman, Lisa Iglesias, Brandon Garrett, and Brandon Figg for their insightful comments and suggestions. Thanks also to the participants of the NYU Clinical Writer’s Workshop and Mid-Atlantic Clinical Writer’s Workshop for their invaluable feedback on early drafts. I am also immensely grateful for the research support provided by three brilliant students I had the pleasure of teaching while serving as a fellow in the Georgetown University Law Center’s Civil Rights Clinic: Alexander Afnan, Rachel Guy, and Olivia Grob-Lipkis. Finally, many thanks to the editors of the Southern California Law Review for their assistance bringing this Article to publication.

Small Fines and Fees, Large Impacts: Ability-to-Pay Hearings

Imagine, for example, that a woman fails to have auto insurance,[1] which carries a minimum fine of $500 in Massachusetts.[2] In addition, she will be charged a $500 payment or one full year premium of compulsory insurance (whichever is larger), a $45 late fee and a $25 filing fee if she chooses to request a hearing, and a $500 fee to reinstate her license and registration after having them suspended for sixty days—for a minimum total of $1,500 with the possibility of receiving up to one year in jail.[3] She is also one of about forty-six percent of Americans who cannot cover a $400 emergency expense upfront,[4] so the legal financial obligations (“LFOs”) that she owes as part of her fine remain unpaid, making matters worse. Her driver’s license was suspended due to not paying, so she risks illegally driving to her job or taking public transportation if there is any available, which imposes further economic burdens.[5] A background check shows not only her conviction, but also that her case is still active because of the unpaid LFOs.[6] Also, the LFOs have ruined her credit, causing higher interest rates on her credit cards and loans and making permanent housing harder to find even if she could afford the rent.[7] Now there is a warrant for her arrest for the unpaid LFOs.[8] If she is picked up and jailed, she will miss her interview for a second job, lose her temporary housing, and possibly lose custody of her children.[9]

Jurisdictions across the country use fines and fees to help finance elements of their criminal justice and court systems.[10] These fines and fees are referred to as LFOs and include, but are not limited to, traffic infractions, felony-related fines, and court fees, such as filing fees, attorney dues, and transcript costs.[11] Many of these are levied regardless of one’s guilt.[12] Although some of these LFOs may be small when isolated, they impose major burdens on low-income individuals, their families, and the government.[13] This creates a “poverty penalt[y]” because these charges are imposed regardless of one’s income.[14] Excessive charges on low-income individuals create larger long-term costs as criminal justice debt can increase the likelihood of later criminal activity.[15] Thus, statutes and courts imposing these large, unpayable LFOs on indigent defendants who may or may not be convicted of a crime burdens the individuals, their families, and even governments.[16] This issue is rapidly transforming and gaining attention in courts,[17] academia,[18] and legislatures[19] with recent advocacy and legislation changes, such as the elimination of juvenile fines[20] and the abolishment of driver’s license suspension for failure to pay in some states.[21] One possible solution to this issue is to require ability-to-pay determinations (“ATP determinations”) before a court can impose LFOs on indigent criminal defendants. The California Supreme Court, in People v. Kopp, is currently determining whether courts must consider a defendant’s ability to pay before imposing LFOs, and if so, which party bears the burden of proof regarding the defendant’s inability to pay.[22]


          [1].      The most recent data from the Insurance Research Council estimates that approximately over twelve percent of the driving population, or one in eight drivers, is uninsured. David Corum, One in Eight Drivers Uninsured, Ins. Rsch. Council (Mar. 22, 2021), https://www.insurance-research.org/sites/def
ault/files/downloads/UM%20NR%20032221.pdf [https://perma.cc/HUD5-YLDN].

          [2].      Mass. Gen. Laws Ann. ch. 90, § 34J (West 2021).

          [3].      Id.; see also Mark Fitzpatrick, Penalty for Driving Without Insurance in Massachusetts,ValuePenguin (Mar. 16, 2021), https://www.valuepenguin.com/auto-insurance/massachusetts/penalti
es-driving-without-insurance [https://perma.cc/6XBN-X7XL].

          [4].      Bd. of Governors of the Fed. Rsrv. Sys., Report on the Economic Well-Being of U.S. Households in 2015, at 1 (2016) (“Forty-six percent of adults say they . . . could not cover an emergency expense costing $400 . . . .”); see also Philip Alston, Report of the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights on His Mission to the United States of America (2018); Kathryn Vasel, 6 in 10 Americans Don’t Have $500 in Savings, CNN Money (Jan. 12, 2017, 8:21 AM), https://money.cnn.com/2017/01/12/pf/americans-lack-of-savings/index.html [https://perma.
cc/JFY4-DUSK] (“Nearly six in [ten] Americans don’t have enough savings to cover a $500 or $1,000 unplanned expense . . . .”); The Pew Charitable Trs., What Resources Do Families Have for Financial Emergencies? 1 (2015) (“One in [three] American families reports having no savings at all, including [one] in [ten] of those with incomes of more than $100,000 a year.”).

          [5].      Alicia Bannon, Mitali Nagrecha & Rebekah Diller, Brennan Ctr. for Just., Criminal Justice Debt: A Barrier to Reentry 5 (2010); see, e.g., Fares Overview, Mass. Bay Transp. Auth., https://www.mbta.com/fares [https://perma.cc/F8Q4-94ZZ] (costing $90 for a monthly “LinkPass”); Fares, Passes, and Discounts, Metro, https://www.metro.net/riding/fares [https://perm
a.cc/AP3F-2CUV] (regularly costing $100 for a thirty-day Los Angeles “Metro Rail Pass”); Everything You Need to Know About Fares and Tolls in New York, Metro. Transp. Auth., https://new.mta.info/
fares [https://perma.cc/95F7-XTLD] (costing $127 for a thirty-day “Unlimited New York City MTA MetroCard”); Unlimited Ride Passes, Chi. Transit Auth., https://www.transitchicago.com/passes [https://perma.cc/BN5U-6UZC] (costing $75 for a thirty-day “CTA/Pace Pass”); Cost to Ride, Wash. Metro. Area Transit Auth., https://www.wmata.com/fares/basic.cfm [https://perma.cc/3JGW-QTX
B] (costing $58 for a seven-day “Unlimited WMATA Pass”); Jonathan English, Why Public Transportation Works Better Outside the U.S., Bloomberg CityLab (Oct. 10, 2018, 6:00 AM), https://
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-10-10/why-public-transportation-works-better-outside-the-u-s [https://perma.cc/45QB-ZVX2] (comparing public transportation in the United States to that of other countries to explain America’s poor public transport system).

          [6].      Theresa Doyle, Opinion, End the Cycle of Debt for Indigent Defendants, Seattle Times (Feb. 20, 2016, 4:01 PM), https://www.seattletimes.com/opinion/end-the-cycle-of-debt-for-indigent-defendan
ts [https://perma.cc/84XM-75ED].

          [7].      Id.

          [8].      See, e.g.,Wash. Rev. Code § 10.01.180(1) (2016) (allowing arrest warrants for defaulting); Mass. Gen. Laws Ann. ch. 276, § 31 (West 2021) (allowing default warrants solely due to a person’s failure to pay a fine, assessment, court cost, restitution, support payment, or other such amount); Doyle, supra note 6.

          [9].      Doyle, supra note 6.

        [10].      See Council of Econ. Advisers, Fines, Fees, and Bail: Payments in the Criminal Justice System that Disproportionately Impact the Poor 1 (2015). In 1991, just twenty-five percent of inmates reported receiving court-ordered fines and sanctions, but by 2004, sixty-six percent did. Alexes Harris, A Pound of Flesh: Monetary Sanctions as Punishment for the Poor 23 (2016).

        [11].      Anne Teigen, Nat’l Conf. of State Legislatures, Assessing Fines and Fees in the Criminal Justice System 1 (2020).

        [12].      Fair & Just Prosecution, Fines, Fees, and the Poverty Penalty 1 (2017).

        [13].      Id. at 1–2.

        [14].      Rebecca Vallas & Roopal Patel, Sentenced to a Life of Criminal Debt: A Barrier to Reentry and Climbing Out of Poverty, 46 Clearinghouse Rev. J. Poverty L. & Pol’y 131, 133 (2012).

        [15].      Exec. Off. of Pub. Safety & Sec., Report of the Special Commission to Study the Feasibility of Establishing Inmate Fees 4 (2011), https://www.mass.gov/doc/report-of-the-special-commission-to-study-the-feasibility-of-establishing-inmate-fees-july-2011/download [https://perma.cc/
RK7U-GCHM]; see also Helen A. Anderson, Penalizing Poverty: Making Criminal Defendants Pay for Their Court-Appointed Counsel Through Recoupment and Contribution, 42 U. Mich. J.L. Reform 323, 372–73 (2009).

        [16].      See Council of Econ. Advisers, supra note 10, at 3–4.

        [17].      See infra Part II; e.g., Cain v. White, 937 F.3d 446, 454 (5th Cir. 2019) (finding that judges’ exclusive authority over how the Judicial Expense Fund (“JEF”), a fund that derived money from fines and fees imposed on defendants to pay for court expenses, was spent violated due process); State v. Blazina, 344 P.3d 680, 680 (Wash. 2015) (holding that Washington trial courts have an obligation to conduct an individualized inquiry into a defendant’s ability to pay discretionary and most mandatory LFOs); State ex rel. Pedersen v. Blessinger, 201 N.W.2d 778, 782 (Wis. 1972) (finding that “one who has been convicted of a crime and fined is not to be imprisoned in satisfaction of the fine or in lieu thereof if he is unable to pay the fine”); Will v. State, 267 N.W.2d 357, 360 (Wis. 1978) (encouraging but not requiring judges to consider a defendant’s ability to pay LFOs at the time of sentencing); People v. Dueñas, 242 Cal. Rptr. 3d 268, 273 (Ct. App. 2019) (finding that due process “requires the trial court to conduct an ability to pay hearing and ascertain a defendant’s present ability to pay before it imposes court facilities and court operations assessments”); People v. Kopp, 250 Cal. Rptr. 3d 852, 893 (Ct. App.) (agreeing with Dueñas that due process requires courts to conduct an ability-to-pay hearing before imposing criminal justice administration fees if a defendant requests such a hearing), review granted, 451 P.3d 776 (Cal. 2019).

        [18].      Organizations, such as the Fines and Fees Justice Center, Fair and Just Prosecution, Brennan Center for Justice at New York University Law School, and PolicyLink, are bringing to light the harsh impacts LFOs can have on individuals, their families, and society. See generally About Us, Fines & Fees Just. Ctr., https://finesandfeesjusticecenter.org/about-fines-fees-justice-center [https://perma.cc/6C4Y-2TCF]; Addressing the Poverty Penalty and Bail Reform, Fair & Just Prosecution, https://
fairandjustprosecution.org/issues/addressing-the-poverty-penalty-and-bail-reform
[https://perma.cc/T4Z
H-KPXF]; About Us,Brennan Ctr. for Just., https://www.brennancenter.org/about [https://
perma.cc/C4LG-68TU]; Eliminating Fines and Fees, PolicyLink, https://www.policylink.org/our-work/just-society/fines-fees [https://perma.cc/59Q9-8YC3].

        [19].      Many jurisdictions are reexamining various fines and fees. See, e.g., Ala. R. Crim. P. 26.11(b) (directing sentencing courts to consider a defendant’s ability to pay when imposing a restitution fine); A.B. 1869, 2020 Leg. (Cal. 2020) (eliminating twenty-three administrative fees in the criminal legal system); California AB 1869 Criminal Fees, Fines & Fees Just. Ctr. (Oct. 1, 2020), https://finesandfees
justicecenter.org/articles/california-ab-1869-criminal-fees [https://perma.cc/3A3F-CDEV]; H.B. 2048, 2019 Leg. (Tex. 2019) (waiving all DUI fines if a court determines a defendant is unable to pay); S.B. 1637, 2019 Leg. (Tex. 2019) (requiring deferred payment, payment plans, community service, or full or partial waivers for LFOs if a defendant is unable to pay); H.B. 1178, 2020 Leg. (Md. 2020) (requiring courts to use a formula to determine the amount that an individual can pay).

        [20].      See, e.g., S.B. 190, 2017 Leg. (Cal. 2017) (eliminating almost all juvenile court fines and fees); H.B. 36, 2020 Leg. (Md. 2020) (eliminating all juvenile fines and fees and making all such previously imposed LFOs unenforceable and uncollectable); A.B. 439, 2019 Leg., 80th Sess. (Nev. 2019) (eliminating fines and fees charged to families of criminal justice system–involved juveniles); S.B. 48, 218th Leg. (N.J. 2019) (eliminating all juvenile fines and financial penalties); H.B. 1162, 2020 Leg., 2020 Sess. (N.H. 2020) (eliminating costs of services imposed on parents of youth in the justice system); S.B. 422, 81st Leg., Reg. Sess. (Or. 2021) (eliminating fees and court costs associated with juvenile delinquency matters). See generally Jessica Feierman, Naomi Goldstein, Emily Haney-Caron & Jaymes Fairfax Columbo, Juv. L. Ctr., Debtors’ Prison for Kids?: The High Cost of Fines and Fees in the Juvenile Justice System (2016) for a discussion on state laws and a national survey that documents fines, fees, and restitution consequences for failure to pay in the juvenile justice system.

