The Limitations of Applying the Stored Communications Act to Social Media

The advent of social media has increasingly affected how people live and communicate. Millions of Americans use social media every day, and the numbers continue to grow. The motivation to post on social media is multifactorial and includes a desire to stay connected, find others with shared interests, change opinions, and encourage action, but posting also serves to boost one’s self-esteem and self-worth. However, posting on social media creates a serious risk of self-disclosure, with people revealing more intimate details online than they would in more traditional settings without really appreciating the privacy issues and potential negative consequences related to such disclosures.

As social media use continues to grow, its use as a tool in police investigations has also increased. Both the content and metadata associated with social media posts now routinely aid law enforcement authorities in finding patterns and, importantly, in establishing timelines in criminal investigations. Thus, there is an urgent need to revise the existing laws governing stored communications—to better adapt them to these new, evolving technologies and improve the legal framework governing online privacy rights. This Note argues that various aspects of the Stored Communications Act (“SCA”) are outdated and that thirty-six years after it was enacted, it is time for an update that reflects the changing landscape of evolving technological advances.

The Note explores how the internet and social media use have evolved over the years and explains why the SCA no longer sufficiently protects consumers from government acquisition of their information. Particular emphasis is placed on the novelty of social media “Stories,” a technology unlike any that Congress could have imagined when it enacted the SCA in 1986. The Note examines the history of the SCA—with a focus on the Fourth Amendment, the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, and Supreme Court cases addressing the applicability of the Fourth Amendment to various forms of communication technology—before analyzing the SCA in detail, and looks at how law enforcement agencies can obtain these communications for use in criminal investigations. The Note concludes by arguing that the SCA needs to be revised to more adequately apply to today’s social media technologies since their content, and non-content, does not easily fit into the currently delineated categories. Revising the SCA would afford greater protection to consumer communication rights: not only would the SCA better apply to modern technology, but it would also be more readily applicable to future emerging media technologies.

INTRODUCTION

The rise of social media has significantly impacted the way people live and communicate, and the trend toward extensive social media use will likely only continue to grow. According to a Pew Research Center study, seven in ten Americans use social media.1Brooke Auxier & Monica Anderson, Social Media Use in 2021, Pew Rsch. Ctr. (Apr. 7, 2021), https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2021/04/07/social-media-use-in-2021 [https://perma.cc/
DG7C-4FY3].
On average, people spend an estimated two and a half hours on social media platforms over the course of their day,2Global Social Media Statistics, DataReportal, https://datareportal.com/social-media-users [https://perma.cc/Y6JS-XZQF]. While this number might not seem large when compared to the twenty-four hours in the day, it is reported that, on average, Americans spend around five and a half hours a day on their phones, while globally, people average just over three hours of phone time per day. Damjan Jugović Spajić, How Much Time Does the Average Person Spend on Their Phone?, Kommando Tech (May 10, 2022), https://kommandotech.com/statistics/how-much-time-does-the-average-person-spend-on-their-phone [https://perma.cc/K5HZ-W9TF]. This means that of all the time people spend on their phones each day, about one half is spent exclusively on social media. and “[a] majority of Facebook, Snapchat and Instagram users say they visit these platforms on a daily basis.”3Auxier & Anderson, supra note 1. More specifically, 69% of Americans use Facebook, 40% of Americans use Instagram, and 25% of Americans use Snapchat.4Id. These percentages represent a significant number of people—approximately 230 million, 133 million, and 83 million, respectively.5These numbers were calculated based on the Census Bureau’s most recent estimate of the American population (332,403, 650). Derrick Moore, U.S. Population Estimated at 332,403,650 on Jan. 1, 2022, U.S. Census Bureau (Dec. 30, 2021), https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2021/12/happy-new-year-2022.html [https://perma.cc/3Z3P-3HVB]. Further, social media users make extensive use of the “Stories”6See infra Section I.B. feature, with one billion Facebook Stories being posted daily and five hundred million daily active users of Instagram Stories worldwide.7Jimit Bagadiya, 430+ Social Media Statistics You Must Know in 2022, SocialPilot, https://www.socialpilot.co/blog/social-media-statistics [https://perma.cc/D6DJ-SPU9]. The motivation to post on social media is multifactorial and includes a desire to stay connected, find others with shared interests, change opinions, and encourage action, but posting also serves to boost one’s self-esteem and self-worth.8Rosalyn Ransaw, The Psychology Behind Why We Share on Social Media, ShutterStock (Apr. 30, 2021), https://www.shutterstock.com/blog/the-psychology-behind-why-we-share-on-social-media [https://perma.cc/9B4D-72D7]. These desires create a serious risk of self-disclosure on social media, with people revealing more intimate details online than they would in more traditional settings without really appreciating the privacy issues and potential negative consequences related to such disclosures.

Just as social media has become popular with the American public, it is also becoming increasingly utilized as a tool in police investigations. A 2012 survey showed that four out of five law enforcement agents used social media to gather intelligence during investigations.9Heather Kelly, Police Embrace Social Media as Crime-Fighting Tool, CNN Business (Aug. 30, 2012, 5:23 PM), https://www.cnn.com/2012/08/30/tech/social-media/fighting-crime-social-media/
index.html [https://perma.cc/2EPT-56GK].
Not only do authorities look online for public information, but they also request access to private data directly from social media providers—which can help them build their criminal cases. For example, after finding photos and comments “glamorizing alcohol abuse” on a woman’s MySpace page, prosecutors were able to use them as evidence and advocate for a longer sentence for her vehicular manslaughter conviction.10Ian Urbina, Social Media, a Trove of Clues and Confessions, N.Y. Times (Feb. 15, 2014), https://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/16/sunday-review/social-media-a-trove-of-clues-and-confessions.html [https://perma.cc/9BRM-HGAD]. Since people are less inhibited when it comes to social media disclosures, they often share details of their lives and more controversial opinions than they may in other forums. After these once private thoughts are stored electronically, they become more easily accessible to investigators. Not only can the content of social media posts aid criminal investigations, but the related metadata11There are different kinds of metadata, but in the context of criminal investigations and social media, descriptive metadata—which includes the time and date the content was created and posted,
the creator of the data, and the location on the device where the data was created—can be
implicated. Metadata Forensics, When Files Can Speak and Reveal the Truth, Ironhack (June
24, 2021), https://www.ironhack.com/en/cybersecurity/metadata-forensics-when-files-can-speak-and-reveal-the-truth [https://perma.cc/8XWX-HEKD].
alone “can help law enforcement authorities to find patterns, establish timelines and point to gaps in the data.”12Adelle Geronimo, Beyond Data: The Value of Metadata in Criminal Investigations, ITP.net (Sept. 1, 2021), https://www.itp.net/security/99783-beyond-data-the-value-of-metadata-in-criminal-investigations [https://perma.cc/SVB6-QE42]. “[C]hanging technology has rendered metadata analysis more important.” Orin S. Kerr, The Next Generation Communications Privacy Act, 162 U. Pa. L. Rev. 373, 398 (2014). Therefore, social media metadata can be just as easily used to gather information on a suspect as the actual content of a post. Because the trend toward extensive social media use will likely endure, there is an urgent need to revise the laws governing stored communications—to better adapt them to these evolving technologies and improve the legal framework governing online privacy rights.

This Note argues that various aspects of the Stored Communications Act (“SCA”) are outdated and that thirty-six years after it was enacted, it is time for an update that reflects the changing landscape of evolving technological advances. Part I of this Note explores how the internet and social media have evolved throughout the years and explains why the SCA no longer affords sufficient protections against government acquisition of consumer information. It discusses the evolution and expansion of social media platforms. Particular emphasis is placed on the novelty of social media Stories, which are unlike any technology that Congress could have imagined when they enacted the SCA in 1986.

Next, Part II examines the history behind the SCA to explain why the law was initially passed by Congress, with a focus on the Fourth Amendment, the Electronic Communications Privacy Act (“ECPA”), and Supreme Court cases addressing the applicability of the Fourth Amendment to various forms of technology. Part III analyzes the SCA in detail, focusing on the distinctions made between the different types of internet service providers (“ISPs”) and the different aspects of communications (content versus non-content data). It looks at how the content and non-content information—for example, metadata including a user’s identity, location, and other data not part of the main substance of the communication—can be obtained by law enforcement in the course of a criminal investigation.

Part IV argues that the SCA cannot be easily applied to social media today because it does not fit within the categories delineated in the SCA. Most importantly, it highlights how (1) social media content does not easily fit into either of the SCA’s currently defined categories because Congress could not have anticipated the advances in the technologies that exist today; and (2) “non-content” is not fully defined in the statute, and therefore lends itself to being more easily obtained in some situations as opposed to others. Finally, Part V suggests ways in which the SCA can be revised to more adequately apply to social media today and ultimately protect the right to privacy guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution.

I. INTERNET PRIVACY AND EVOLVING TECHNOLOGY

Americans are entitled to their right to privacy, which on third-party ISPs such as Facebook and MySpace is protected by the SCA.13Stored Communications Act, 18 U.S.C. §§ 2701–2713. One problem with the SCA, however, is that it is dated. Although the internet was invented in the 1960s, it was not widely used until 1983, when computers on different networks were finally able to easily communicate with one another.14A Brief History of the Internet, Bd. of Regents of the Univ. Sys. of Ga., https://www.usg.
edu/galileo/skills/unit07/internet07_02.phtml [https://perma.cc/P72B-H2DS].
When the SCA was enacted in 1986—just three years later—Congress had only a limited experience with internet use and the potential privacy problems it could create, and had certainly not envisioned the extensive modern use of social media. This partially accounts for some of the weaknesses in this legislation and why the SCA is often difficult to apply to social media today.

A. Evolution of Social Media Platforms

Social media is defined as “forms of electronic communication . . . through which users create online communities to share information, ideas, personal messages, and other content.”15Social Media, Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/social%20
media [https://perma.cc/3PUC-PTPT].
This definition implies that social media could not exist without the internet, and that it depends on user-generated content.16See Matthew Jones, The Complete History of Social Media: A Timeline of the Invention of Online Networking, Hist. Coop. (June 16, 2015), https://historycooperative.org/the-history-of-social-media [https://perma.cc/WUZ9-JVWE]. While it can be said that social media began in 1971, when the first email was sent,17Rachel Swatman, 1971: First Ever Email, Guinness World Recs. (Aug. 19, 2015), https://
http://www.guinnessworldrecords.com/news/60at60/2015/8/1971-first-ever-email-392973 [https://perma.cc/
9CNE-U852].
for many people social media really began in the late 1990s or early 2000s—years after the SCA was enacted—with the advent of messaging services such as AOL and MSN Messenger.18See Caitlin Dewey, A Complete History of the Rise and Fall—and Reincarnation!—of the Beloved ‘90s Chatroom, Wash. Post (Oct. 30, 2014, 2:01 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/
the-intersect/wp/2014/10/30/a-complete-history-of-the-rise-and-fall-and-reincarnation-of-the-beloved-90s-chatroom [https://perma.cc/PB3Y-4T3B] (“Services like MSN and AOL . . . made the chat function available to millions of Americans . . . .”).
MySpace, arguably the “most popular and influential” of the early social media platforms, was later launched in August 2003,19Jones, supra note 16; Nicholas Jackson & Alexis C. Madrigal, The Rise and Fall of MySpace, Atlantic (Jan. 12, 2011), https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2011/01/the-rise-and-fall-of-myspace/69444 [https://perma.cc/ZYJ4-9NEJ]. Although MySpace was more popular, Six Degrees is “credited as being the ‘first online social media’ site” because it “allowed people to sign up with their email address, make individual profiles, and add friends to their personal network.” Jones, supra note 16. Six Degrees only lasted for four years, and it peaked at less than four million users, id., far less than the twenty-seven million users MySpace had just two years after its launch. Jackson & Madrigal, supra. and it allowed individuals to interact by commenting on each other’s profiles and sending private messages. It was the largest social media platform until Facebook, created in 2004, overtook it in 2008.20Jones, supra note 16. Facebook has now grown to be the largest social media platform in the world with almost three billion monthly active users.21Facebook Statistics and Trends, DataReportal, https://datareportal.com/essential-facebook-stats [https://perma.cc/BP76-FY42] (“Facebook had 2.934 billion monthly active users in July 2022 . . . .”).

The number and types of social media platforms have grown extensively. Today, other prominent social media platforms include Instagram and Snapchat. Instagram was launched in 2010 and is a platform focused on sharing photos and videos.22Jones, supra note 16. Snapchat was created in 2011 and gained its popularity from users’ ability to send each other pictures or videos (“Snaps”) that disappear shortly after being opened.23Id. These platforms allow users to share content with their friends, some of which they believe to be “private,” visible only to those friends they allow to see it. However, the widespread use of these platforms has created new issues with how the government can legally access and use these communications.

B. Emergence of Stories on Social Media Platforms

The continued evolution and development of new information sharing functions on social media platforms have created multiple issues concerning user privacy rights. For example, in 2013, Snapchat began to allow people to share “Stories” that are displayed for twenty-four hours before becoming inaccessible.24Emma Wiltshire, The Rise of the Story Format [Infographic], Social Media Today (Feb. 2, 2018), https://www.socialmediatoday.com/news/the-rise-of-the-story-format-infographic/516143 [https://
perma.cc/SWJ6-9MXN].
Stories are a collection of individual Snaps that are played in the order in which they were created and allow users to share their entire day in a narrative manner. Today, Stories are also available on a variety of other social media platforms, including Facebook and Instagram.25Snapchat was the first social media platform to utilize Stories, in October 2013, with Instagram following in August 2016 and Facebook in March 2017. Id. Other social media applications have also started utilizing Stories. Id. Part of the reason why Stories are so successful is because they are only available temporarily, so people can post small daily updates or silly images that they only want visible for a short period of time.26See Simon Batt, What Are “Stories” on Social Media?, Make Tech Easier (Jan. 3, 2019), https://www.maketecheasier.com/stories-on-social-media [https://perma.cc/AD66-7R7A] (noting the traits that make Stories useful). Therefore, users reasonably believe that their content will remain private and then disappear, becoming permanently inaccessible. Another reason for the success of Stories is that “social media [S]tories tend to be more spontaneous” than an individual’s carefully curated feed, making it feel more “casual.”27Chloe West, Social Media Stories: Your Guide to All Social Media Story Platforms, Sprout Soc. (June 30, 2021), https://sproutsocial.com/insights/social-media-stories [https://perma.cc/EV8W-C9LD]. As a result, these Stories can be extremely useful to law enforcement, as they can provide a less filtered view of an individual’s daily life and a timeline for the posted events. Thus, the challenge becomes balancing users’ right to privacy with the government’s need for access to information in order to investigate criminal offenses.

As it exists now, the SCA does not provide an adequate statutory framework for protecting communications on the various aforementioned social media platforms and, importantly, does not specifically address new advances in technology such as transient Snapchat and Instagram Stories. Since the SCA does not adequately protect individuals from unlawful searches of their private social media data, there is a need for Congress to reform the statute to accommodate evolving technology.

II. HISTORY OF THE STORED COMMUNICATIONS ACT

A. The Fourth Amendment

The Fourth Amendment to the Constitution protects “[t]he right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures.”28U.S. Const. amend. IV. While the meaning of “search” is not immediately defined by the Amendment, the Supreme Court has held that “[a] ‘search’ occurs when an expectation of privacy that society is prepared to consider reasonable is infringed”29United States v. Jacobsen, 466 U.S. 109, 113 (1984). and that “[i]f the inspection by police does not intrude upon a legitimate expectation of privacy, there is no ‘search.’ ”30Illinois v. Andreas, 463 U.S. 765, 771 (1983). Thus, when it comes to physical searches, the meaning of the Fourth Amendment is well understood,31Orin S. Kerr, Computer Crime Law 389 (4th ed. 2018). whereas what constitutes a search in the digital context is more uncertain.

In Olmstead v. United States, the Supreme Court held that wiretapping did not violate the Fourth Amendment because the lack of physical trespass and seizure of anything tangible meant there was no search or seizure.32Olmstead v. United States, 277 U.S. 438, 463–64 (1928), overruled by Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967), and Berger v. New York, 388 U.S. 41 (1967) (holding that the use of the wiretapped conversations of a suspected bootlegger as incriminating evidence did not violate his Fourth Amendment rights because wiretapping did not constitute a search or seizure under the meaning of the Fourth Amendment since there was no physical trespass). Because the Court refused to expand the Fourth Amendment to protect telephone communications,33Id. at 465. the government could legally intercept citizens’ communications as long as they did not physically enter their homes. Olmstead was later overruled by Katz v. United States,34Katz, 389 U.S. at 357–59 (holding that putting a recording device in a public phonebooth violated a gambling suspect’s Fourth Amendment rights because the Fourth Amendment applies to people, not places). indicating a change in ideology that afforded citizens protection of their privacy even without a physical search. Because Katz held that a physical intrusion was not necessary to invoke the Fourth Amendment, online searches—which lack physical intrusions—can still violate the Fourth Amendment.