        [21].      Seventeen states, including California, Colorado, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Kentucky, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Montana, Nevada, New York, Oregon, Utah, Virginia, West Virginia, and Wyoming, do not suspend driver’s licenses for failure to pay. See, e.g., Cal. Veh. Code § 13365 (West 2017) (allowing suspension for failure to appear in court, but not failure to pay); H.B. 21-1314, 2021 Gen. Assemb., 2021 Reg. Sess. (Colo. 2021) (repealing the Department of Revenue’s authority to cancel, renew, or reinstate a driver’s license for failure to pay an outstanding monetary judgment); H.B. 599, 2018 Leg., Reg. Sess. (Idaho 2018) (ending suspension); H.B. 3653, 2021 Gen. Assemb. (Ill. 2021) (ending license suspension for unpaid automated speed and red-light camera ticks and rescinding license holds and suspensions for unpaid traffic tickets and unpaid automated speed and red light camera tickets); H.B. 5846, 2020 Leg., 2020 Reg. Sess. (Mich. 2020) (stopping suspending drivers’ licenses for failure to pay in all cases unrelated to the underlying offense being public-safety related); H.F. 336, 2021 Leg. (Minn. 2021) (ending suspension); H.B. 217, 2019 Leg., Reg. Sess. (Mont. 2019) (ending suspension); S.B. 219, 2021 Sess. (Nev. 2021) (ending suspension); N.Y. Veh. & Traf. Law § 510(4-a) (McKinney 2021) (ending suspension); H.B. 4210, 80th Leg., Spec. Sess. (Or. 2020) (eliminating the imposition of driving privilege restrictions for failure to pay fine); H.B. 143, 2021 Leg., Gen. Sess. (Utah 2021) (ending the suspension of driver’s licenses solely for the nonpayment of fines); S.B. 1, 2020 Gen. Assemb., 2020 Sess. (Va. 2020) (ending suspension); H.B. 4958, 2020 Leg., Reg. Sess. (W. Va. 2020) (ending suspension); Wyo. Stat Ann. § 31-9-302 (2021) (ending suspension).  Only four states—Louisiana, Minnesota, New Hampshire, and Oklahoma—require a determination that a person had the ability to pay and intentionally refused to do so. Mario Salas & Angela Ciolfi, Legal Aid Just. Ctr., Driven by Dollars: A State-by-State Analysis of Driver’s License Suspension Laws for Failure to Pay Court Debt 8 (2017), https://www.justice4all.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/Driven-by-Dollars.pdf [https://perma.cc/3GKU-H2BH].

        [22].      Kopp, 250 Cal. Rptr. 3d at 852 (holding that defendants are entitled to an ability-to-pay hearing under Dueñas but that they bear the burden of demonstrating their inability to pay). This issue has also been the subject of considerable litigation in other states and will be discussed later in this Note. See infra Part II.

* Senior Editor, Southern California Law Review, Volume 95; J.D. Candidate 2022, University of Southern California Gould School of Law; B.A. Political Science 2019, California Lutheran University. Thank you to Maggie Kerkhof, Rudy Kerkhof, Nicole & Zach Grau, Delaney Kerkhof, and my dearest friends for their unwavering support and encouragement throughout my time in law school. I would also like to thank Professor Clare Pastore for her topic inspiration and guidance. Finally, many thanks to all the Southern California Law Review members for their invaluable work on my piece.

Transgender Rights & the Eighth Amendment

The past decades have witnessed a dramatic shift in the visibility, acceptance, and integration of transgender people across all aspects of culture and the law. The treatment of incarcerated transgender people is no exception. Historically, transgender people have been routinely denied access to medically necessary hormone therapy, surgery, and other gender-affirming procedures; subjected to cross-gender strip searches; and housed according to their birth sex. But these policies and practices have begun to change. State departments of corrections are now providing some, though by no means all, appropriate care to transgender people, culminating in the Ninth Circuit’s historic decision in Edmo v. Corizon, Inc. in 2019—the first circuit-level case to require a state to provide transition surgery to an incarcerated transgender person. Other state departments of corrections will surely follow, as they must under the Eighth Amendment. These momentous changes, which coincide with a broader cultural turn away from transphobia and toward a collective understanding of transgender people, have been neither swift nor easy. But they trend in one direction: toward a recognition of the rights and dignity of transgender people.

* Jennifer L. Levi, Professor of Law, Western New England University Law School.

† Kevin M. Barry, Professor of Law, Quinnipiac University School of Law. Thanks to Shannon Minter for thoughtful advice; to the Southern California Law Review staff for editorial assistance; and to Lexie Farkash for research assistance.

“Moore” Than Just a Number: Why IQ Cutoffs Are an Unconstitutional Measure for Determining Intellectual Disability – Note by Courtney Johnson

From Volume 91, Number 4 (May 2018)
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Moore Than Just a Number: Why IQ Cutoffs are an Unconstitutional Measure for Determining Intellectual Disability

Courtney Johnson[*]

INTRODUCTION

“Yeah,” said George. “I’ll come. But listen, Curley. The poor bastard’s nuts. Don’t shoot ‘im. He di’n’t know what he was doin’.”

John Steinbeck, Of Mice and Men[1]

Bobby James Moore was twenty years old when he fatally shot a store clerk while robbing a grocery store in April 1980.[2] On paper, this is a tragic felony murder, but behind the scenes lies a different story. Bobby was not a typical twenty-yearold; he did not understand the days of the week, the months of the year, [or] the seasons.[3] Bobby could barely tell time, and he could not understand standard measurements or that subtraction is the opposite of addition.[4] Bobby suffered an “abuse-filled childhood.”[5] Bobby dropped out of high school due to his limited ability to read and write, and he lived on the streets after being kicked out of his home for being “stupid.”[6] Bobby is intellectually disabled, and despite the evidence put forth demonstrating his disability, he was sentenced to death pursuant to a set of factors used by a Texas court; these factors are largely based on stereotypes and caricatures from literature.[7] As the United States Supreme Court decided in 2017, this was a gross violation of the Eighth Amendment’s protection against cruel and unusual punishment to rely on “wholly nonclinical”[8] factors rather than the “medical community’s diagnostic framework.”[9]

Mental health and the criminal justice system consistently interact when it comes to theories of punishment and culpability. When they clash, the crime often takes center stage, while the mental health of the defendant remains ignored. Individuals suffering from intellectual disabilities, mental disorders, or both are treated unfairly as criminal defendants when their conditions, consisting largely of impairments of the ability to make rational decisions, are not taken into serious consideration at sentencing. Courts, legislatures, and the public generally have struggled to understand criminal defendants with intellectual disabilities. It was not until 2002 that the United States Supreme Court ruled it unconstitutional to execute intellectually disabled persons in the landmark decision Atkins v. Virginia.[10] The Court found there is a “national consensus” that people who suffer from “mental retardation”[11] should be exempt from the death penalty.[12] Before Atkins was decided in 2002, at least forty-four people who would have been exempt under Atkins were executed.[13]

Like many prior landmark decisions, states resisted Atkins because of its failure to define “intellectual disability” and the fact that it left to the states “the task of developing appropriate ways to enforce the constitutional restriction.”[14] Several states took this opportunity to implement harsh IQ cutoffs for determining intellectual disability in capital cases.[15] Many states passed legislation prior to Atkins defining intellectual disability as requiring an IQ score of below seventy, and following Atkins, these states began denying its exemption to any claimants with IQ scores of seventy or above. Twelve years after Atkins, the Supreme Court addressed the issue of IQ cutoffs in Hall v. Florida, in which the Court concluded that Florida’s cutoff “disregards established medical practice[s]” and that when a defendant’s IQ falls in a certain margin of error, the defendant must be able to present additional evidence of adaptive deficits.[16] Hall reinforced the need to focus on adaptive behavior in addition to IQ, but again, the states still had discretion over how to consider the behavior. Then came Moore v. Texas, the most striking example post-Hall that there remains a long-standing misperception of intellectual disabilities.

Before reaching the Supreme Court, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals (“CCA”)[17] denied Bobby James Moore’s habeas petition claiming exemption from the death penalty under Atkins. The CCA relied on its prior decision in Ex Parte Briseno, in which it determined a defendant was essentially not disabled enough for death penalty exemption, contrasting with the classic example of a character with a severe disability, Lennie in John Steinbeck’s Of Mice and Men.[18] The CCA in Briseno held that[m]ost Texas citizens might agree that Steinbeck’s Lennie should, by virtue of his lack of reasoning ability and adaptive skills, be exempt [from the death penalty],” but because the petitioner did not fall in the category of “severely mentally retarded” like Lennie would, he was denied exemption from the death penalty.[19]

Reasoning based on a literary character is dangerous, and, as this Note will argue, intellectual disabilities cannot be boiled down to stereotypes or an isolated number from an IQ test. This Note will look to recent court decisions, state statutes, and literature from the psychological and psychiatric communities, and it will evaluate the Supreme Court’s decision in Moore v. Texas overturning the CCA. It will further consider what the Supreme Court’s decision could mean not only for the future of intellectually disabled defendants, but also for defendants with mental illnesses facing the death penalty.

Part I of this Note focuses on the legal background pre- and post-Atkins and how courts have treated individuals with intellectual disabilities. It will examine attempts to define “mental retardation” for the purpose of exemption under Atkins by looking at how various literatures, state statutes, lower court decisions, and how clinicians define it. Part II then focuses on the recent Supreme Court case on this issue, Moore v. Texas. Lastly, Part III discusses Moore’s future implications on the ability of intellectually disabled persons to argue that without Hall and Moore applying retroactively or a specific holding from the Court regarding the unconstitutionality of IQ cutoffs, such persons will continue to have their constitutional rights violated.

I.  BACKGROUND

A.  Creating a Constitutional Exemption for the Intellectually Disabled

The Eighth Amendment prohibits the infliction of cruel and unusual punishment.[20] Initially, this prohibited archaic punishments that were considered “cruel and unusual” when the Bill of Rights was adopted, but the Supreme Court has since recognized it encompasses the “evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society.”[21] In addressing these “evolving standards,” the Court has looked to evidence from society’s current views on punishment, most often found in state legislation and data from jury sentencing.[22] Since the adoption of the Bill of Rights, the Eighth Amendment has been expanded to prohibit the execution of juveniles,[23] individuals deemed incompetent at the time of execution,[24] and the “mentally retarded.”[25] All three protected classes represent important facets within the complexity of the death penalty issue; however, this Note focuses on the latter: how the Eighth Amendment has come to prohibit the execution of individuals with “mental retardation.”

The Supreme Court has come a long way in its treatment of the intellectually disabled in regards to the death penalty since its first decision on the matter in Penry v. Lynaugh.[26] Decided in 1989, this was the first time the Court addressed the issue of whether the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment exempts intellectually disabled individuals from execution. The Court held that executing the “mentally retarded” did not violate the Eighth Amendment, but based its decision largely on the fact that only two states at the time (Georgia and Maryland) banned executions of “mentally retarded” criminals.[27] The Court found that this was not sufficient evidence of a “national consensus” that the practice violated “standards of decency.”[28]

Just as the states began to change their position on the issue, so did the Supreme Court. Following the decision in Penry, sixteen states across the country enacted statutes like those in Georgia and Maryland from the period of 1990 to 2002, totaling eighteen states with exemptions for the mentally disabled when Atkins was decided.[29] Even more significant is the fact that no states passed legislation enforcing the power to execute intellectually disabled individuals in this time period.[30] This shift in the national consensus, arising from the states, changed the way the Court viewed intellectual disabilities. The same year the eighteenth state enacted legislation exempting the “mentally retarded,” the Supreme Court handed down its landmark decision Atkins v. Virginia, in which it held it is unconstitutional and a violation of the Eighth Amendment to execute people with “mental retardation.”[31]

Atkins was largely based on this shift in national consensus (demonstrated by state’s enacting laws banning the execution of “mentally retarded” individuals), which the Court found to provide “powerful evidence that today our society views mentally retarded offenders as categorically less culpable than the average criminal.”[32] Eighteen states is still short of half the country, but the Court found it significant that in the states that still allowed the execution of intellectually disabled offenders, actually carrying out the practice is rare.[33] In fact, only five states executed individuals with an IQ of less than seventy between the time Penry and Atkins were decided.[34]

In addition to a shifting national consensus, the Court considered two goals of the criminal justice systemretribution and deterrenceand evaluated how executing the petitioner in Atkins would serve either of those interests.[35] First, with respect to retribution, the Court reasoned that a defendant deemed “mentally retarded” acts with a “lesser culpability” than the average person guilty of murder, and thus a death sentence would be disproportional and would not serve the interests of retribution.[36] Secondly, with respect to deterrence, the Court found that capital punishment would serve as a deterrent only for potential murderers with a “cold calculus that precedes the[ir] decision” to kill.[37] The theory behind deterrence rests upon the notion that the severity of the punishment, in this case death, will dissuade criminal conduct.[38] That is simply not true for individuals with “mental retardation,” as the Court found that it makes one “less likely [to] process the information of the possibility of execution as a penalty and, as a result, control their conduct based upon that information.”[39] This is also true in reverse: exempting individuals with “mental retardation” will not lessen the deterrent effect on those unprotected. Given that, in Atkins, the individual had an IQ of fifty-nine, as well as clinician testimony and school records supporting a finding of “mental retardation,” it is not likely others would attempt to claim “mental retardation” falsely to gain exemption without such evidence.