B. The Electronic Communications Privacy Act

In light of these changing viewpoints on the applicability of Fourth Amendment protections, Congress enacted the ECPA35Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986, Pub. L. No. 99-508, 100 Stat. 1848. in 1986 in an effort to adapt the doctrines of the Fourth Amendment to the various emerging technologies. The SCA, which provides privacy protections to stored electronic and wire communications, is one part of the ECPA. The ECPA was created with the purpose of protecting American citizens from “the unauthorized interception of electronic communications.”36S. Rep. No. 99-541, at 1 (1986), as reprinted in 1986 U.S.C.C.A.N. 3555, 3555. Congress recognized a need to “update and clarify Federal privacy protections and standards in light of dramatic changes in new computer and telecommunications technologies.”37Id. At the time, advances in technology included “large-scale electronic mail operations, computer-to-computer data transmissions, cellular and cordless telephones, paging devices, and video teleconferencing.” Id. at 2. Rightly, Congress worried that due to these advances, personal communications could be intercepted by individuals who had no right to obtain them, and thus felt it was important to enact the ECPA.38Id. at 3. However, the scope of the ECPA did not fully anticipate the impact of the growth and extent of social media.

C. Supreme Court Cases Addressing the Fourth Amendment and Technology

More recently, the Supreme Court heard a series of cases that addressed the applicability of the Fourth Amendment to newer technologies. In each of these cases, the Supreme Court Justices grappled with applying the existing legal framework, indicating that it is time for a change. In Justice Sotomayor’s concurring opinion in United States v. Jones,39United States v. Jones, 565 U.S. 400 (2012) (holding that using a GPS device without a warrant to track an individual’s car through public streets was a violation of his Fourth Amendment rights). she emphasized that in the absence of a physical trespass, a Fourth Amendment search occurs “when the government violates a subjective expectation of privacy that society recognizes as reasonable.”40Id. at 414 (Sotomayor, J., concurring) (quoting Kyllo v. United States, 553 U.S. 27, 31–33 (2001)). She also argued that “it may be necessary to reconsider the premise that an individual has no reasonable expectation of privacy in information voluntarily disclosed to third parties” because “[t]his approach is ill suited to the digital age.”41Id. at 417. Justice Sotomayor’s statements highlight the need to reevaluate the applicability of the current legal framework to new technologies.

Two years later, in Riley v. California,42Riley v. California, 573 U.S. 373, 401 (2014) (holding that a warrantless search of a cell phone conducted incident to arrest violated the Fourth Amendment because “a warrant is generally required before such a search, even when a cell phone is seized incident to arrest”). Justice Roberts acknowledged that because technology enables modern cell phones to contain and potentially reveal a wealth of private information, cell phones require greater privacy protections than would be necessary for a traditional search.43Id. at 403. Four years after Riley, the Court once again addressed warrantless searches in Carpenter v. United States, this time through the collection of cell phone records from a third party.44Carpenter v. United States, 138 S. Ct. 2206, 2211–12 (2018). Again, Justice Roberts recognized the need for stronger privacy protections, stating that “a warrant is required in the rare case where the suspect has a legitimate privacy interest in records held by a third party,” such as the cell site records indicating the defendant’s location and movements.45Id. at 2222. The government had acquired this information pursuant to a court order issued under the SCA, which was obtained based on evidence that the information might be relevant to the ongoing investigation.46Id. at 2221. Finding this burden of proof—requiring only that the information might be relevant, which is lower than the probable cause required to obtain a warrant—to be unacceptable, the Court held that to access these cell site records, a warrant was required.47Id. The differing standards of proof required to obtain warrants and court orders to access records from these new technologies illustrate that sometimes the SCA troublingly affords lesser protections to individuals’ private information.

III.  THE STORED COMMUNICATIONS ACT

The SCA was enacted to regulate electronic and wire communications that are stored on third-party servers48Privacy Rights in the Digital Age 564 (Jane E. Kirtley & Michael Shally-Jensen, eds., 2nd ed. 2019). and therefore governs the interaction between government investigators and administrators of third-party service providers.49Kerr, supra note 31, at 675. It was meant to expand the privacy protections afforded by the Fourth Amendment to digital content, clarifying its applicability. However, the SCA regulates retrospective communications, meaning it only applies when the government seeks to obtain information already in a provider’s possession.50Id. at 675–76. Additionally, the SCA only applies to two types of ISPs: providers of electronic communication service (“ECS”) and providers of remote computing service (“RCS”).51Privacy Rights in the Digital Age, supra note 48, at 565. An ECS is defined as “any service which provides . . . the ability to send or receive wire or electronic communications;”5218 U.S.C. § 2510(15). email and cell phone service providers would therefore be examples of ECS providers. An RCS, on the other hand, is defined as any service that provides to the public “computer storage or processing services by means of an electronic communications system.”53Id. § 2711(2). Thus, once an email has been received but not deleted or a voicemail has been left in storage for later review, email and cell phone services are treated as RCS providers. Because ECS and RCS providers are afforded different levels of protection, it is important to be able to appropriately categorize modern ISPs to determine how much protection users’ communications will be given.

While transmitting communications and storing communications are different functions, this distinction matters less today, as many modern ISPs provide both services. In 1986, however, Congress was concerned about businesses such as hospitals and banks using remote computing services to store records and process data.54S. Rep. No. 99-541, at 3 (1986), as reprinted in 1986 U.S.C.C.A.N. 3555, 3557. Thus, they felt the need to create the RCS category to address this concern.55It is unclear, however, why Congress felt that ECS and RCS communications should be afforded differing levels of protection. Generally, the SCA prohibits disclosure of both content and non-content56Non-content data is information the service provider collects about the subscriber of the service, such as their name and address. data of customer communications, but the SCA provides exceptions to this rule.57Stored Communications Act, 18 U.S.C. §§ 2701–2713. These exceptions, which are discussed below, are divided between § 2702, which regulates voluntary disclosure, and § 2703, which regulates required disclosure.

A. Disclosure of the Contents of Social Media Posts

1. Voluntary Disclosure of Customer Communications

Section 2702(b) details the nine circumstances in which a provider may voluntarily disclose the contents of a customer’s communications.58Id. § 2702(b)(1)–(9). These exceptions include allowing the contents to be disclosed “to an addressee or intended recipient of such communication” and “with the lawful consent of the originator or an addressee or intended recipient of such communication.”59Id. § 2702(b)(1), (3). The other seven instances in which a provider may also divulge the contents of a customer communication are as follows:

as otherwise authorized in section 2517, 2511(2)(a), or 2703 of [Title 18]; . . . to a person employed or authorized or whose facilities are used to forward such communication to its destination; . . . as may be necessarily incident to the rendition of the service or to the protection of the rights or property of the provider of that service; “to the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, in connection with a report submitted thereto under section 2258A; . . . to a law enforcement agency . . . if the contents . . . were inadvertently obtained by the service provider; and . . . appear to pertain to the commission of a crime; . . . to a governmental entity, if the provider, in good faith, believes that an emergency involving danger of death or serious physical injury to any person requires disclosure without delay of communications relating to the emergency; or . . . to a foreign government pursuant to an order from a foreign government that is subject to an executive agreement that the Attorney General has determined and certified to Congress satisfies section 2523.

Id. § 2702(b)(2), (4)–(9). For the most part, the communications can be disclosed only with the permission of the sender or intended recipient, which protects the user, or without their permission in the case of an emergency, such as a missing child.60Id. § 2702(b)(6). Therefore, while individuals are generally protected against voluntary disclosures of their private information by ISPs, it does not mean that the government is unable to obtain this information; it can be compelled through required disclosure under § 2703.

2. Required Disclosure of Customer Communications

Should the government decide that obtaining an individual’s communications is essential for building a criminal case against them, the disclosure of those communications is governed by § 2703.61See id. § 2703. This is where the largest privacy threat to social media users lies, as ISPs are then legally required to turn over the contents of customer communications to law enforcement. How the government goes about getting this information under § 2703, however, depends on a variety of factors, beginning with whether the ISP is categorized as an ECS or an RCS.