The core of the Atkins decision is its recognition that intellectually disabled individuals are less culpable because of their cognitive and behavioral impairments. This creates a “diminished ability to understand and process information, to learn from experience, to engage in logical reasoning, or to control impulses . . . .[40] Not only does this impairment affect an individual’s decisionmaking throughout the circumstances of their crime and lead to a failure to appreciate risks and consequences, but also it can inhibit one’s ability to receive proper counsel, resulting in deficient due process.[41]

The Court in Atkins felt secure in its decision given the supportive national consensus, but did note that to the extent there is any disagreement, it will be in “determining which offenders are in fact retarded.”[42] This prediction by the Court anticipated the ambiguity and difficulty states have had post-Atkins in determining which defendants qualify as “mentally retarded” to be exempt from execution. Thus, while Atkins serves as a momentous step for intellectually disabled defendants, it leaves uncertainty on how to properly protect such individuals from execution by failing to define “mental retardation.” It left “to the State[s] the task of developing appropriate ways to enforce the constitutional restriction upon . . . [its] execution of sentences,”[43] meaning that the states retained discretion in determining the criteria for who exactly is “mentally retarded” for purposes of a death penalty exemption under Atkins.

B.  Defining “Mental Retardation” after Atkins

The Supreme Court’s reasoning for leaving the definition of “mental retardation” ambiguous is that “[n]ot all people who claim to be mentally retarded will be so impaired as to fall within the range of mentally retarded offenders about whom there is a national consensus.”[44] The Court appears to refrain from defining “mental retardation” to avoid a categorical ban that would exempt some individuals who claim to be intellectually disabled, but actually are not impaired to the extent that it diminishes their culpability. The Court did however explain that the medical community defines “mental retardation” per three criteria: (1) significantly subaverage intellectual functioning,[45] (2) deficits in adaptive functioning,[46] and (3) that these deficits manifest prior to age eighteen.[47]

1.  Significantly SubAverage Intellectual Functioning

The American Association on Mental Retardation (“AAMR”) defines “significantly subaverage” intellectual functioning as having an IQ of about seventy or below.[48] An IQ can be obtained by one or more of the standardized, individually administered intelligence tests, such as the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scales (WAIS), Wechsler Intelligence Scales for Children (WISC), the Otis-Lennon Mental Ability Test (OLMAT) and the Stanford-Binet-V (SB-V).[49] The American Psychiatric Association Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fifth edition, (“DSM-5”) has recognized there is a measurement error of approximately five points in assessing IQ.[50] DSM-5’s guidelines ensure that no one would be diagnosed with an IQ lower than seventy if no significant defects in adaptive functioning are shown, however, that also makes it possible “to diagnose Mental Retardation in individuals with IQ’s between [seventy] and [seventy-five] who exhibit significant deficits in adaptive behavior.”[51] The DSM-5 also designates classifications of mental retardation into degrees: profound (IQ below 2025), severe (IQ 2025 to 3540), moderate (IQ 3540 to 5055), and mild (IQ 5055 to 7075).[52] Approximately 85% of all intellectually disabled persons, and the “overwhelming majority of capital defendants with mental retardation,” fall in the mild range.[53] Only 34% fall in the “severe mental retardation” category,[54] where Lennie from Of Mice and Men would likely fall. There are several moral and practical implications of setting a strict IQ cutoff at seventy for defendants bringing Atkins claims that will be discussed in Part IV.

2.  Adaptive Behavior Criteria

The American Association on Mental Deficiency (“AAMD”) defines significant impairments on adaptive functioning as “limitations in an individual’s effectiveness in meeting the standards of maturation, learning, personal independence, and/or social responsibility that are expected for his or her age level and cultural group, as determined by clinical assessment and, usually, standardized scales.”[55] In other words, this analysis focuses generally on ordinary skills the typical individual possesses to function in everyday life. The level of everyday adaptive functioning is compared to an individual’s age, gender, and socioculturally matched peers.[56]

The AAIDD and DSM-5 sum this up in three adaptive-behavior skills: conceptual, social, and practical.[57] The conceptual domain, also called academic domain, involves, among other abilities, competence in functions such as memory, language, reading, writing, math, problem solving, and ability to form judgment in novel situations.[58] The social domain focuses on personal interactions and how one reacts to them. This domain includes: awareness of others’ thoughts, feelings, and experiences; empathy; interpersonal communication skills; ability to make friends and judge social situations.[59] Lastly, the practical domain focuses on the individual’s ability to live a productive life in the world by evaluating self-management, ability to care for oneself, ability to adhere to school or job responsibilities, and ability to manage money, among other skills.[60] The DSM-5 recommends gathering evidence of skills deficits in these domains by various means, such as looking into educational, developmental, and medical history.[61]

3.  Manifesting Before Age Eighteen

 The third, and least litigated, factor of the definition of intellectual disability requires that the disability “manifest[s] before age 18.”[62] The DSM-5 requires evidence of both intellectual and adaptive deficits, the first two prongs, to be shown during this “developmental period.”[63] In most Atkins claims this is not as vigorously litigated, as courts often review evidence of childhood environment, medical histories, behavioral records, school records, and testimony of behavior from those who knew the individual as a child.[64]

 A recent Sixth Circuit decision arising out of Tennessee provides an example of how this third requirement can impact an Atkins claim. There, an Atkins claimant’s school records indicated IQ scores from eighty-three to ninety-seven from ages seven to thirteen years old, yet at age forty-five he was receiving scores of fifty-seven and sixty-nine.[65] Those scores were not evidence of lifelong mental retardation,” manifesting during childhood, and because all of his scores before he turned eighteen were higher than seventy (even considering the Flynn effect and other deviations), the defendant’s Atkins challenge was rejected.[66]

4.  State Interpretations of the Factors: Ex parte Briseno

One of the most blatant departures from the principles established in AtkinsEx parte Brisenocame out of Texas in 2004. Jose Garcia Briseno sought state habeas relief, “alleging he was mentally retarded and . . . exempt from execution” for the murder he was sentenced to death for in 1991.[67]  The Texas legislature had not adopted a statute implementing Atkins, so the Texas Criminal Court of Appeals (“CCA”) took matters into its own hands, resulting in a wholly nonclinical approach that evaluated what became known as the Briseno factors.

In the absence of any state statute, the CCA looked at the DSM-IV,[68] bills the Texas Legislature had passed, relevant case law, and finally the AAMR. First, the court examined the DSM-IV and found that mental health professionals define intellectual disability “broadly to provide an adequate safety net for those who are at the margin and might well become mentally-unimpaired citizens if given additional social services support.”[69] The broad range of intellectual disabilities is shown by [t]he DSM-IV categoriz[ing] the mentally retarded into four subcategories: mildly retarded, moderately mentally retarded, severely mentally retarded, and profoundly mentally retarded.” The court noted that “mental retardation is not necessarily a lifelong disorder” given that many individuals fall into the “mildly mentally retarded” category.[70] Further, due to the broad categorization and range of IQ numbers, the court was unsure whether the petitioner’s disability was severe or long-standing enough for exemption.

The only other source the CCA looked to was Texas House Bill 236, passed by the 77th Legislature in 2001, before the Atkins decision was announced.[71] House Bill 236 would have prohibited the execution of intellectually disabled defendants, adopting the definition of “mental retardation” found in Texas Health and Safety Code Section 591.003(13).[72] However, House Bill 236 was vetoed by the Governor, and subsequently “[t]he 78th Texas Legislature did not pass a statute implementing Atkins.[73]

The CCA thus adopted the definition set by the AAMR, the same criteria Atkins discusses, including the requirement that the defendant’s “adaptive deficits” are related to the intellectual disability.[74] The CCA settled on this definition because it closely resembles the definition under the Texas Health and Safety Code: “‘[i]ntellectual disability’ means significantly subaverage general intellectual functioning that is concurrent with deficits in adaptive behavior and originates during the developmental period.”[75] Despite adopting the same definition, state courts could vary wildly in determining what is considered “significantly subaverage” functioning.

Indeed, unlike any other jurisdiction, the CCA adopted a narrower focus than what mental health professionals recommend by looking to the “level and degree of mental retardation at which a consensus of Texas citizens would agree that a person should be exempted from the death penalty.”[76] The CCA said unless the defendant seems retarded enough to the average person in Texas, they will not be exempt. The court cited Atkins, that “[n]ot all people who claim to be mentally retarded will be so impaired as to fall within the range of mentally retarded offenders about whom there is a national consensus.”[77] The CCA took this phrase and ran with it, interpreting it to allow the execution of persons whose disability falls in the mild rangethe largest portion of intellectually disabled criminal defendants and the range in which the Atkins claimant fell. The fact that Texas did not yet have any statutory provisions applying Atkins further allowed the court to ignore the holding in Atkins and create its own “factors” test not based on any clinical determination.[78]

The Briseno court argued that adaptive behavior criteria are “exceedingly subjective” and thus set out a list of seven evidentiary factors to guide the determination of whether a defendant is considered intellectually disabled under Atkins:[79]

[1.] Did those who knew the person best during the developmental stagehis family, friends, teachers, employers, authoritiesthink he was mentally retarded at that time, and, if so, act in accordance with that determination?

[2.] Has the person formulated plans and carried them through or is his conduct impulsive?

[3.] Does his conduct show leadership or does it show that he is led around by others?

[4.] Is his conduct in response to external stimuli rational and appropriate, regardless of whether it is socially acceptable?

[5.] Does he respond coherently, rational, and on point to oral or written questions or do his responses wander from subject to subject?

[6.] Can the person hide facts or lie effectively in his own or others’ interests?

[7.] Putting aside any heinousness or gruesomeness surrounding the capital offense, did the commission of that offense require forethought, planning, and complex execution of purpose?[80]

The court applied these factors to the defendant-petitioner in Briseno to determine that he did not prove, by a preponderance of the evidence, that he had significant limitations in adaptive functioning.”[81] They found that stories of him running away from home to escape the beatings from his great-grandma signified “good survival skills,” that officers testified his behavior seemed normal and appropriate in prison, and his own testimony seemed “clear, coherent and responsive.”[82] As later held in Moore v. Texas, these types of factors cannot provide an adequate basis for determining adaptive behavior because they overemphasize the strengths without considering the deficits.[83] Several courts in Texas since Briseno have dissented from the application of the factors as “decidedly non-diagnostic, giving Texas judges “amorphous latitude . . . to supply the normative judgment to say, in essence, what mental retardation means in Texas . . . for Eighth Amendment purposes.” [84]

After Briseno, it is estimated that Texas executed thirty to forty people with strong claims of intellectual disability relying on the nonclinical “we know it when see it approach” that was “as meaningless as answers given by a Magic 8 Ball.”[85] After the progressive step the Court took in Atkins, Briseno ran afoul the long-standing principle that the Eighth Amendment protects “evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society,” making clear that Atkins was just one battle won in the fight for the constitutional rights of intellectually disabled persons.[86]

C.  Setting the Stage for Moore

In 2014, ten years after Briseno, the Supreme Court revisited the issue in Hall v. Florida, holding that a Florida capital punishment law requiring an individual claiming an intellectual disability to score seventy or below on an IQ test violates the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments of the Constitution.[87] Freddie Lee Hall was convicted of two murders in 1978, a jury sentenced him to death, and both the Court of Appeals and Florida Supreme Court affirmed concluding that his intellectual disability could not justify or excuse his moral culpability based their interpretation of a Florida statute.[88] While the Florida statute appeared nearly identical to the three criteria in Atkins, it went further by defining “significantly subaverage” intellectual functioning as “performance that is two or more standard deviations from the mean score on a standardized intelligence test.”[89] The standard deviation is fifteen points, two deviations is then thirty points, but the Florida Supreme Court interpreted the statute as creating a strict IQ cutoff of seventy.[90]

When Hall was first sentenced, the Supreme Court had not yet decided Atkins, thus, in 2004, Hall filed a motion claiming an intellectual disability that would have exempted him from the death penalty pursuant to Atkins.[91] It took five years for Florida to hold a hearing considering his motion, and when they finally did, he presented evidence that his IQ score was seventy-one.[92] Notably, Hall actually received nine IQ tests over forty years ranging from scores of sixty to eighty, but the scores below seventy were excluded for “evidentiary reasons.”[93] Under the Florida Supreme Court’s analysis, a score of seventy-one put Hall above the mandatory cutoff, and thus other evidence could not be considered.[94]

The Supreme Court noted that Florida’s mandatory IQ cutoff disregards the medical practice because it treats IQ as “conclusive evidence” of an individual’s intellectual functioning, without considering other evidence of deficiencies in adaptive behavior.[95] In fact, the very professionals who create and run IQ tests are in consensus that they “should be read not as a single fixed number but as a range.”[96] This is because each test has a “standard error of management” (“SEM”),[97] reflecting the inconsistency and imprecision of the test. For individuals like Hall with an IQ of seventy, considering the SEM places him in a range between sixty-six and seventy-six.[98] The SEM also applies to an individual like Hallwho has taken multiple testsand must be applied to each one separately.

Turning now to the Eighth Amendment analysis of whether there is a national consensus that the practice of IQ cutoffs violates standards of decency, the Court found a “significant majority of States implement the protections of Atkins by taking the SEM into account,” reflecting the “error inherent” in using the test.[99] Additionally, only two other states had adopted a fixed score cutoff identical to Florida’s at the time of this decision.[100] There are however, nine states with statutes that could be interpreted as requiring bright-line cutoffs of seventy, but the Court found that four of them have not had courts rule on the issue.[101] In stark contrast, eighteen states have abolished the death penalty altogether and at least five states have passed legislation permitting a defendant bring a claim under Atkins, despite an IQ above seventy.[102] For all of these reasons, the Court rejected the strict cutoff.[103] Rather, the Court found significant evidence must be considered: “social and cultural environment, including medical histories, behavioral records, school test and reports, and testimony regarding past behavior and family circumstances.”[104]

After disregarding the strict cutoff under Florida’s statute, the Court’s analysis considered Hall’s school records, and testimony from his teachers, his lawyer, medical clinicians, and his family, finding them to be “substantial and unchallenged evidence of intellectual disability.”[105] The Court went beyond the IQ test’s simple number by delving into the defendant’s childhood. The opinion cites several different testimonies that demonstrated his intellectual disability. For example, his siblings testified there was “something ‘very wrong’ with him as a child,” and he was “slow with speech and . . . slow to learn.”[106] Strikingly, his mother “would strap [Hall] to his bed at night . . . [and] awaken [him] by hoisting him up and whipping him with a belt, rope, or cord” and on one occasion she “buried him in the sand up to his neck to ‘strengthen his legs.’”[107] In light of the powerful evidence presented, the Court found that “Hall’s upbringing appeared to make his deficits in adaptive functioning all the more severe.”[108]

The Court’s reasoning in Hall is significant because it acknowledges that a person is more than just a number.[109] Not only is an important constitutional protection against cruel and unusual punishment at stake, but also the rights of a group of individuals who have long suffered due to the stigma of their intellectual disabilities. What is at stake here is not automatically excusing anyone with an intellectual disability from punishment, but rather ensuring that an individual has the opportunity to present evidence of his disability, including deficits in adaptive behavior. Florida’s decision to execute Hall because his IQ score was one point above the cutoff was an extreme circumstance, and the Court properly championed the rights of intellectually disabled persons in its opinion. However, its ruling only invalidated the Florida statute under the Eighth Amendment; thus the Court has not yet categorically banned state reliance on IQ tests.

II.  MORE PROTECTION UNDER MOORE?

Two years after Hall v. Florida, on June 6, 2016, the Supreme Court granted certiorari in its most recent case regarding the intellectually disabled, Moore v. Texas.[110] The Supreme Court granted certiorari, taking up the specific issue of whether it violates the Eighth Amendment under Hall and Atkins to prohibit the use of current medical standards on intellectual disability and instead require the use of outdated medical standards in determining whether an individual can be exempt from the death penalty. The main issue is whether medical definitions govern how courts rule, or whether courts have discretion to develop the legal standard on their own.

In 1980, Bobby James Moore and two accomplices attempted to rob a grocery store. Moore was meant to be a look-out guard positioned at the front booth with a shotgun, but when he approached the booth, he shot and killed an employee.[111] Moore was convicted of capital murder and sentenced to death.[112] Moore brought habeas petitions in both state and federal courts, and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit found Moore received ineffective assistance of counsel during his trial and sentencing because his attorney failed to develop or present mitigating or exculpatory evidence.[113] After a new state court sentencing hearing in February 2001, Moore was sentenced to death again.

Because Moore v. Texas came out of the CCA in Texas, it evaluated Moore’s intellectual functioning pursuant to the Briseno factors. The CCA found Moore failed to meet the Briseno factors and again imposed a death sentence.[114] In doing so, the CCA reversed a lower court ruling that followed the scientific diagnostic criteria set by medical professionals, which had found that Moore did have an intellectual disability.[115] Texas is the only state that followed the Briseno factors, allowing the CCA the flexibility to interpret the three prongs in whichever way it felt the majority of Texas citizens would. Thus, the CCA side-stepped Atkins and deemed Moore not intellectually disabled enough under Briseno. This decision was made in the face of showing a history of intellectual disability that had been documented throughout Moore’s childhood. This included testimony from a clinical neuropsychologist that Moore’s “mental age at the time of the offense was no greater than fourteen years” and he had a “lack of impulse control and a diminished ability to think through the consequences of his actions.”[116] Since Moore had the same cognitive functioning of a fourteen-year-old, he had the same “diminished capacity”[117] to make decisions that makes juveniles less culpable than adults. The Supreme Court has held juveniles less culpable than adults for several reasons, including a susceptibility to peer pressures and influence by others.[118]

Demonstrating his intellectual limitations, testimony at a 2014 evidentiary hearing revealed that “when [Moore] was in second and third grade, he could not tell a $1 bill from a $5 or $10 bill.”[119] Further, Moore’s siblings testified about the “neglectful, physically and verbally abusive alcoholic” father they had.[120] According to their testimony, Moore received the harshest beatings and was thrown out of the house at age fourteen because he could not spell and his father “thought he was stupid.”[121] This testimony was corroborated by a neighbor who could attest to witnessing the beatings as well as Moore’s “haggard” and bruised appearance.[122] Experts acknowledged that emotional disturbances and environmental conditions like that of Moore’s upbringing can adversely impact an individual’s learning ability and IQ scores.[123]

Resulting from his childhood hardships at home, Moore dropped out of school around age fifteen or sixteen and started living a street life.[124] Part of this new life included smoking marijuana and taking 7 to 14 Quaalude pills per day.”[125] Moore led a troubled life as a teenager, part of which stemed from his intellectual challenges. He stated that due to his inability to read or write, he skipped school starting as early as fourth grade[126] After reviewing Moore’s entire record, Dr. Borda, the clinical neuropsychologist who originally reviewed his case, stated in a 2013 affidavit that Moore met the criteria for a[n] intellectual-disability diagnosis.[127]

The CCA in Ex parte Moore began its analysis first by evaluating Moore’s “significantly sub-average” intellectual functioning, as laid about by Atkins, but added that this is “generally shown by an IQ of 70 or less.”[128] As mentioned previously, IQ scores can vary significantly over the years, but they can also vary given the type of test administered. These cases can become particularly confusing for both judges and the public alike, given that there are so many different clinical and technical ways to determine IQ. Moore had taken several IQ tests, varying in form, and the scores before the court in its deliberation were: seventy-seven on the OLMAT at age twelve, fifty-seven on the Slosson at age thirteen, seventy-eight on the WISC at age thirteen, seventy-one on an abbreviated WAIS-R at age thirty, seventy-four on a complete WAIS-R at age thirty, eighty-five on the RCPM at age fifty-four, and fifty-nine on the WAIS-IV at age fifty-four .[129] Dr. Borda identified the score of fifty-seven as the “first and most accurate assessment” and discounted the score of seventy-eight on the WISC because it should be adjusted to 70 for the Flynn Effect.[130] The Flynn Effect is a phenomenon in which IQ of the general population is estimated to increase at a rate of three points per year, so IQ tests must be renormed.[131] Dr. Borda provided opinions as to each score and why it was not reliable and asserted that Moore was “very limited to begin with,” so being in harsh environmental conditions likely adversely affected Moore’s learning ability and IQ scores.[132]

The CCA next found that “[e]ven if [Moore] had proven that he suffers from significantly sub-average general intellectual functioning, he still could not win an Atkins claim because he did not prove the second prong, limitations on adaptive functioning by a preponderance of the evidence.[133] The state pointed to Moore’s job mowing grass and “hustling pool” as evidence of money skills, knowledge, and “self-direction” to obtain a job, however expert Greenspan did not find any of those as “adaptive” behavior.[134] Moore’s school records reflect poor grades, below-grade-level scores on academic achievement tests, and as early as kindergarten, he was considered potentially intellectually disabled.[135] The court found a “far more credible” forensic psychologist, Compton, who testified that Moore did exhibit some deficits in academic and social-interaction skills during his developmental period, but was at too high a level of adaptive functioning to support an intellectual disability diagnosis.[136] Compton further pointed to the advances Moore made while on death row as evidence that his early life problems were not caused by a disability, but derived from his difficult childhood.[137] Considering the Briseno factors, the court ultimately found that there was not enough evidence of adaptive behavior deficits due to Moore’s ability to lie, and his “forethought, planning, and moderately complex execution of purpose.”[138]

The American Civil Liberties Union (“ACLU”) argued in its amicus brief in support of the petitioner in Moore that given current clinical standards, the Briseno factors cannot stand. In its brief, the ACLU argued that the Briseno factors are based on a stereotyped view of intellectual disability derived from the character of Lennie in John Steinbeck’s Of Mice and Men, and that in practice, it subjects defendants with mild intellectual disability to the death penalty, thus violating the Constitution’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment.[139]

The Texas court’s “flawed interpretation” of Atkins allows the execution of those who fall in the mild intellectual disability range with significant deficits in adaptive behavior, but whose IQ scores are above the threshold of seventy for exemption.[140] The Briseno court mistakenly turned to the character Lennie, largely representative of a stereotype, for guidance in creating its factors and thus relied closely on a fictional character rather than clinical findings.[141] The ACLU points out how dangerous Briseno’s holding is because it allows the state to execute individuals with mild intellectual disability, even under Atkins, and the “overwhelming majority” of intellectually disabled persons fall in the mild range.[142] Even more shocking is that the individuals who fall in the more severe disability range, “rarely, if ever, have the capacity to commit capital crimes.”[143] In Atkins, the defendant-petitioner on death row was “mildly mentally retarded.”[144] For these reasons, the brief persuasively calls into question both Briseno’s reasoning and conclusion. Although Atkins left to the states how to implement the decision, that does not allow the states to make their own determination as to what the Eighth Amendment encompasses and certainly does not allow for concluding a person is not disabled enough on the basis of stereotypical ideas. Hall made clear that the inquiry should be informed by the medical community’s framework and clinical standards. The medical community and clinical authorities agree that “an individual with an IQ score above 70 may properly be diagnosed with intellectual disability if significant limitations in adaptive functioning also exist.”[145]

In oral argument on November 29, 2016, counsel for Petitioner Moore argued that Hall prohibits lower courts from ignoring current medical standards, like the court in Briseno did.[146] Texas, on the other hand, argued the Court’s long-standing view is that there is subjectivity in the medical diagnosis, and the habeas judge erred by employing the current standard rather than following the Briseno factors.[147]

Petitioner Moore’s counsel further argued that even if the Briseno factors are an acceptable framework, the CCA erroneously applied them in two ways. First, the court did not factor in the standard error of measurement in IQ tests. When it accepted Moore’s score of seventy-four as valid, the CCA treated it as a decisive number rather than applying the standard error of five points, which would bring his score down to sixty-nine and within the range for an intellectual disability.[148]

Second, Moore’s counsel argued that the CCA erroneously applied the adaptive-function prong. They pointed out that it is undisputed in the record that Moore exhibited signs of his disability that would support this prong; at age thirteen he could not understand the days of the week, months, seasons, how to tell time, and even lacked basic math skills such as subtraction, addition, and units of measurement.[149] Texas emphasized how the CCA believed Moore’s “strengths” outweighed his deficits, highlighting his ability to mow grass and play pool for money.[150] Again, Texas’ conclusion is contradicted by clinical standards which state that adaptive skill limitations often coexist with strengths.[151] This argument speaks to the misunderstanding and stereotype that individuals who are not of the “severely mentally retarded” category are not intellectually disabled. Texas grasped for evidence that Moore could function normally in everyday life, when in reality many individuals who fall in the “mildly mentally retarded” category hold jobs and appear to function normally in certain aspects of their lives.

Texas also defended the CCA’s decision by questioning how Moore became disabled. It pointed to poor nutrition, poverty, his history of poor academic performance, and depression while on death row to ultimately argue that these are not attributable to intellectual functioning, but rather are evidence of lack of a good home environment.[152] This argument is directly contradicted by current medical standards which state that intellectual disability can be derived from multiple causations. For instance, the AAMR advocates that etiology has a role in the diagnosis. The etiology approach is a multifactorial construct consisting of four categories: biomedical, social, behavioral, and educational.[153] The AAMR cites as “risk factors” for a disability, the exact reasons Texas argued are not evidence of an intellectual disability; these include malnutrition, family poverty, child abuse and neglect, and institutionalization among others.[154]

In oral argument, counsel for Texas argued that because the DSM-5 states there is an “imperfect fit” between the two concepts of subaverage intellectual functioning and adaptive behavior, states do not have to adopt the positions of current medical organizations.[155] This argument supports adhering to the Briseno factors instead to help clarify the prongs set out by the DSM-5. However, the danger of adhering to the Briseno factors is that they are based on a “consensus of Texas citizens,”[156] and thus based on the layperson’s stereotyped view of intellectual disability. Arguing that the Briseno factors trump clinical consensus violates Atkins. The entire basis for the Atkins decision was a shifting national consensus, based on clinical findings and the medical community because “[t]he [state] statutory definitions of mental retardation are not identical, but generally conform to the clinical definitions.”[157] If the three prongs are based entirely on clinical definitions, how then can a court conclude that they are free to ignore clinical consensus on how to apply those prongs? The Supreme Court’s decision in Atkins suggests an intent to follow the evolving standards of the medical community, and nowhere does the Court condone following the lay persons’ view, which has no basis in comparison to a professional clinical judgment.

Bobby James Moore ultimately prevailed, with Justice Ginsburg writing the 5-3 decision vacating the CCA’s judgment on March 28, 2017.[158] The majority opinion emphasized that although the states are tasked with deciding how to enforce Atkins, their discretion is not “unfettered” and the decision must be “informed by the medical community’s diagnostic framework.”[159] First, in considering IQ score, the Court held CCA’s conclusionthat Moore’s IQ scores establish he is not intellectually disabledis “irreconcilable with Hall,” which mandates that when an IQ score is close to and above seventy, courts must account for the test’s standard error of measurement.”[160] The standard error of measurement (“SEM”) is particularly important because it “reflects the reality that an individual’s intellectual functioning cannot be reduced to a single numerical score.”[161] Accounting for the SEM, Moore’s score of seventy-four actually yields a range of sixty-nine to seventy-nine, because it can be plus or minus five points either way.[162] Justice Ginsburg’s opinion emphasizes the importance that “the Eighth Amendment [does not turn] on the slightest numerical difference in IQ score”[163] and reinforces the importance of considering adaptive behavior deficits, not strengths, when the IQ is around this range. The CCA erred by “overemphasiz[ing] Moore’s perceived adaptive strengths” such his lawn mowing and time living on the streets.[164] The medical consensus is to focus on deficits, not strengths.[165]

Chief Justice Roberts, writing for the dissent, agrees with the majority that the Briseno factors are an “unacceptable method,” but dissents because he believes “clinicians, not judges, should determine clinical standards; and judges, not clinicians, should determine the content of the Eighth Amendment.”[166] In the dissent’s view, it is the evolving standards of decency that matters for Eighth Amendment, not a medical assessment.