If the government requires information from an RCS, there are three ways for it to compel disclosure.62Id. § 2703(b). First, the government can compel disclosure without notifying the customer if “the governmental entity obtains a warrant issued using the procedures described in the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure (or, in the case of a State court, issued using State warrant procedures . . . ) by a court of competent jurisdiction.”63Id. § 2703(b)(1)(A). Alternatively, if the government provides notice to the customer, it can compel disclosure by using either (1) “an administrative subpoena authorized by a Federal or State statute or a Federal or State grand jury or trial subpoena;” or (2) “a court order . . . [obtained] under subsection [2703](d).”64Id. § 2703(b)(1)(B). Warrants place a higher burden on the government in order to obtain the requested information, while subpoenas and court orders are more easily obtainable. Thus, allowing the government to choose the second or third method to avoid having to obtain a warrant shifts the burden to the individual, who then must object to the subpoena or court order to protect their private information.

Required disclosure from an ECS, on the other hand, is even more complicated because it also considers information about the age of the communication.65See id. § 2703(a); see also Privacy Rights in the Digital Age, supra note 48, at 565. If the communication is 180 days old or less, the government may only compel disclosure “pursuant to a warrant issued using the procedures described in the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure (or, in the case of a State court, issued using State warrant procedures . . . ) by a court of competent jurisdiction.”6618 U.S.C. § 2703(a). If the communication is more than 180 days old, however, the government can compel disclosure with either a warrant or, if prior notice is provided, a subpoena or court order.67Id. In effect, this makes it easier for investigators to obtain older communications, with no explanation as to why the 180-day mark is significant; thus, in this situation, users are arbitrarily68I use the word “arbitrarily” because it is unclear why Congress chose 180 days to delineate between stored communications and contemporaneous communications. There is no information in the congressional record to indicate why 180 days was chosen. See S. Rep. No. 99-541 (1986), as reprinted in 1986 U.S.C.C.A.N. 3555. Orin Kerr calls the 180-day rule “strange,” and suggests it was chosen by the drafters because they “figured that unretrieved files not accessed after 180 days ha[d] been abandoned.” Orin S. Kerr, A User’s Guide to the Stored Communications Act, and a Legislator’s Guide to Amending It, 72 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 1208, 1234 (2004). afforded less protections.

B. Disclosure of the Non-Content Data of Social Media Posts

1. Voluntary Disclosure of Customer Records

Section 2702(a)(3) prohibits ECS and RCS providers from “divulg[ing] a record or other information pertaining to a subscriber to or customer of such service . . . to any governmental entity.”6918 U.S.C. § 2702(a)(3). However, § 2702(c) provides an exception to this rule: “A provider . . . may divulge a record or other information pertaining to a subscriber to or customer of such service . . . as otherwise authorized in section 2703.”70Id. § 2702(c). Therefore, while the SCA prevents ECS and RCS providers from voluntarily disclosing non-content information to governmental entities, as with content, the government can still obtain the information by utilizing § 2703’s required disclosure provision.

2. Required Disclosure of Customer Records

Section 2703(c)(1) states that a governmental entity can require an ECS or RCS provider to disclose a record or other information when the governmental entity “obtains a warrant issued using the procedures described in the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure (or, in the case of a State court, issued using State warrant procedures . . . ) by a court of competent jurisdiction”; “obtains a court order”; “has the consent of the subscriber or customer”; “submits a formal written request relevant to a law enforcement investigation concerning telemarketing fraud”; or “seeks information” under § 2703(c)(2).71Id. § 2703(c)(1). Section 2703(c)(2) allows ECS and RCS providers to disclose the name; address; telephone connection records (or records of session times and durations); length of service and types of service utilized; subscriber number; and “means and source of payment” when the governmental entity “uses an administrative subpoena authorized by a Federal or State statute or a Federal or State grand jury or trial subpoena or any means available under [§ 2703(c)](1)].”72Id. § 2703(c)(2). Again, governmental entities are able to obtain varying amounts of private information about customers from ECS and RCS providers with either a warrant or a court order, sometimes even with only a subpoena. Even more troubling, § 2703(c) does not require the government entity receiving the records or information to provide notice to the customer.73Id. § 2703(c)(3). Thus, subscribers’ privacy may be being infringed without their knowledge, providing them with fewer opportunities to protect themselves.

IV. SOCIAL MEDIA AND THE STORED COMMUNICATIONS ACT

Prior to 2010, no court had specifically addressed whether social media platforms were within the jurisdiction of the SCA.74Crispin v. Christian Audigier, Inc., 717 F. Supp. 2d 965, 977 (C.D. Cal. 2010). In order for the SCA to apply to social media platforms, these ISPs must be considered either ECS or RCS providers. The District Court for the Central District of California was the first to examine whether social media platforms were ECS or RCS providers in Crispin v. Christian Audigier, Inc.75See id. at 980. The district court held that because the three social media platforms in question provided either private messaging or email services, they qualified as ECS providers.76Id. This demonstrated that the SCA could be applied to social media platforms and can, therefore, be used to control the release of social media communications. While Crispin made it clear that Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat would be governed by the SCA, it remains unclear whether these platforms qualify as an ECS, an RCS, or both, in the context of specific functions. As a result, which regulations should be applied when the government seeks to obtain users’ content (or non-content) from social media platforms during a criminal investigation remains uncertain.

A. Obtaining Contents of Social Media Posts

1. Obtaining Contents from Private Social Media Accounts

The SCA only applies to communications that are not “readily accessible to the general public.”7718 U.S.C. § 2511(2)(g) (“It shall not be unlawful under [the SCA] for any person . . . to intercept or access an electronic communication made through an electronic communication system that is configured so that such electronic communication is readily accessible to the general public . . . .”). Thus, it is important to understand how a user’s varying privacy settings on social media platforms can affect the applicability of the SCA. Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat each have varying features that provide users with controls to limit who can see the content they have posted on their individual accounts, in some instances allowing the users to limit who can view individual posts as well, and the ability to block other users from viewing their content.78See Facebook Privacy Basics, Facebook, https://www.facebook.com/about/basics/manage-your-privacy [https://perma.cc/NNR8-NFLX]; Facebook Privacy Basics: Posts, Facebook, https://www.facebook.com/about/basics/manage-your-privacy/posts [https://perma.cc/6Y9P-8V73]; Privacy Policy, Snapchat, https://snap.com/en-US/privacy/privacy-policy [https://perma.cc/J3RW-7NUS]; Meta Privacy Center: Privacy Policy, Instagram, https://privacycenter.instagram.com/policy [https://perma.cc/9THM-CLEX]. Accordingly, should a user want their social media content to be private, they have the ability to set those limits using the social media platform settings.

In Crispin, the court held that “[u]nquestionably, the case law . . . require[s] that [user content] be restricted in some fashion . . . [to] merit protection under the SCA.”79Crispin, 717 F. Supp. 2d at 981; see also Ehling v. Monmouth-Ocean Hosp. Serv. Corp., 961 F. Supp. 2d 659, 666 (D.N.J. 2013) (“Facebook wall posts fall within the purview of the SCA.”). Therefore, if a user sets their content visibility to anything other than public, it qualifies as private. This was confirmed in Ehling v. Monmouth-Ocean Hospital Service Corp., in which the District Court of New Jersey found that “when users ma[d]e their Facebook wall posts inaccessible to the general public, the wall posts [we]re ‘configured to be private’ for the purposes of the SCA.”80Ehling, 961 F. Supp. 2d at 668. Similarly, in Facebook v. Superior Court (Hunter), the Supreme Court of California held that social media posts that were configured to be public fell within § 2702(b)(3)’s lawful consent exception, which allows ISPs to disclose a user’s content with the user’s consent.81Facebook, Inc. v. Superior Court (Hunter), 417 P.3d 725, 728 (Cal. 2018). By this logic, if a user’s content is visible to the public, they are consenting to the RCS provider’s disclosure of their content. The SCA, therefore, does not protect social media content that is posted publicly because consent is an exception to the prohibition of voluntary disclosure under § 2702. The Hunter court also held that “restricted communications sent to numerous recipients cannot be deemed to be public—and do not fall within the lawful consent exception.”82Id. In other words, even if social media communications are limited to a large group of people, that does not mean these posts are considered public. According to the Ehling court, “the critical inquiry is whether Facebook users took steps to limit access to the information . . . . Privacy protection provided by the SCA does not depend on the number of Facebook friends that a user has.”83Ehling, 961 F. Supp. 2d at 668. By restricting one’s content with privacy settings, a social media user can therefore take advantage of the SCA’s privacy protections and make it more difficult for the government to obtain their content—by requiring them to get a warrant, for example—for use in a criminal case, but not all users are that savvy or careful.

Based on this jurisprudence, it should not matter how broad the user’s privacy settings are—as long as the individual specifically took steps to limit who can view their content, it becomes protected from voluntary disclosure. This is not foolproof, however, because, as discussed earlier, disclosure may still be permitted if authorized by § 2703.8418 U.S.C. § 2702(b)(2). This remains problematic because, as Justice Sotomayor stated in Jones, a Fourth Amendment search online occurs when the government violates a “subjective expectation of privacy[,]”85United States v. Jones, 565 U.S. 400, 414 (2012) (Sotomayor, J., concurring) (citing Kyllo v. United States, 553 U.S. 27, 31–33 (2001)). and one could argue that when an individual invokes privacy settings, they reasonably expect that their content will be kept private. If obtaining individuals’ social media data constitutes a search, then under Justice Roberts’s logic in Carpenter, a warrant should be required because social media content can contain lots of information about a person’s day, including their location and movements, like the cell site records in Carpenter. Therefore, it stands to reason that all searches of private social media content should require a warrant, which is not currently the case under the SCA.

2. Social Media: Does Disclosure of Its Content Follow ECS or RCS Regulations?

As previously discussed, the SCA has different standards for an ECS than for an RCS—the government can more easily obtain communications from an RCS, whereas obtaining communications from an ECS depends on how long ago the communications were created, thus emphasizing the importance of properly categorizing each social media platform. In Crispin, the court found that social media platforms can be characterized differently depending on the state of the messages: before the messages have been opened, ISPs operate as ECS providers, but once the messages have been opened and retained, the ISPs operate as RCS providers.86Crispin v. Christian Audigier, Inc., 717 F. Supp. 2d 965, 987 (C.D. Cal. 2010). This creates significant complexity and results in variability in how the SCA is applied to each social media platform, given the different standards between RCS and ECS providers and the difficulty in determining which standard will apply.

The Crispin court acknowledged that Facebook wall posts and MySpace comments “present a distinct and more difficult question” as to whether the social media platforms are acting as ECS or RCS providers.87Id. at 988. On one hand, the court stated that Facebook and MySpace were ECS providers with respect to wall posts and comments because they were being held for “backup purposes once read.”88Id. at 989. Here, the court relied on Snow v. DIRECTV, Inc., in which a district court found that because electronic bulletin board services (“BBS”) did not have temporary, intermediate storage, they were actually storing the information for backup purposes and thus were an ECS.89Id. at 988 (citing Snow v. DIRECTV, Inc., No. 2:04-cv-515-FtM-33SPC, 2005 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 48652 (M.D. Fla. May 9, 2005)). The court analogized Facebook and MySpace wall posts and comments to BBS, concluding that these posts and comments were also being stored for backup purposes since they were not deleted after being read, and thus the social media platforms should be considered ECS providers.90Id. at 989.

On the other hand, the court also said that Facebook and MySpace could be considered RCS providers with respect to wall posts and comments because they maintained these communications not only for storage, but also for display purposes, as users wanted their friends to be able to see the communications.91Id. at 990. The court relied on Viacom International Inc. v. YouTube Inc. in this instance, analogizing Facebook wall posts and MySpace comments to private YouTube videos.92Id. In Viacom, the court found that YouTube was an RCS provider because it stored videos on behalf of its subscribers.93See Viacom Int’l Inc. v. YouTube Inc., 253 F.R.D. 256, 264 (S.D.N.Y. 2008). Thus, the Crispin court concluded that Facebook wall posts and MySpace comments, like YouTube videos, can be stored for the purpose of allowing other users to view the content, thus making Facebook and MySpace RCS providers, like YouTube.94Crispin, 717 F. Supp. 2d at 990. Ultimately, the court did not rule whether Facebook and MySpace were ECS or RCS providers with respect to wall posts and comments, remanding the case for further development.95Id. at 991. This complexity demonstrates how ill-suited the SCA currently is to protect individuals’ privacy on social media platforms, as there is no clear and consistent way to apply it. Further, the arguments made in Crispin emphasize just how arbitrary the distinction between an RCS and ECS provider can be when it comes to social media platforms. Because social media platforms do not fit neatly into either category, courts can come to different conclusions as to how these ISPs should be regulated, thus leading to uncertainty regarding the protection of privacy rights of social media users. This arbitrariness can be explained by the fact that the SCA was written in 1986, as articulated in Konop v. Hawaiian Airlines, Inc.:

[T]he ECPA was written prior to the advent of the Internet and the World Wide Web. As a result, the existing statutory framework is ill-suited to address modern forms of communication like [social media platforms]. Courts have struggled to analyze problems involving modern technology within the confines of this statutory framework, often with unsatisfying results.96Konop v. Hawaiian Airlines, Inc., 302 F.3d 868, 874 (9th Cir. 2002).

The Konop court’s words make clear that the SCA has become outdated because Congress was unable to foresee the problems that would arise for privacy protections resulting from not yet existing communication technologies. This is further supported by the fact that the Crispin court was unable to make a decision regarding the status of Facebook and MySpace with respect to wall posts and comments, given the limitations in clearly and consistently applying the SCA to communications on the various social media platforms.97See Christopher J. Borchert, Fernando M. Pinguelo & David Thaw, Reasonable Expectations of Privacy Settings: Social Media and the Stored Communications Act, 13 Duke L. & Tech. Rev. 36, 56 (2015) (“The Crispin court’s reasoning is both conflicted and irresolute, and thus fails to clarify the SCA’s applicability to communications made via social networking platforms.”). Courts’ inability to readily place certain features of social media platforms into existing categories highlights the inadequacy of the SCA in affording privacy rights to users of the prevalent modern technologies and supports that now is the time to change the SCA to clarify its applicability and afford stronger protections for various types of social media communications by creating more appropriate categories that these ISPs can be classified into.

3. Challenges in Applying SCA Content Disclosure to Stories

Stories are a relatively new feature of social media platforms, having only been in existence since 2013.98Wiltshire, supra note 24. Like with the aforementioned difficulty in generally applying the SCA to social media platforms and user content, Stories, which disappear within twenty-four hours, provide another example that highlights the limited applicability of the current statutory framework under the SCA to modern communication technologies. From a privacy perspective, the good news is that most of these posts are removed from ISPs’ servers as soon as the twenty-four hour period is up.99See What Happens to Content (Posts, Pictures) That I Delete from Facebook?, Facebook, https://www.facebook.com/help/121995105053180 [https://perma.cc/DR4U-RXPJ]; Stories, Instagram, https://help.instagram.com/1660923094227526 [https://perma.cc/8VFX-TH2V]; When Does Snapchat Delete Snaps and Chats?, Snapchat, https://support.snapchat.com/en-US/article/when-are-snaps-chats-deleted [https://perma.cc/2JF3-MJQG]. Since the content is no longer on the social media platform’s server, it is not possible for ISPs to disclose this content—even pursuant to a court order, subpoena, or warrant—because the content would no longer be in storage.100See Ian Hoppe, Does Law Enforcement Have Access to Your Snapchat Photos? A Simple Guide, AL.com (Jan. 13, 2019, 8:19 PM), https://www.al.com/business/2014/11/snapchat_
subpeona.html [https://perma.cc/47K9-WJDP] (“Snapchat will not turn over the content of your past Snapchats because it no longer has access to them. Snapchat couldn’t cooperate with law enforcement even if they wanted to, because, as part of their base operations, the content of messages is not available to them.”).
However, concerns remain for any content that remains saved on the server, which might still be obtainable for criminal investigations under the current SCA.