Despite Chief Justice Roberts best efforts, Moore held that courts must follow the medical community consensus in determining intellectual disabilitySEMs must be considered, and adaptive strengths cannot be overemphasized. However, Part III will argue that without the retroactive effect of Moore or Hall and without a ban on IQ cutoffs, this decision may not fully protect future intellectuallydisabled defendants or reach those currently sitting on death row.

III.  ARGUMENT

Bobby James Moore received his justice in Moore v. Texas, but where does that leave the remaining intellectuallydisabled persons sitting on death row? Will future intellectuallydisabled criminal defendants be given the same treatment without a bright-line rule from the Court on IQ cutoffs? Although Moore represents a triumphant moment in the judicial system’s effort to understand mental deficiencies, these two major questions remain given the majority in Moore again left the states some discretion in determining when a defendant is intellectually disabled enough to qualify for the Atkins exemption. This Note will explore (1) whether Moore and Hall can be given retroactive effect, (2) whether a ban on harsh IQ cutoffs is possible to protect current and future intellectually disabled claimants, and (3) how evidence of mental illness must be more seriously considered along with intellectual disability for death penalty exemption.

A.  Retroactivity

States have always resisted complying with Supreme Court ruling they dislike, often finding ways to limit the decisions’ impact. One way lower courts can side-step a Supreme Court decision is to argue that the decision does not apply retroactively. Post-Moore, lower courts have begun pointing to retroactivity as a reason to continue to deny Atkins claims. For example, only a few months after Moore was decided, a federal court in Alabama held Moore is not retroactive, but rather is a mere, new application of Hall.[167] There, petitioner Smith argued that the Alabama court unreasonably applied federal law by failing to apply the SEM adjustment to his IQ score.[168] The Alabama court reasoned that because Moore had not been decided when the Alabama Court of Criminal Appeals entered its decision, there was no error in failing to consider the SEM when examining Smith’s IQ scores.[169] Without applying the SEM, if an IQ score does not go below seventy, the Alabama court can consider a claimant’s adaptive strengths more convincing than the deficits. Alabama viewed Moore as simply cautioning against over-emphasis of adaptive strengths, and with neither Moore or Hall being retroactive,[170] the court dismissed petitioner’s claim despite evidence that his IQ scores ranged from as low as sixty-four to seventy-five.[171] Petitioner Smith filed an appeal in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit on November 9, 2017 and is currently awaiting review. The Supreme Court in Moore and its line of precedents aim to uphold and protect the Eighth Amendment right against cruel and unusual punishment. Yet despite holding in Moore that the SEM and adaptive deficits must be considered, individuals are being denied that right because they happen to appear before a court that does not agree with the Supreme Court. The Eighth Amendment applies to all, and when states to continue to uphold harsh IQ cutoffs of seventy, it goes against the premise that the Court is the “supreme law of the land.” One solution, if possible, is for the Supreme Court to give retroactive effect to Hall and Moore.

The framework for retroactivity in cases on federal collateral review was established in 1989 in Teague v. Lane.[172] As a general matter, a new constitutional rule of criminal procedure does not apply . . . to convictions that were final when the new rule was announced.[173] Teague recognizes two categories of rules that are not subject to this bar: new substantive rules of constitutional law and new “watershed rules of criminal procedure.”[174] Substantive rules include those “forbidding criminal punishment of certain primary conduct” and those “prohibiting a certain category of punishment for a class of defendants because of their status or offense.”[175] This Note seeks to determine whether Moore and Hall are new substantive rules qualifying as an exception to Teague.

The Supreme Court has done this before. In 2011, the Court held in Miller v. Alabama that mandatory life without the possibility of parole for juvenile homicide offenders violates the Eighth Amendment, and such a sentence is disproportionate for all but the “rare juvenile offender whose crime reflects irreparable corruption.”[176] In the wake of Miller, it was unclear whether its holding could be applied retroactively to juvenile offenders whose convictions were final when Miller was decided. In 2016, the Court came back to the issue in Montgomery v. Louisiana to clarify that Miller is retroactive because the Constitution requires state collateral review courts to give retroactive effect when a new substantive rule of constitutional law controls the outcome of a case.[177] Because Miller concluded a sentence of life without parole is disproportionate for the vast majority of juvenile offenders, not giving it retroactivity raised a “grave risk that many are being held in violation of the Constitution.[178] In comparison, the vast majority of intellectual disabled persons fall on the “mild” range (IQ 5055 to 7075). Applying the SEM to the 7075 range could protect individuals whose range goes as high as eighty in one direction, and as low as sixty-five in the other. Like the juveniles Montgomery sought to protect, mildly intellectually disabled persons with IQ scores of 7075 are being denied rights under Atkins, Hall, and Moore in states that cut off protection at seventy, leaving them at a “grave risk” of being detained in violation of the Constitution. Montgomery clarified that when a State enforces a penalty barred by the Constitution, the sentence is unlawful.[179] Here, if states like Alabama are continuing to enforce statutes with IQ cutoffs set at seventy, they are enforcing penalties barred by the Constitution given the Court’s holding in Hall that it violates the Eighth Amendment not to consider adaptive behavior when defendants are in the range close to, but above, 70.[180] Like how Miller’s rule controls the outcome of juvenile life without parole cases, Hall and Moore now control the outcome of Atkins claims with new guidance on how to determine intellectual disability.

The Kentucky Supreme Court agrees and in 2016 held that Hall should be applied retroactively because “[i]t is a substantive restriction on the State’s power to take the life of individuals suffering from intellectual disabilities.”[181] The Kentucky Supreme Court reasoned that Hall is a “directive that not only proscribes intellectually disabled people from being put to death, but defines the manner in which the mental deficiencies of offenders must be evaluated.”[182] Kentucky’s emphasis that following Hall, there is a new method to evaluate intellectually disabled defendants fits within Montgomery’s holding that a new substantive rule exists when it controls the outcome of a case. Hall rejected the bright-line cutoff of seventy because it “create[d] an unacceptable risk that persons with intellectual disability will be executed” and was an unconstitutional violation of the Eight Amendment.[183] Hall’s requirement to consider the SEM and its rejection of an IQ cutoff would change the outcome of many cases where a defendant with IQ scores between seventy and seventy-five brings an Atkins claim in a state like Alabama that employs a harsh cutoff of seventy.

If a petitioner with scores ranging from sixty-four to seventy-five brings a claim in Florida, under Hall courts would be required to consider adaptive deficits. If a petitioner with the same scores brings this claim in Alabama, under its current law the claim likely would be denied in part because Hall and Moore are not retroactive. Inconsistency as such among the states results in similarly situated persons receiving vastly different treatment. The decision between life and death for an individual with an intellectual disability should not hinge on whether they are in a state that follows the clinical approach of following the SEM or not.

The argument against retroactivity should not be overlooked. There is a persuasive point that Hall and Moore cannot be applied retroactively because they announce procedural rules rather than substantive rules. In Montgomery, Louisiana noted that Miller did not categorically bar a penalty for a class of offenders or type of crime, but only mandated a process to follow by creating a set of factors courts must consider when sentencing juveniles to life without parole. Although it was a losing argument for Louisiana, here lower courts might argue that Atkins barred a penalty for the class of intellectually disabled persons constituting a substantive rule, but Hall and Moore do not bar a penalty for a class, but provide guidance to courts on how to make the intellectual disability finding, and thus mandate a process as a procedural rule. It could be argued that Hall and Moore did not place any punishment beyond the State’s power to imposeand this power rests solely with the states. This argument brings the question of whether defendants who are “close to, but above 70” can be considered a “class of defendants.” Nowhere in Hall did the Court say how far above seventy this class could include. The Court applied the SEM to Bobby James Moore’s IQ of seventy-four, so is that where it stops? Applying the SEM, the majority explained it can go five points in either direction, rendering Moore with a range of 6979. If this means someone with a score of seventy-nine could still be considered intellectually disabled, perhaps the solution is to consider defendants who fall between seventy and seventy-nine a class of persons in need of protection from an unconstitutional death sentence.  

The argument against retroactivity also stresses that retroactivity may lead to an increase in frivolous intellectual disability claims. Atkins recognized that “[n]ot all people who claim to be mentally retarded will be so impaired as to fall within the range of mentally retarded offenders,so the question about which group of intellectually disabled individuals there exists a national consensus prohibiting execution is a valid concern.[184] The worry is that courts will receive an influx of frivolous or dishonest habeas petitions alleging intellectual disability. Frivolous litigation, however, is not likely a threat. A recent study found that from the time of Atkins in 2002, through the end of 2013, only 371 death row inmates or capital defendants claimed intellectual disability.[185] This study calculated the filing rate of these 371 persons to be only approximately 7.7% of persons whose lives could potentially be spared by a determination of intellectual disability”a fairly consistent number over the ten years since Atkins.[186] The empirical evidence from this study “also refutes any concern that significant numbers of frivolous claims would be filed.”[187] Given that Atkins did not generate much frivolous litigation, it follows that if retroactive, Hall and Moore would continue the trend of allowing justice for the true claims of those intellectually disabled still on death row, without generating many frivolous claims.

Moore may not need to be applied retroactively if is viewed as simply dealing with the narrow circumstance of Texas’s reliance on nonclinical factors. Yet how many cases in the above study were denied because courts relied too heavily on adaptive strengths rather than deficits like Moore now demands? There is arguably a subset of cases, which were denied pre-Moore and could now be granted post-Moore, that will not see justice because courts are not treating Moore as retroactive. Through 2013, the study found that 31% of all unsuccessful cases were denied for failure on prong one, significantly subaverage intellectual functioning, and 12% were unsuccessful for lack of adaptive deficits.[188] Of those who lost on prong one, 71% had an average IQ score over seventy-five, while the successful cases had an average score of sixty-eight.[189] However, of the successful cases finding intellectual disability, 46% of the [claimants] had at least one IQ score over seventy-five, and 20% [had] one or more IQ scores over 80.[190] It is important to note that these cases were decided before Moore held that the SEM must be applied to the overall scores. Of the 71% with an average over 75, it is possible there are cases with scores between seventy-six and seventy-nine, a range that when the SEM is applied, falls within the same range that Hall and Moore protect.

Many intellectually disabled defendants, like in Moore, have a range of IQ scores over time, but demonstrate adaptive deficits that must be considered and not ignored merely because some of the scores are above seventy. Bobby James Moore had an average IQ of seventy-four, but the Court refrained from setting a brightline rule for IQ scores. On one hand, it could be argued that courts have been generally doing it right, and there is no need for Moore to apply retroactively because the majority of denied cases were above seventy-four. On the other hand, there is still the 29% who had IQ scores below seventy-five, and it is possible that several of those cases were close calls involving evidence of adaptive deficits not properly considered. If states like Alabama continue to render decisions that fly in the face of Hall and Moore, the goals the two cases aimed to accomplish will be continuously undermined.

Finding intellectual disability is not a blackandwhite issue. With Moore requiring application of the SEM and Hall rejecting a harsh IQ cutoff of seventy, it is evident that Atkins claims require case-by-case analysis and that this is not too much to ask considering the relatively low number of claims being brought. The response to this complex analysis is to not continue allowing states to implement harsh IQ cutoffs of seventy. The variety of IQ scores, adaptive deficits, childhood trauma, and mental illnesses from which defendants suffer cannot be boxed into one number. For these reasons, IQ cutoffs, like in Hall, should be banned nationwide by giving Hall and Moore retroactive effect.

B.  Current States with IQ Cutoffs

Texas provided one example of how states made it more challenging for claimants to prevail on an Atkins claim with its nonclinical Briseno factors, but state statutes with IQ cutoffs persist post-Moore. Side-stepping Moore by treating it as not retroactive, states with IQ cutoffs are free to ignore the SEM, adaptive deficits, and claims of those who do not have overall IQ scores below seventy. Although Moore applied the SEM to Moore’s score of seventy-four, yielding a sufficient range of sixty-nine to seventy-nine,  the Court refrained from making a categorical holding as to constitutionality of IQ cutoffs. The Court left it open to the states to decide what a sufficient IQ score is. The opinion makes clear that the SEM should be considered plus and minus five points in both directions, but does not explain whether it should be applied to all IQ scores in a claimant’s life. This leaves the question on where to draw the line with IQ scores. Although Hall held that the cutoff of seventy was unacceptable in Florida, the Court did not make the decision retroactive, as discussed in Section III.A. As a result, states still enforce statutes with unconstitutional IQ cutoffseven after Moore.