In addition, both Facebook and Instagram Stories can be saved in Story Archives,101Facebook Stories are “only available to [the] selected audience for 24 hours, but after that they can be saved in [the] story archive.” View Your Facebook Story Archive, Facebook, https://www.facebook.com/help/2241356632587629 [https://perma.cc/25Q3-WL7U]. By saving Facebook Stories to the Story Archive, users can still view their stories even though they are no longer visible to anyone else. Users can turn their Story Archive on or off, though Facebook does not specify what happens to Stories when the archive is turned off. Similarly, Instagram Stories are automatically saved to the Stories Archive unless this setting is turned off. Stories, supra note 99. and Snapchat Stories can be saved in Memories.102Snapchat contains a feature called Memories, which is backed up by Snapchat, that allows users to save Snaps and Stories so that they can be looked back on anytime. Snapchat Support, supra note 99. Therefore, although “Snapchat servers are designed to automatically delete all Snaps after they’ve been viewed by all recipients,” users can still elect to save this content on Snapchats servers. Id. This content, therefore, could feasibly be disclosed to the government under the SCA if the proper exceptions and procedures were met. Because part of the appeal of Stories is that posts are only available for twenty-four hours, users likely do not think about how long their content is maintained in storage. Rather, many incorrectly assume that the content has been permanently deleted when the twenty-four hours expire. The problem here is that if Stories are governed by current ECS rules, once Stories are more than 180 days old, they can be obtained with notice and a subpoena or court order. This goes against the intent underlying Justice Robert’s opinion in Carpenter because one could similarly argue that individuals who post Stories believe they have a reasonable expectation of privacy in these Stories that are now only available for their own view, yet they can, in fact, still be obtained with lesser protections than a warrant. Therefore, even though the SCA was intended to extend the protections of the Fourth Amendment to online communications, currently it does so unsuccessfully, particularly in the case of Stories.

Because Stories are so new, there have not been many cases addressing how the SCA applies to them. In Facebook, Inc. v. Pepe, the District of Columbia Court of Appeals considered an allegedly sent “disappearing Instagram ‘Story’ ” for the first time.103Facebook, Inc. v. Pepe, 241 A.3d 248, 252 (D.C. 2020). The court found that the Instagram Story was content under the SCA, and that because James Pepe was an “addressee or intended recipient” under § 2702(b), Facebook was permitted to disclose any Instagram Stories that were responsive to the subpoena.104Id. at 256. However, this addressee or intended recipient exception would not apply if the government were seeking disclosure in a criminal case, as the individual who posted the Story would likely not have invited a government official to view their private Facebook, Instagram, or Snapchat Story. Thus, the inquiry then shifts to consider whether social media platforms are acting as RCS or ECS providers when it comes to Stories.

One could analogize Stories to Facebook wall posts and MySpace comments when applying the SCA to social media Stories. Following the Crispin court, this would mean that ISPs offering Stories could be considered either RSC or ECS providers. The first argument is that Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat act as ECS providers when individuals post Stories because the individual is “sending” the electronic communication to the people who they have allowed to view it.105See 18 U.S.C. § 2510(15). This would follow from analogizing Stories to wall posts or comments that are in “backup” storage. As per Crispin, if the messages are being stored on the servers solely because they were not deleted, then they are in backup storage and, thus, should be governed by ECS rules. Unfortunately, users do not usually think about deleting this type of content because they know that once it disappears, no one else can see it. However, what they often fail to realize is that these communications are then considered to be in backup storage, meaning they can still be disclosed to the government under the SCA.

Alternatively, Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat could be considered RCS providers because they are simply storing the Stories on the server for others to view.106See id. § 2711(2). In Crispin, wall posts were compared to YouTube videos that were stored for the purpose of allowing other users to view the content.107Crispin v. Christian Audigier, Inc., 717 F. Supp. 2d 965, 990 (C.D. Cal. 2010). Arguably, Stories are also stored for the purpose of allowing others to view them, not simply because they have not been deleted. Therefore, even though a Story disappears after twenty-four hours, the user can reshare the content from their Archive, similar to changing a YouTube video’s settings to modify who can view it at any point in time.

On the other hand, Stories could also be analogized to private messages, which further complicates the analysis of SCA protections, particularly when considering the reasoning in Crispin, which stated that when a message is unread, the ISP acts as an ECS, but once the message has been read, the ISP then acts as an RCS.108Id. at 987. Stories can be viewed by whomever the user allows, depending on their privacy settings, meaning that at any given point in time, the Story might have been viewed by a portion, but not all, of the potential audience. Thus, is the Story considered “unread” until all possible viewers have seen it, or does it switch to being “read” once at least one individual has viewed it? Alternatively, a Story could be “sent” while it is available for viewing by others but then switched to “read” once the twenty-four hours are up.

Whether or not a Story is considered to be an ECS or an RCS function directly impacts how law enforcement agencies can obtain its contents since the content of a Story would only be protected with a warrant if it were governed by ECS rules and 180 days old or less. Otherwise, Stories could be obtained with either a subpoena or a court order, making them easier to acquire for criminal investigations. These types of questions have not yet been adequately addressed by courts, and because Stories have qualities of both RCS and ECS communications, it is not possible to consistently predict whether RCS or ECS rules should govern in individual cases. The difficulty in determining how to appropriately apply the SCA to Stories supports the need for the proposed changes to the SCA.

B. Obtaining Non-Content Data From Social Media Posts

1. Applying SCA Non-Content Disclosure to Social Media Platforms

Disclosure of non-content data stored by social media platforms is different from disclosure of content in that non-content disclosure does not depend on whether the provider is an ECS or an RCS. While content is defined as including “any information concerning the substance, purport, or meaning of that communication,”10918 U.S.C. § 2510(8). non-content is not well-defined. The SCA does, however, define some non-content data that can be obtained with only a subpoena, including the user’s name, address, and telephone number.110See id. § 2703(c)(2). This stems from the third-party doctrine, which states “the
Fourth Amendment does not prohibit the [government from] obtaining . . . information revealed to a third party.”111United States v. Miller, 425 U.S. 435, 443 (1976) (holding that a defendant had no expectation of privacy in his bank records because he had disclosed his affairs to his bank when opening his accounts); see also Smith v. Maryland, 442 U.S. 735, 745 (1979) (holding that a defendant had no actual expectation of privacy in the phone numbers he dialed and that even if he did, the expectation was not reasonable). This creates an exception to the reasonable expectation of privacy that is protected by the Fourth Amendment: once an individual voluntarily shares information with a third party, they lose any reasonable expectation of privacy in that information.112Miller, 425 U.S. at 443. It can be assumed, however, that non-content data is any information that is not the main substance of the communication, including the metadata incorporated in the communication, for example, the user’s identity, location, payment information, and telephone number.113“One approach to distinguishing content from non-content is to divide electronic communications into ‘payload’ (content) and ‘delivery instructions’ (non-content).” Chris Conley, Non-Content Is Not Non-Sensitive: Moving Beyond the Content/Non-Content Distinction, 54 Santa Clara L. Rev. 821, 830 (2015) (arguing that information such as the IP address from which a comment on social media is posted is non-content). This is problematic because under § 2703(c), non-content data can sometimes be easily obtained by the government with a court order. Because the SCA does not explicitly state which types of non-content data can be obtained with a court order and which require a warrant, a lot of discretion is left to police officers and the courts.

“Some non-content information, particularly associational information and location information, is inherently expressive, capable of directly exposing intimate details of an individual’s life.”114Id. at 831. In the age of social media, people are constantly posting images and videos online;115On Instagram alone, “[a]t least 95 million photos and videos are posted . . . each day.” Jack Flynn, 30+ Instagram Statistics [2022]: Facts About This Important Marketing Platform, Zippia (May 23, 2022), https://www.zippia.com/advice/instagram-statistics [https://perma.cc/ZCH2-FZ4S]. when people take photos, for example, the image files contain metadata that includes the time and date when the image was taken, along with the exact location where the photograph was taken.116Gurpreet Singh, Understanding Metadata for Photographers, Pixpa (June 23, 2020), https://www.pixpa.com/blog/photo-metadata [https://perma.cc/273F-GNJT]. Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat collect a lot of information about an individual’s daily life, including sensitive location information.117Meta Privacy Center: Privacy Policy, Meta (July 26, 2022), https://www.facebook.com/
privacy [https://perma.cc/N48L-2EM4] (describing data policies for Facebook and Instagram); Privacy Policy, supra note 78. As of October 2021, Facebook Inc., the company that owns both Facebook and Instagram, changed its name to Meta. Mike Isaac, Facebook Renames Itself Meta, N.Y. Times (Nov. 10, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/2021/10/28/technology/facebook-meta-name-change.html [https://
perma.cc/WUD4-KFLH]. Thus, the Meta Privacy Policy details the information collected by both Facebook and Instagram. See Michel Protti, Here’s What You Need to Know About Our Updated Privacy Policy and Terms of Service, Meta (May 26, 2022), https://about.fb.com/news/2022/05/metas-updated-privacy-policy [https://perma.cc/YW5H-4A2F] (“The updated Meta Privacy Policy covers Facebook, Instagram, Messenger and other Meta products.”).
Like wireless providers, Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat are all able to collect individuals’ locations from Bluetooth signals, wireless networks, and cell towers.118See Meta Privacy Center: Privacy Policy, supra note 117; Privacy Policy, supra note 78. Additionally, these platforms also store information such as the location, date, and time at which the photograph or file was created.119See Meta Privacy Center: Privacy Policy, supra note 117; Privacy Policy, supra note 78. This information could be used in a criminal investigation to pinpoint the time and place where a crime occurred or where a suspect was located at a particular time, making it highly valuable for the government when charging someone with a crime.120In United States v. Hart, the court held that “any expectation of privacy a person might have had in non-communication records given to a third party is destroyed upon disclosure, even if he disclosed the information on the assumption that it would be used only for a limited purpose.” United States v. Hart, No. 3:08-CR-00109-C, 2009 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 72597, at *45 (W.D. Ky. July 28, 2009). However, the non-content information that the government obtained included login tracker data, such as the date and time of the user’s last log in, and the user’s IP address, which allowed it to determine the exact location from which the email was sent. Id. at *13. This is troubling because it means that the government can easily obtain non-content information without a warrant and track a defendant’s precise location, which would reasonably require a warrant otherwise. Thus, it is important to afford this information the highest level of protection.