Several states have already taken the general position that “[w]hile IQ tests are one of the many factors that need to be considered, they alone are not sufficient to make a final determination on this issue.[191] Currently, eleven states have statutes with IQ cutoffs in their definition of intellectual disability: Arizona, Arkansas, Kentucky, New Mexico, Nebraska, North Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Washington, Idaho, and Oklahoma.[192] Of those eleven, all set the significantly subaverage functioning level at an IQ of seventy and below aside from Arkansas, which states that there is a “rebuttable presumption of mental retardation when a defendant has an intelligence quotient of sixty-five (65) or below.”[193] The Ohio Supreme Court held that there is a rebuttable presumption that a defendant is not mentally retarded if his or her IQ is above 70.”[194]

Although state statutes and procedures post-Atkins differ, if a significant number of states come to a consensus that an IQ cutoff is not sufficient by itself, it could prove to be as influential as the “national consensus” was in Atkins’s overturning Penry. Of the eleven states with IQ cutoffs, several courts have started departing from their brightline rules. Arizona’s statute was directly called into question by Hall, which explained that although it has the brightline set at seventy, another provision of the statute “instructs courts to ‘take into account the margin of error for a test administered.’”[195] Hall cited what it called the “principal Arizona case on the matter” where a defendant had an IQ score of eighty, and “all but one of the sub-parts of the IQ test were ‘above 75.’”[196]

In a case remanded from the Eighth Circuit, a United States District Court in Arkansas on March 2, 2018, performed a thorough analysis to determine the intellectual disability of a defendant claiming an Atkins exemption because a diagnosis “cannot be justified solely on the basis of a fixed score.[197] The court applied both the Flynn Effect and the SEM and considered all evidence of petitioner’s childhood, education, employment, financial abilities, and personal relationships.[198] Although the court ultimately did not find a “significant subaverage general intelligence” and upheld the 1993 Arkansas statute,[199] its analysis demonstrates a promising acceptance of Moore. Alternatively, the Supreme Court of Tennessee, before Moore was decided, held in 2011 that determining a defendant’s functional intelligence is “not limited to raw scores.”[200] The court required expert testimony to assist the determination and a “full and fair consideration” to all evidence, including the results of all IQ tests administered to a defendant.[201] To help inform its decision, the Tennessee Supreme Court reviewed all cases involving the relevant statute and found that neither litigants nor Tennessee courts in general have been limiting their consideration to raw IQ test scores, and there are even cases in which the State has argued and presented evidence challenging the accuracy of scores.[202]

An IQ score must not be the only factor considered and cannot be the only deciding factor for whether an individual qualifies for exemption under Atkins. “Because intelligence tests are indirect rather than direct measures of intelligence, experts in the field recognize that they, like other measures of human functioning, are not ‘actuarial determination[s],’ that these tests cannot measure intelligence with absolute precision and that these tests contain a potential for error.”[203] Indeed, as experts have recognized, it is dangerous to rely solely on IQ tests for proof of intellectual disability. Commonly used tests in the public domain . . . are administered in a group setting with poor or non-existent test control,” and the test itself can be “sketchy” or based on obsolete norms.”[204] The DSM-5 stresses that clinical judgment is [required] in interpreting the results.[205] Since 1959, clinicians have considered a person’s adaptive behavior in addition to IQ scores due to a decreasing confidence in the scores as the sole measure.[206] This suggests that in death penalty cases involving Atkins claims, courts should evaluate adaptive behavior on a casebycase basis, rather than implement a categorical ban like the one states are trying to impose on defendants with IQs above seventy.

In the year since Moore was decided, the Supreme Court has remanded several cases for additional consideration in light of Moore.[207] If this is to be a continuing trend, for pure judicial economy reasons it would make sense to have Hall and Moore apply retroactively. In October 2017, the United States Supreme Court ordered the Florida Supreme Court to reconsider, in light of Moore, a decision denying death-row inmate Tavares Wright’s intellectual disability claim.[208] All of Wright’s nine IQ tests yielded scores of seventy-five or above[209] and the Supreme Court of Florida listed several adaptive strengths such as Wright’s job as a grocery clerk, job in prison, ability to write cards, cleanliness, and understanding of social interactions[210]yet the Supreme Court found this was insufficient under Moore. This was the sixth time the Court has vacated a state or federal court’s rejection of an intellectual-disability claim and remanded for reconsideration under Moore.[211]

The Supreme Court also vacated a decision of the Alabama Court of Criminal Appeals (“CCA”) in May 2017 for Taurus Carroll because Alabama had overemphasized Carroll’s adaptive strengthsthat he had passed a GED exam . . . and . . . held . . . a job in the prison kitchen.[212] On remand, the court reconsidered evidence that Carroll was in special education as a child, twice failed first and eighth grade, had an absent father, and experienced physical and sexual abuse as young as age seven.[213] However, the Alabama CCA again denied Carroll’s claim of intellectual disability, citing evidence that he had a good memory, knew dates and times of day, and had adequate school records, despite an IQ score of seventy-one that would adjust to sixty-six to seventy-six with the SEM.[214] Despite succeeding on prong one, Carroll lost his claim on prong two’s adaptive functioning requirement. The Alabama CCA pointed to the fact that in high school, Carroll was given the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children twice and received scores of eighty-five and eighty-seven.[215]

A recent report from 2017 revealed that almost all twenty-six men scheduled for execution in Ohio over the next three years suffer from mental, emotional, or cognitive impairments or limitations; at least 11 have evidence of intellectual disability, borderline intellectual disability, or a cognitive impairment, including brain injury.[216] Stanley Fitzpatrick, sentenced to death for murder committed at nineteen, not only suffered from hallucinations that the devil appeared to him and he “saw demons,” but he also had a “devastatingly low [IQ of] 69.”[217] Fitzpatrick’s death sentence was affirmed by the Ohio State Supreme Court in 2004, but his defense lawyers never introduced his low IQ during the penalty phase, and neither did they pursue evaluations to argue that he qualified as intellectually disabled.[218] James Frazier failed first grade, was a “slow learner,” attended “special classes,” dropped out of high school, and has an IQ of seventy-two.[219] Frazier was brought up in a household with a weekly wage of $64, with no supervision, and he was sexually abused as a child. Frazier’s Atkins claim was denied by the Supreme Court of Ohio in 2007.[220] James Derrick O’Neal had a reported IQ score of sixty-four at age fourteen, with three other scores of sixty-three, sixty-seven, and seventy-one.[221] O’Neal’s death sentence was affirmed by the Supreme Court of Ohio in 2000, two years before Atkins was decided, and he currently sits on death row. David Sneed suffers from both mental illness and impaired intellectual functioning, about which two psychiatrists testified at the penalty phase “combined to prevent him from appreciating the criminality of his actions.”[222] Sneed’s conviction was affirmed by the Supreme Court of Ohio in 1992, and he currently sits on death row. Lastly, Angelo Fears, with an IQ of seventy-five, family history of mental illness, and traumatic childhood of beatings, sits on death row following an affirmation of his sentence by the Ohio Supreme Court in 2008.[223]

These cases represent complex issuesthe presence of mental illness, childhood trauma, and drug use, along with evidence of intellectual disabilitybut all together they show that the process of finding an Atkins exemption cannot be merely a numbers game. Based on the cases above, Ohio does not give proper consideration, as required by Moore, to other factors when IQ scores are above seventy. It is wholly inconsistent with Moore to count evidence of mental illness or trauma against a finding of intellectual disability. In Moore, the majority found that the CCA had erred in failing to appreciate his childhood trauma and requiring a showing that Moore’s adaptive deficits were not related to a “personality disorder.”[224] It is now recognized that many intellectually disabled people also have other mental or physical impairments such as depression, bipolar disorder, and autism.[225]

Neither the AAMR nor the DSM diagnostic criteria intend that a fixed IQ cutoff be used to diagnose intellectual disabilities, given the known measurement of errors. Hall and Moore make clear that when an individual is “close to, but above, 70, courts must account for the test’s standard error of measurement.[226] The difficulty lies with how far from seventy scores can deviate or how many can be over seventy when there are multiple IQ scores over the developmental period, but a bright-line rule is not the answer.

C.  A Shifting National Consensus Against the Death Penalty

The issue of how to determine intellectual disability for the purposes of Atkins rests on the fundamental idea that those individuals are less culpable due to their diminished capacity.[227] Culpability is at the center of the analysis for death penalty purposes, so it is necessary to take a step back and look at the arguments in favor and against the death penalty in general, without narrowing it to the intellectually disabled. The Supreme Court has expressed a trend away from imposing the death penalty, and today “academic defenders of the death penalty are few and far between.[228] Simply put, the death penalty is “almost universally agreed . . . at worst barbaric and at best a waste of money.”[229]

The few academic defenders of the death penalty take the position that the death penalty, in certain cases, can be “morally required . . . to prevent the taking of innocent lives.”[230] This argument assumes the death penalty has a deterrent effect. A study in 2003 found that “each execution prevents some eighteen murders, on average, which supports defenders of the death penalty and the theory of deterrence.[231] As discussed in Part II, deterrence is not necessarily at play when criminal defendants are intellectually disabled, and in the last decade, opinions have changed and new studies have come out. In fact, a 2012 report by the National Research Council found that studies claiming the death penalty has a deterrent effect on murder rates have “fundamental flaws” and should not be relied on for policy decisions.[232]

Further, simply because the death penalty fits a theory of punishment does not mean it can be justified all things considered. For instance, torture could potentially fulfill the purposes of punishment, but as many Americans agree, it might not be permissible on other moral [or] legal grounds.[233] While the death penalty may fit a theory of punishment in general terms, here, in the case of intellectually disabled persons, it does not because of their inability to consider the risks and consequences of their actions, resulting in their overall diminished culpability. To otherwise justify the death penalty for intellectually disabled defendants is to move outside the theories of punishment, against Atkins’ position that “[u]nless the imposition of the death penalty on a mentally retarded person ‘measurably contributes to one or both of these goals, it is nothing more than the purposeless and needless imposition of pain and suffering, and hence an unconstitutional punishment.[234] By failing to consider adaptive behavior in determining exemption under Atkins, states are failing to uphold Atkins by allowing individuals like Stanley Fitzpatrick, James Frazier, and the others on Ohio’s death row to be subjected to needless pain and suffering.

Because the death penalty does not contribute to the goals of deterrence or retribution as applied to intellectually disabled, it must go beyond these theories as the Court did in Atkins by considering the national consensus. States are trending away from executing criminal defendants and are abolishing capital punishment altogether. The numbers are striking. In 2012, forty-three executions took place, thirty-nine in 2013, thirty-five in 2014, and twenty-eight in 2015.[235] Only twenty individuals were executed in 2016.[236] Further, the number of death sentences per year has also dropped dramatically from 279 in 1999, to only thirty-one in 2016.[237] These statistics encompass all criminal defendants and could include murderers and rapists with IQs well over seventy and the ability to fully understand the consequences of their actions, yet states are trending against sentencing those individuals to death. If states are shifting that way, they certainly should agree that defendants with even lesser culpability should not be executed either.

D.  Expanding the Exemption

With a constitutional ban on executing intellectually disabled persons, it follows that there should be a serious conversation regarding the execution of mentally ill defendants to find an avenue for exemption other than the rarely used insanity defense.

Following the Court’s decision in Atkins, the American Bar Association (“ABA”) has taken several steps towards enforcing and expanding its precedential value. The ABA established a Task Force on Mental Disability and the Death Penalty, which deliberated from 2003 to 2005.[238] The Task Force was comprised of roughly twenty-four lawyers and mental health practitioners, as well as members of the American Psychiatric Association and American Psychological Association. The Task Force successfully put together a proposal which became the ABA’s official recommendation on the death penalty exemption postAtkins.[239] The ABA formally takes a position that goes beyond the scope of Atkins, calling for exemption from the death penalty of not only individuals with an intellectual disability, but also those with serious mental illnesses.[240] The ABA put forth this recommendation in its 2006 122A Recommendation, outlining two scenarios in which defendants should not be executed: those with significant limitations in both intellectual functioning and adaptive skills, and those with severe mental disabilities.[241] The language from the Recommendation is as follows:

1. Defendants should not be executed or sentenced to death if, at the time of the offense, they had significant limitations in both their intellectual functioning and adaptive behavior, as expressed in conceptual, social, and practical adaptive skills, resulting from mental retardation, dementia, or a traumatic brain injury;

2. Defendants should not be executed or sentenced to death if, at the time of the offense, they had a severe mental disorder or disability that significantly impaired their capacity (a) to appreciate the nature, consequences or wrongfulness of their conduct, (b) to exercise rational judgment in relation to conduct, or (c) to conform their conduct to the requirements of the law.[242]

The first paragraph is essentially the ABA’s definition of “mental retardation” as taken from the American Association of Mental Retardation, and is thus in line with Atkins except that it also encompasses dementia and traumatic brain injury. This highlights an important and often overlooked problem in the three-prong criteria set out for defining an intellectual disability: the requirement that the deficiencies manifest prior to eighteen does not consider later dementia or brain injury. For instance, what happens to a defendant who grew up at a normal level of intellectual functioning, but was in a car accident after turning eighteen in which they suffered traumatic brain injury rendering them unable to function at the same level? This recommendation would serve as an important step towards expanding protection to those rare individuals who suffer from late on-set deficiencies.

The second paragraph, strikingly, is an unprecedented call for exemption of defendants with severe mental disorders or disabilities. The ABA elaborates that this narrowly refers to only those with “severe” disorders, meaning those disorders that mental health professionals would consider to be on “Axis I diagnoses.”[243] Among these include schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders, mania, major depressive disorder, and dissociative disorders, all of which are associated with delusions, hallucinations, disorganized thinking, and disruption of consciousness, memory, and perception of the environment.[244] Although this is seemingly a shift towards a more inclusive mental health law system, the ABA was sure to impose limitations in its recommendation by requiring a “significant impairment” requirement for individuals with severe mental disorders or disabilities. This requires that the disorder significantly impair cognitive or volitional functioning at the time of the offense.”[245]

The recommendation is in line with the goals of the criminal justice system. Defendants with established disorders that are considered “severe” enough to fall on the “Axis I diagnoses” certainly lack the ability to make rational decisions in comparison to the average offender without a mental disorder. In fact, the effect that a serious mental disorder has on a person’s culpability is essentially the same as the effect that being a juvenile or having an intellectual disability has on a person’s culpability. If the individual meets the “significant impairment” requirement discussed above, then the individual certainly lacked proper decision-making abilities at the time of their offense. Thus, like the Court reasoned in Roper and Atkins, punishing a person with lesser or low culpability due to a mental disorder does not properly serve the goals of deterrence since they lack the capacity to understand what they did or lacked the capacity to fully understand the consequences of their actions at the time of their offense.

Expanding the exemption to serious mental disorders is also important because the “scientific and clinical definitions emphasize that individuals with mental retardation often have mental disorders as well.”[246] This was an issue in Williams v. Quarterman, where an individual meeting the IQ cutoff of seventy faced a different problem: the Fifth Circuit interpreted evidence of his social and practical skill deficits as “bizarre and antisocial conduct,” demonstrating characteristics that are “just as easily seen as attention-getting behaviors as they are evidence of mental retardation.”[247] The Fifth Circuit found that these characteristics “could be explained by anti-social personality rather than mental retardation.”[248] This is clearly not in line with the rationale the Supreme Court has been implementing in its series of cases, from Roper to Moore, because someone exhibiting effects of both an intellectual disability and mental disorder absolutely lacks the mental culpability necessary to impose the death penalty. To discount an intellectual disability due to evidence of mental illness would be a grave practice threatening the constitutional rights and liberty of a class which has long suffered under perpetuated stereotypes of mental disability and illness.

CONCLUSION

The Supreme Court in Moore reinforced the long-standing theme that “[t]o enforce the Constitution’s protection of human dignity, we look to the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of maturing society.”[249] Intellectual disability involves complex factors that cannot be reduced to a single IQ score. An evaluation of state statutes, current litigation, and the Supreme Court’s stance since Atkins reveals a trend away from bright-line IQ rules of seventy, and towards taking a holistic, case-by-case approach to Atkins’ claims. The individuals who need protectionwhom Atkins seeks to protectare the “mildly retarded” individuals who live successfully in the community, either independently or in supervised settings, and who have jobs, families, maintain a home, and even raise children. A mere number cannot define whether someone is intellectually disabled;[250][t]he term ‘intellectual disability’ does not refer to a single disorder or disease, but rather to a heterogeneous set of disabilities that affect the level of a person’s functioning in defined domains.”[251] These are people who engage in actions with lesser culpabilities than normallevelfunctioning people, but who are not recognized as needing protection because of lasting stereotypes that intellectually disabled persons are only the severe, Lennie character types.


[*] *. Managing Editor, Southern California Law Review, Volume 91; J.D. 2018, University of Southern California Gould School of Law; B.A. Political Science 2015, University of San Diego. I would like to thank Professor Saks for her invaluable guidance and feedback on earlier drafts of this note. In addition, I would like to thank the staff and editors of the Southern California Law Review for their excellent work.

 

 [1]. John Steinbeck, Of Mice and Men 263 (Penguin Books 1993) (1937).

 [2]. Moore v. Texas, 137 S. Ct. 1039, 1044 (2017).

 [3]. Id. at 1045.

 [4]. Id.

 [5]. Id. at 1047.

 [6]. Id. at 1045.

 [7]. See id. at 1044. See also Ex parte Briseno, 135 S.W.3d 1, 6 (Tex. Crim. App. 2004).

 [8]. Moore, 137 S. Ct. at 1053.

 [9]. Id. (citation omitted).

 [10]. Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 321 (2002).

 [11]. Id. at 316-17 At the time the Supreme Court first heard cases on this issue, the terminology used was “mental retardation,” however today the DSM-5 has changed the term to “intellectual disability.” See Am. Psychiatric Ass’n, Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 33 (5th ed. 2013) [hereinafter DSM-5].

 [12]. Atkins, 536 U.S. at 316–17.

 [13]. Denis Keyes, William Edwards & Robert Perske, People with Mental Retardation Are Dying, Legally: At Least 44 Have Been Executed, 40 Mental Retardation 243 (2002).

 [14]. Atkins, 536 U.S. at 316–17 (citation omitted).

 [15].                             States that Have Changed Their Statutes to Comply with the Supreme Court’s Decision in Atkins v. Virginia, Death Penalty Info. Ctr., (Mar. 2, 2018), https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/states-have-changed-their-statutes-comply-supreme-courts-decision-atkins-v-virginia.

 [16]. Hall v. Florida, 134 S. Ct. 1986, 1995, 2001 (2014).

 [17]. The CCA is Texas’s court of last resort in criminal cases. See Tex. Const. art. V, § 5.

 [18]. See Ex parte Briseno, 135 S.W.3d 1, 5–6 (Tex. Crim. App. 2004).

 [19]. See id.

 [20]. U.S. Const. amend. VIII.

 [21]. Penry v. Lynaugh, 492 U.S. 302, 330–31 (1989).

 [22]. Id. at 331.

 [23]. See Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551, 578 (2005).

 [24]. See Ford v. Wainwright, 477 U.S. 399, 401 (1986).

 [25]. See Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 316–17 (2002).

 [26]. Penry, 492 U.S. at 333–34.

 [27]. Id.

 [28]. Id.

 [29]. See Atkins, 536 U.S. at 314­–15. The seventeen states listed include: Kentucky and Tennessee in 1990; New Mexico in 1991; Arkansas, Colorado, Washington, Indiana, and Kansas in 1993 and 1994; New York in 1995, Nebraska in 1998; South Dakota, Arizona, Connecticut, Florida, Missouri, North Carolina, and Texas. When Atkins was decided, Texas had just passed a similar bill, and both Virginia and Nevada had similar bills passed in at least one house, but it was not yet law in these states. Id.

 [30].               See id. at 315–16.

 [31].               See id.

 [32]. Id.

 [33]. See id. (noting that New Hampshire and New Jersey were two states that continued to allow execution sentences, but had not actually carried one out in decades).

 [34]. Id.

 [35]. Id. at 318–20.

 [36]. Id. at 319.

 [37]. Id. (citation omitted).

 [38]. Id. at 320.

 [39]. Id.

 [40]. Id.

 [41]. See id. at 320–21.

 [42]. Id. at 317.

 [43]. Id. (citation omitted).

 [44]. Id.

 [45]. Examples of “deficits in intellectual functions” can be demonstrated by the level of an individual’s “reasoning, problem solving, planning, abstract thinking, judgment, academic learning, and learning from experience.” DSM-5, supra note 11, at 33.

 [46]. Limitations in adaptive skills refer to “the inability to learn basic skills and adjust behavior to changing circumstances.” Hall v. Florida, 134 S. Ct. 1986, 1994 (2014).

 [47]. Atkins, 536 U.S. at 318.

 [48]. Am. Ass’n on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities, Intellectual Disability: Definition, Classification, and Systems of Supports 41 (11th ed. 2010) [hereinafter AAIDD].

 [49]. See Bryan Lester Dupler, Capital Cases Involving Mental Retardation, in 93 American Jurisprudence Trials 1, §§ 17–19 (Westlaw 2018) (2004).

 [50]. DSM-5, supra note 11, at 37.

 [51]. Dupler, supra note 49, § 11.

 [52]. Id. § 12 (citation omitted) (Persons with mild retardation “‘typically develop social and communication skills during the preschool years . . . have minimal impairment in sensorimotor areas, and often are not distinguishable from children without mental retardation until a later age.’ They can acquire basic academic skills up to about the sixth grade level.”).

 [53]. Id.

 [54]. Id.

 [55]. AAIDD, supra note 48, at 3, 11.

 [56]. DSM-5, supra note 11, at 37.

 [57]. AAIDD, supra note 48, at 44; DSM-5, supra note 11, at 37.

 [58]. DSM-5, supra note 11, at 37.

 [59]. Id.

 [60]. Id.

 [61]. Dupler, supra note 49, § 11.

 [62]. Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 318 (2002).

 [63]. DSM-5, supra note 11, at 33.

 [64]. See Hall v. Florida, 134 S. Ct. 1986, 1994 (2014); Moore v. Texas, 137 S. Ct. 1039, 1055–56 (2017).

 [65]. Black v. Carpenter, 866 F.3d 734, 738 (6th Cir. 2017).

 [66]. Id. at 748­–49.

 [67]. Ex parte Briseno, 135 S.W.3d 1, 1 (Tex. Crim. App. 2004).

 [68]. At the time Briseno was decided in 2004, DSM-5 was not yet published and DSM-IV was the current edition.

 [69]. Briseno, 135 S.W.3d at 6.

 [70]. Id. at 5–6 (citation omitted).

 [71]. Id. (citation omitted).

 [72]. Id. (“‘Mental Retardation’ means significant subaverage general intellectual functioning that is concurrent with deficits in adaptive behavior and originates during the developmental period.”).

 [73]. Id. at 6–7. Texas did however make another attempt with Tex. H.B. 614, 78th Leg., R.S. (2003), but its definition of “mental retardation” did not significantly differ from Tex. H.B. 236, 77th Leg., R.S. (2001), and “[n]either of [the] bills addressed the issue of determining mental retardation claims on a post-conviction habeas corpus writ brought by inmates sentenced to death before the Supreme Court decision in Atkins.” See id. at 7 n.22.

 [74]. Id. at 7–8, 13.

 [75]. Tex. Health & Safety Code Ann. § 591.003(7-a) (West 2015).

 [76]. Briseno, 135 S.W.3d at 6.

 [77]. Id. at 5 (quoting Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 317 (2002)).

 [78]. See id. at 6.

 [79]. Id. at 8.

 [80]. Id. at 8–9.

 [81]. Id. at 14.

 [82]. Id. at 15, 18.

 [83]. Moore v. Texas, 137 S. Ct. 1039, 1059–60 (2017).

 [84]. Brief for the American Civil Liberties Union & the ACLU of Texas as Amici Curiae Supporting Petitioner at 28, Moore v. Texas, 137 S. Ct. 1039 (2017) (No. 15-797) [hereinafter ACLU] (citation omitted).

 [85].  Robin M. Maher, Moore v. Texas: The Supreme Court Limits State Discretion to Make the ‘Protection of Human Dignity’ a Reality for the Intellectually Disabled, Geo. Wash. L. Rev. On the Docket (Apr. 9, 2017), http://www.gwlr.org/moorevtexas.

 [86].  Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 311–12 (2002) (citation omitted).

 [87]. Hall v. Florida, 134 S. Ct. 1986, 1990 (2014). The Court uses “intellectual disability” to mean the same as “mental retardation,” and noted that the change in terminology is used by professionals and approved by DSM-5. Id.

 [88]. Id. at 1991.

 [89]. Id. at 1994 (citation omitted).

 [90]. See id. (“[The Florida Supreme Court] has held that a person whose test score is above 70, including a score within the margin for measurement error, does not have an intellectual disability and is barred from presenting other evidence that would show his faculties are limited.”).

 [91]. Id. at 1990–92.

 [92]. Id. at 1992.

 [93]. Id.

 [94]. Id. at 1994.

 [95]. Id. at 1995.

 [96]. Id.

 [97]. Id. The SEM is considered “[o]ne of the most important concepts in measurement theory,” because “[a]n individual’s IQ test score on any given exam may fluctuate” for several reasons including: the person’s health, how many tests they have taken in the past and thus can remember how to do well on them, the environment they take the test in, the behavior of the examiner administering it, the “subjective judgment involved in scoring certain questions,” and even simple luck. Id.

 [98]. Id.

 [99]. Id. at 1996.

 [100]. Id. (citations omitted). However, the Court notes that “Arizona, Delaware, Kansas, North Carolina, and Washington have statutes which could be interpreted to provide a bright-line cutoff leading to the same result that Florida mandates in its cases.” Id.

 [101]. Id. at 1997.

 [102]. Id.

 [103]. See id. at 1998 (citation omitted) (“The rejection of the strict 70 cutoff in the vast majority of States and the ‘consistency in the trend,’ toward recognizing the SEM provide strong evidence of consensus that our society does not regard this strict cutoff as proper or humane.”).

 [104]. Id. at 1994.

 [105]. See id. at 1990–91 (discussing how Hall’s teachers described him as “mentally retarded,” his lawyer testified that he “[c]ouldn’t really understand anything [Hall] said” and compared him to his four-year-old daughter, and medical clinicians testified that he was “significantly retarded.”).

 [106]. Id. at 1991.

 [107]. Id.

 [108]. Id.

 [109]. Id. at 1990–91 (“This rigid rule, the Court now holds, creates an unacceptable risk that persons with intellectual disability will be executed, and thus is unconstitutional.”).

 [110]. Case Files:               Moore v. Texas, SCOTUSblog, http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases
/moore-v-texas (last visited May 24, 2018).

 [111]. Ex parte Moore, 470 S.W.3d 481, 490 (Tex. Crim. App. 2015), cert. granted in part sub nom Moore v. Texas, 136 S. Ct. 2407 (2016), vacated and remanded by 137 S. Ct. 1039 (2017).

 [112]. Id. at 484.

 [113]. Id.

 [114]. See id. at 489.

 [115]. Id. at 528.

 [116]. Id. at 495, 506.

 [117]. Id. at 542.

 [118]. Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. 460, 476–78 (2012) (discussing the hallmark features of youth which include immaturity, impetuosity, failure to appreciate risks and consequences, and what the child’s family and home environment is like from which they cannot usually extricate themselves).