Because social media is a newer phenomenon, most courts have yet to address the issue of obtaining non-content data, which can include time and location information from a social media platform. In In re Application of the United States of America for an Order Pursuant to 18 U.S.C. § 2703(d), a magistrate judge ordered Twitter121Twitter is a social media platform that allows individuals to communicate with family, friends, and the general public through “Tweets,” which can be comprised of text, photos, and videos. See New User FAQ, Twitter, https://help.twitter.com/en/resources/new-user-faq [https://perma.cc/DZE7-JMCE] (describing how Twitter works). to turn over information
pertaining to multiple subscribers; this information included “records
of user activity . . . including the date [and] time” as well as
“non-content information associated with the contents of any communication . . . [including] IP addresses.”122In re Application of the U.S. for an Ord. Pursuant to 18 U.S.C. § 2703(d), 830 F. Supp. 2d 114, 121–22, 130–31, 153 (E.D. Va. 2011). The Virginia district court held that because § 2703(d) requires the government to show only “reasonable grounds” that the records sought are relevant and material to an ongoing criminal investigation, and because the third-party doctrine applies to IP address information, the court order was valid.123Id. at 121–22. The court differentiated IP addresses from beeper monitoring because IP addresses are shared with all internet routers when a user accesses Twitter, while tracking a beeper allowed the government to monitor inside a private residence, which was not otherwise open for visual surveillance.124Id. at 132. While this case clarified what one district court believed the SCA means for IP addresses, it does not help to clarify how the SCA applies to exact location information such as the metadata embedded in Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat posts.

However, courts have addressed the issue of whether obtaining location information from a wireless carrier constitutes a search under the Fourth Amendment. In Carpenter, the Court held that a court order obtained under § 2703(d) was not a permissible means of acquiring a defendant’s historical cell-site location information (“CSLI”) from a wireless carrier.125Carpenter v. United States, 138 S. Ct. 2206, 2221 (2018). The Court found that individuals have a reasonable expectation of privacy in their physical location, and when the government accessed CSLI from the wireless carriers, it violated the defendant’s reasonable expectation of privacy.126Id. at 2217–19. As a result, the Court held that the government “must generally obtain a warrant supported by probable cause” before acquiring records containing location information.127Id. at 2221.

Because the SCA was intended to extend Fourth Amendment rights to online communications, it might be acceptable to infer that obtaining location information from social media platforms would also require obtaining a warrant supported by probable cause. However, the Carpenter Court articulated that its decision was “narrow” and that it does not “address other business records that might incidentally reveal location information,”128Id. at 2220. which means that the metadata contained in the photos and videos posted on social media may not require the government to obtain a warrant, which could compromise people’s privacy rights. As Justice Sotomayor pointed out in her concurrence in Jones, “it may be necessary to reconsider the premise that an individual has no reasonable expectation of privacy” in the information they disclose online.129United States v. Jones, 565 U.S. 400, 417 (2012) (Sotomayor, J., concurring). “This approach is ill suited to the digital age, in which people reveal a great deal of information about themselves to third parties in the course of carrying out mundane tasks.”130Id. Justice Sotomayor is right: in the digital age, individuals post a wealth of information online that they expect—as a result of their privacy settings—to be visible only to those they choose. Thus, it is time to reconsider the notion that revealing this information to third-party social media platforms means that the government should be able to easily obtain their locational information because there is no “reasonable expectation of privacy.”131Id.

2. Challenges in Applying SCA Non-Content Data Disclosure to Stories

Stories provide users with the unique opportunity to create information that can qualify as both content and non-content data at the same time. When an individual posts their Story online, they are able to add “stickers,” which can indicate to those viewing the Story the exact location of the individual and the date and time the Story was posted, among other things. Thus, when a user posts a location in their social media Story, it actually appears as part of a graphic. In this sense, it would appear to be content because it is part of the image. On the other hand, since it is a location, Instagram will likely also collect that information separately from the content. It would then appear that, in this situation, the location information would be both content and non-content data at the same time; how then should a court determine whether a subpoena, court order, or warrant is required to compel the information from Instagram? Unfortunately, this is unclear under the current statutory framework of the SCA.

Former CIA agent Michael Morell admits that “[t]here’s a lot of content in metadata” and that “[t]here’s not a sharp difference between metadata and content . . . It’s more of a continuum.”132Julian Sanchez, Obama Backs Off Real NSA Reform, Daily Beast (Apr. 14, 2017, 1:04 PM), https://www.thedailybeast.com/obama-backs-off-real-nsa-reform [https://perma.cc/2XQT-DZY4] (quoting Michael Morell). If even the government accepts that it is difficult to distinguish between content and non-content data, then the SCA should not be differentiating between the two and allowing weaker protections for non-content data when, in fact, it may reveal information just as sensitive as content. Because the SCA was created prior to the creation of social media, it does not account for the overlap in the types of information that can be obtained from non-content and content data. This is another reason why the SCA needs to be rewritten: to clarify and remove the ambiguity of how sensitive non-content information can be disclosed.

V. REVISING THE STORED COMMUNICATIONS ACT

A. Requiring Warrants for All Compelled Content Disclosures

While the SCA provides some protections for private communications on ISPs, the statute needs to be updated and better tailored so that it is applicable to all the various nuances of modern technologies. Currently, the strongest protections are afforded to unretrieved emails and other temporarily stored files that are 180 days old or less.13318 U.S.C. § 2703(a); see also Kerr, supra note 68, at 1233 (identifying that only transmissions pending for 180 days or less “receive the protection of a full warrant requirement”). All other communications can be more easily obtained with a subpoena combined with prior notice.13418 U.S.C. § 2703(a), (b)(1)(B). Under the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, a subpoena “may order the witness to produce any books, papers, documents, data, or other objects the subpoena designates.”135Fed. R. Crim. P. 17(c)(1). This is even less protective of an individual’s right to privacy than having to obtain a court order, which requires that the “governmental entity offers specific and articulable facts showing that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the contents of a[n] . . . electronic communication . . . are relevant and material to an ongoing criminal investigation.”13618 U.S.C. § 2703(d). To obtain a warrant, on the other hand, there must be “probable cause to search for and seize a person or property.”137Fed. R. Crim. P. 41(d)(1). This places a heavier burden on the government and thus ensures that social media users are not losing their right to privacy without stringent protections, which should be the goal of any such legislation.

Because the line between defining a social media platform as either an ECS provider or an RCS provider is so unclear, applying existing laws can lead to variable results that negatively impact users’ privacy rights. As previously discussed, under the SCA, the same ISP can be treated as an ECS for some functions, but an RCS for others; this leaves users with inconsistencies in the treatment of their personal communications, which can infringe on their privacy. Importantly, whether a social media platform is characterized as an ECS or an RCS has a direct impact on the stringency of the procedures that law enforcement must follow to obtain the content. Further, although the SCA does not specifically differentiate between public and private social media accounts, because the SCA was only intended to cover private communications, it inadvertently creates counterintuitive privacy protections. For example, in Crispin, the court held that opened private messages on Facebook and MySpace were covered by RCS rules, while ECS rules covered restricted wall posts and comments.138Crispin v. Christian Audigier, Inc., 717 F. Supp. 2d 965, 991 (C.D. Cal. 2010). Effectively, this meant that wall posts and comments, which can arguably be seen by all of an individual user’s friends, were afforded greater protections than private messages, which are typically only seen by the sender and the intended recipient. This is counterintuitive because it means that less private communications receive greater protection than more private communications.