 [119]. Moore, 470 S.W.3d at 509–10.

 [120]. Id. at 495.

 [121]. Id. at 496.

 [122]. Id.

 [123]. Id. at 515.

 [124]. Id. at 506.

 [125]. Id.

 [126]. Id. at 507.

 [127]. Id. at 511.

 [128]. Id. at 486, 513.

 [129]. Id. at 514.

 [130]. Id.

 [131]. See Dupler, supra note 49, § 18.

 [132]. Moore, 470 S.W.3d at 515.

 [133]. Id. at 520.

 [134]. Id. at 520–21 (Greenspan also denied the following as evidence of adaptive skills: “(1) in preparation for his new punishment trial, consulting with counsel about whether to inform the jury that he had been on death row; (2) concealing a shotgun in a shopping bag when entering a store to rob it; (3) attempting to conceal his appearance during the offense by wearing a wig and sunglasses, and after the offense, changing his appearance by shaving his head; (4) arguing with accomplices over how to divide the proceeds of the crime; (5) deciding to stipulate that he had prior criminal convictions … (6) writing four letters to his appellate lawyer …[(7)] hustling pool; and [(8)] working as a barber and a porter in prison.”).

 [135]. See id. at 526.

 [136]. Id. at 524, 526.

 [137]. Id. at 526.

 [138]. Id. at 527.

 [139]. See ACLU, supra note 84, at 3–6.

 [140]. See id. at 2.

 [141]. See id. at 19–24 (discussing each factor and how they were modeled after the character Lennie to exemplify a stereotype based off someone with severe disability).

 [142]. Id. at 9.

 [143]. Id.

 [144]. Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 308 (2002).

 [145]. Hall v. Florida, 134 S. Ct. 1986, 1994–95 (2014).

 [146]. Transcript of Oral Argument at 9–11, Moore v. Texas, 137 S. Ct. 1039 (2017) (No. 15–797) [hereinafter Transcript] (explaining that the Briseno court viewed the medical standards that were current at the time of its decision as “exceedingly subjective,” and instead came up with nonclinical factors based on “lay stereotypes”).

 [147]. Id. at 11–12.

 [148]. Id. at 16–17.

 [149]. Id. at 20.

 [150]. Ex parte Moore, 470 S.W. 3d 481, 520 (Tex. Crim. App. 2015).

 [151]. AAIDD, supra note 48, at 45.

 [152]. Transcript, supra note 146, at 17.

 [153]. AAIDD, supra note 48, at 61.

 [154]. Id. at 60.

 [155]. Transcript, supra note 146, at 30–31.

 [156]. Ex parte Briseno, 135 S.W.3d 1, 6 (Tex. Crim. App. 2004).

 [157]. Hall v. Florida, 134 S. Ct. 1986,1999 (2014) (citation omitted).

 [158]. See generally Moore v. Texas, 137 S. Ct. 1039 (2017).

 [159]. Id. at 1047 (citation omitted).

 [160]. Id. at 1049.

 [161]. Id. (citation omitted). See also AAIDD, supra note 48, at 2223; DSM-5, supra note 11, at 37.

 [162]. Moore, 137 S. Ct. at 1060.

 [163]. Id. at 1061.

 [164]. Id. at 1050.

 [165]. AAIDD, supra note 48, at 47 (“[S]ignificant limitations in conceptual, social, or practical adaptive skills [are] not outweighed by the potential strengths in some adaptive skills.”).

 [166]. Moore, 137 S. Ct. at 1054 (Roberts, J., dissenting).

 [167]. See Smith v. Dunn, No. 2:13-CV-00557-RDP, 2017 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 113862, at *10–13 (N.D. Ala. July 21, 2017). An appeal has been filed to the Eleventh Circuit.  

 [168]. Id. at *3.

 [169]. Id. at *10–13.

 [170]. Id. at *13–16.

 [171]. Smith v. State, 112 So. 3d 1108, 1128–29 (Ala. Crim. App. 2012).

 [172]. See               Teague v. Lane, 489 U.S. 288, 300 (1989).

 [173]. Montgomery v. Louisiana, 136 S. Ct. 718, 728 (2016) (discussing Teague, 489 U.S. at 307).

 [174]. Id. See also Teague, 489 U.S. at 311.

 [175]. Montgomery, 136 S. Ct. at 728 (citation omitted).

 [176]. Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. 460, 479–80 (2012).

 [177]. Montgomery, 136 S. Ct. at 729.

 [178]. Id. at 736.

 [179]. See infra Section III.B for a full discussion on state statutes similar to Alabama’s.

 [180]. Moore v. Texas, 137 S. Ct. 1039, 1049 (2017).

 [181]. White v. Commonwealth, 500 S.W.3d. 208, 215 (Ky. 2016).

 [182]. Id.

 [183]. Hall v. Florida, 134 S. Ct. 1986, 1990 (2014).

 [184]. Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 317 (2002).

 [185]. John H. Blume, et al., A Tale of Two (And Possibly Three) Atkins: Intellectual Disability and Capital Punishment Twelve Years After the Supreme Court’s Creation of a Categorical Bar, 23 Wm. & Mary Bill of Rts. J. 393, 396 (2014).

 [186]. Id. at 396–97.

 [187]. Id. at 397.

 [188]. Id. at 400–01.

 [189]. Id. at 402.

 [190]. Id. at 404.

 [191]. State v. Lott, 779 N.E.2d 1011, 1014 (2002) (citing Murphy v. State, 54 P.3d 556, 568, 573–74 (Okla. Crim. App. 2002)).

 [192]. See Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 13-735(F) (2017) (validity called into question by Hall v. Florida, 134 S. Ct. 1986, 1996–97 (2014)); Ark. Code Ann. § 5-4-618(a)(2) (2017); Idaho Code § 19-2515A(1)(b) (2017); Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 532.130(2) (West 2017) (limited by White v. Commonwealth, 500 S.W.3d 208, 214 (2016) (holding in light of Hall, “trial courts in Kentucky must consider an IQ test’s margin of error” as well as “additional evidence of intellectual disability”)); Neb. Rev. Stat. § 28-105.01(3) (2017); N.M. Stat. Ann. § 31-9-1.6(E) (2018); N.C. Gen. Stat. § 15A-2005(a)(1)(c) (2017); Okla. Stat. tit. 21, § 701.10b(A)(3) (2017); S.D. Codified Laws § 23A-27A-26.2 (2017); Tenn. Code Ann. § 39-13-203(a)(1) (2017); Wash. Rev. Code § 10.95.030 (2017) (held unconstitutional on other grounds by State v. Bassett, 198 Wash. App. 714 (2017)).

 [193]. Ark. Code Ann. § 5-4-618 (2017).

 [194]. Lott, 779 N.E.2d at 1014.

 [195]. Hall v. Florida, 134 S. Ct. 1986, 1996 (2014) (citation omitted).

 [196]. Id. at 1996–97 (citation omitted).

 [197]. Sasser v. Kelley, No. 4:00-CV-04036, 2018 WL 1147102, *10–12 (W.D. Ark. Mar. 2, 2018).

 [198]. Id.

 [199]. Id. at *12.

 [200]. Coleman v. State, 341 S.W.3d 221, 221, 224 (Tenn. 2011).

 [201]. Id. at 241–42 (citation omitted).

 [202]. Id. at 247–48.

 [203]. Id. at 245 (citation omitted).

 [204]. Dupler, supra note 49, § 15.

 [205]. DSM-5, supra note 11, at 37.­­

 [206]. AAIDD, supra note 48, at 43–44.

 [207]. See generally Long v. Davis, 663 Fed. Appx. 361 (5th Cir. 2016), judgement vacated, 138 S. Ct. 72 (2017); Weathers v. Davis, 659 Fed. Appx. 778 (5th Cir. 2016), judgement vacated, 138 S. Ct. 315 (2017); Martinez v. Davis, 653 Fed. Appx. 308 (5th Cir. 2016), judgement vacated, 137 S. Ct. 1432 (2017); Henderson v. Stephens, 791 F.3d 567 (5th Cir. 2015), judgement vacated, 137 S. Ct. 1450 (2017).

 [208].               Supreme Court Directs Florida to Reconsider Intellectual Disability Decision in Death Penalty Case, Death Penalty Info. Ctr., https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/node/6902 (last visited May 14, 2018) [hereinafter Florida, Death Penalty Info.].  See also Wright v. State, 213 So. 3d 881 (Fla. 2017), cert. granted, vacated, 138 S. Ct. 360 (2017).

 [209]. Wright, 213 So. 3d at 897.

 [210]. Id. at 899–901.

 [211]. Florida, Death Penalty Info. Ctr., supra note 208.

 [212]. Supreme Court Tells Alabama to Reconsider the Factors It Has Used to Determine Intellectual Disability, Death Penalty Info. Ctr., https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/node/6756 (last visited May 24, 2018).

 [213]. Caroll v. State, No. CR-12-0599, 2017 WL 6398236, at *4–5 (Ala. Crim. App. Dec. 15, 2017).

 [214]. Id. at *5–6.

 [215]. Id. at *6.

 [216]. New Report: Prisoners on Ohio’s Execution List Defined by Intellectual Impairment, Mental Illness, Trauma, and Young Age, Fair Punishment Project (Aug 29, 2017) http://fairpunishment.org
/prisoners-on-ohios-execution-list.

 [217]. Id. Pre-Atkins, Fitzpatrick’s lawyers did not assert the defense of intellectual disability in the last review of his case. See also State v. Fitzpatrick, 810 N.E.2d 927, 932 (2004).

 [218]. Fair Punishment Project, supra note 216.

 [219]. Id.

 [220]. State v. Frazier, 873 N.E.2d 1263, 1263 (2007).

 [221]. Fair Punishment Project, supra note 216. See also State v. O’Neal, 721 N.E.2d 73 (Ohio 2000).

 [222]. Fair Punishment Project, supra note 216. See also State v. Sneed, 584 N.E.2d 1160 (Ohio 1992).

 [223]. Fair Punishment Project, supra note 216. See also               Fears v. Bagley, No. 1:01-cv-183, 2008 WL 2782888 (S.D. Ohio July 15, 2008), aff’d, 462 F. App’x 565 (6th Cir. 2012).

 [224]. Moore v. Texas, 137 S. Ct. 1039, 1051 (2017).

 [225]. Id. (citation omitted).

 [226]. Id. at 1049.

 [227]. Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 349–50 (2002) (Scalia, J., dissenting) (citation omitted) (“[T]he ‘diminished capacities’ of the mentally retarded raise a ‘serious question’ whether their execution contributes to the ‘social purposes’ of the death penalty, viz., retribution and deterrence.”).

 [228]. Chad Flanders, The Case Against the Case Against the Death Penalty, 16 New Crim. L. Rev. 595, 596 (2013).

 [229]. Id.

 [230]. Cass R. Sunstein & Adrian Vermeule, Is Capital Punishment Morally Required? Acts, Omissions, and Life-Life Tradeoffs, 58 Stan. L. Rev. 703, 705, 711 (2005) (citing a study used from 3,054 U.S. counties between 1977 and 1996, in which it was “found that the murder rate is significantly reduced by both death sentences and executions,” and that “each execution results in eighteen fewer murders”). See also Hashem Dezhbakhsh et al., Does Capital Punishment Have a Deterrent Effect? New Evidence from Postmoratorium Panel Data, 5 Am. L. & Econ. Rev. 344, 344 (2003) (arguing “that capital punishment has a strong deterrent effect”).

 [231]. See Sunstein & Vermeule, supra note 230, at 706.

 [232]. See Comm. on Deterence and the Death Penalty, Nat’l Research Council, Deterrence and the Death Penalty 4 (Daniel S. Nagin & John V. Pepper eds., 2012). The study provides three reasons for why these studies are fundamentally flawed: (1) they ignore impact of noncapital punishment; (2) the studies use unrealistic assumptions to model potential murderers’ responses to the possibility of the death penalty; and (3) the statistical models assume (without reason) that the effect will be the same across states and years. See generally id.

 [233]. Flanders, supra note 228, at 598.

 [234]. Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 319 (2002) (citation omitted).

 [235]. Facts About the Death Penalty, Death Penalty Info. Ctr., (Mar. 17, 2018), http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/documents/FactSheet.pdf.

 [236]. Id.

 [237]. See id.

 [238]. Section of Individual Rights and Responsibilities, et al., Am. Bar Ass’n, Recommendation 3 (Am. Bar Ass’n 2006) http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/documents
/122AReport.pdf.

 [239]. See id.

 [240]. Id. at 3–5.

 [241]. Id.

 [242]. Id. at 1, 20.

 [243]. Id. at 5, 7.

 [244]. Id. at 7.

 [245]. Id. (emphasis added).

 [246]. John H. Blume, Sheri Lynn Johnson & Christopher Seeds, Of Atkins and Men: Deviations from Clinical Definitions of Mental Retardation in Death Penalty Cases, 18 Cornell J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 689, 692 (2009).

 [247]. Id. (citation omitted).

 [248]. Id.

 [249]. Moore v. Texas, 137 S. Ct. 1039, 1048 (2017).

 [250]. DSM-5, supra note 11, at 37. (“IQ test scores are approximations of conceptual functioning but may be insufficient to assess reasoning in real-life situations and mastery of practical tasks. For example, a person with an IQ score above 70 may have such severe adaptive behavior problems in social judgment, social understanding, and other areas of adaptive functioning that the person’s actual functioning is comparable to that of individuals with a lower IQ score.”).

 [251]. Coleman v. State, 341 S.W.3d 221, 230 (Tenn. 2011) (citation omitted).