Consequently, there is a clear need for Congress to reform the SCA now, and as a first step, require warrants for all communications, regardless of whether an ISP is characterized as an RCS or ECS.139In April 2022, the Warrant for Metadata Act was introduced in the House of Representatives, proposing that warrants be required for ECS and RCS disclosures. Warrant for Metadata Act, H.R. 7553, 117th Cong. (2022). Thus, it is clear that at least part of Congress has recognized the need for tighter restrictions to protect the liberties of U.S. citizens; only time will tell if this bill will pass and the SCA will finally be amended, as amendments have been proposed before with no success. See, e.g., Online Communications and Geolocation Protection Act, H.R. 983, 113th Cong. (2013); Electronic Communications Privacy Act Amendments Act of 2013, S. 607, 113th Cong. (2013); Electronic Communications Privacy Act Amendments Act of 2015, S. 356, 114th Cong. (2015); Email Privacy Act, H.R. 699, 114th Cong. (2016). Warrants provide the strongest protection for social media users, and when it comes to individual liberties, the government has an obligation to preserve these liberties with the broadest legal protections possible.140“No person shall be . . . deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law . . . .” U.S. Const. amend. V. A citizen’s right to liberty is derived from the U.S. Constitution, which means that while the “[g]overnment has an obligation to protect the safety and security of its citizens, . . . it has an equally important responsibility to safeguard the freedoms and liberties that are the cornerstones of American democracy.” Anthony D. Romero, In Defense of Liberty at a Time of National Emergency, ABA: Hum. Rts. Mag. (Jan. 1, 2002), https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_
rights_magazine_home/human_rights_vol29_2002/winter2002/irr_hr_winter02_romero [https://perma.cc/
9AUZ-CY8D].
This is especially important considering the case law, which argues that individuals have a right to be protected under the SCA if they took steps to protect their content.141Ehling v. Monmouth-Ocean Hosp. Serv. Corp., 961 F. Supp. 2d 659, 668 (D.N.J. 2013). By requiring warrants for the disclosure of all social media communications, the SCA would be able to provide the strongest statutory framework to protect users’ privacy and prevent the unjust use of their social media content against them in criminal court.

B. Removing the Differentiation Between RCS and ECS

The previously highlighted variability and liability in characterizing social media platforms as RCS providers in some instances and ECS providers in others has become even more problematic with the recent emergence of social media Stories. If Stories are analogized to emails or private messages—because the user posts the Story with the intention that others will see it and it will be gone shortly after the message is read—they would be governed by ECS rules, similar to the private messages in Crispin.142Crispin, 717 F. Supp. 2d at 980. Alternatively, Stories considered analogous to YouTube videos—because they are stored for only a limited number of people to view—would be governed by RCS rules.143Viacom Int’l, Inc. v. YouTube Inc., 253 F.R.D. 256, 264 (S.D.N.Y. 2008). The courts have yet to address whether Stories should be governed by ECS or RCS rules, but there are arguments for both sides because Stories do not fit neatly into either category.

Because the SCA was not created to accommodate these newer technologies, it would be more effective to revise the SCA categories rather than attempting to fit new technologies into the existing categories. Because social media platforms offer various functions that involve both message transmissions and electronic storage, the language of the SCA needs to be amended to eliminate the distinction between RCS and ECS altogether. Orin Kerr suggested doing this by identifying that the SCA applies only to “network service providers,” which would encapsulate the current definitions of ECS and RCS and then apply the SCA rules to different types of files held by the network service providers.144Kerr, supra note 68, at 1235. This would alleviate the difficulty of determining which rules apply to social media providers in different situations and would further clarify privacy rights for users by establishing when and how their content is protected. Importantly, this would also provide consistency and give users a better understanding of their rights online, which may, in turn, influence what information they choose to post on social media—especially if they know it could later be used against them in a criminal case. Without this clarity, social media users do not know whether their content is protected and what steps they need to take to protect their private communications, which may, consequently, have a “chilling effect”145A chilling effect is “[t]he result of a law or practice that seriously discourages the exercise of a constitutional right.” Chilling Effect, Black’s Law Dictionary (11th ed. 2019). The constitutional right affected here would be the freedom of speech, as social media users are expressing the right to speak freely when they post content online. on their conduct.

C. Requiring Warrants for All Compelled Non-Content Data Disclosures

As technology has grown and evolved, the distinction between content and non-content data has continued to blur. This is particularly true when individuals include the date, time, and location of their posts in the actual post or Story. When Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat collect that information, it becomes non-content data, some of which can be disclosed pursuant to only a subpoena, and some of which requires either a court order or a warrant. One way to address this issue would be to require warrants for all compelled disclosures of non-content data. This is in line with the suggestion to require warrants for all compelled disclosures of content.

By requiring warrants for compelled disclosures of non-content data, criminal investigators would then have to show probable cause before obtaining the information, which is the highest standard available. In Carpenter, the Court acknowledged that individuals have a reasonable expectation of privacy regarding their physical location.146Carpenter v. United States, 138 S. Ct. 2206, 2217 (2018). Unlike cell-site records, social media platforms do not collect information on users every time their phone pings a cell tower. Instead, locations are collected when individuals post to social media. Therefore, it is currently unclear whether location information would always be protected by a warrant under the SCA.147In 2013, the 113th Congress proposed the Online Communications and Geolocation Protection Act. This proposed amendment to the SCA included prohibitions on the disclosure of geolocation information to governmental entities. Online Communications and Geolocation Protection Act, H.R. 983, 113th Cong. (2013); see also Dell Cameron, New Bill Would Halt Warrantless Requests for Consumers’ Geolocation Data, Daily Dot (May 29, 2021, 3:18 PM), https://www.dailydot.com/debug/online-communications-geolocation-protection-act [https://perma.cc/V8BT-B3S3] (stating that the lawmakers said that “the ECPA in its current form offers inadequate protections to Americans who rely heavily on mobile devices operating location-based services”). Thus, Congress is aware that the SCA does not adequately protect against disclosure of non-contents containing location information. Although the bill was proposed, it was never passed and thus the problem remains.

While it is true that some non-content data records reveal more than others, advances in metadata analysis have shown that assembling disparate pieces of metadata can lead to larger discoveries. Thus, although one might argue that it would be better to specify which types of records require a subpoena, which require a court order, and which require a warrant, this practice would be difficult to consistently implement.148See Kerr, supra note 12, at 413 (“Identifying the proper particularity standard for noncontent information is difficult because such records exist in many different forms . . . . A list of every email address that a person emailed, together with the time each email was sent, is more sensitive than merely the name on the account.”). Rewriting the SCA to guarantee that such non-content metadata is protected by the highest protection affordable would ensure that social media users are provided their First Amendment rights.

D. Removing the Distinction Between Content and Non-Content Data

Perhaps a simpler solution to this problem of differentiating between content and non-content data would be to eliminate the distinction altogether. The distinction comes from Ex parte Jackson, in which the Court held that “a distinction is to be made between different kinds of mail matter,—between what is intended to be kept free from inspection, such as letters . . . and what is open to inspection, such as . . . printed matter, purposely left in a condition to be examined.”149Ex parte Jackson, 96 U.S. 727, 733 (1878). The Court held that mail can only be opened and examined under a warrant because otherwise it would constitute an illegal search.150Id. Thus, content is what is “intended to be kept free from inspection,” as it is sealed away, and non-content data is what is left in the open.

When the Court first created this distinction in Ex parte Jackson, it made sense to differentiate between the information on the outside of an envelope, which could be openly seen by others, and the content that was stored within an envelope. However, trying to apply that logic to social media now no longer makes sense because the distinction between content and non-content data has become so blurred. For example, when a user posts a picture of their dog on their Instagram profile, they can include a geotagged location to where the photograph was taken. Is the location still non-content data because it is not the “substance” of the post, or is the location content because the user is using it to indicate where the picture was taken and, therefore, it is part of the description? If the latter were true, it would then arguably be content.

If the same information can be considered both content and non-content, it does not make sense to allow law enforcement to obtain the same information with lesser protections solely because they can argue that it is non-content data. Eliminating the distinction between non-content and content data would remove the uncertainty and enable social media users to be confident that all aspects of their posts would be protected.

CONCLUSION

The Ninth Circuit had it right when it said, “until Congress brings the laws in line with modern technology, protection of the Internet and websites such as [social media platforms] will remain a confusing and uncertain area of the law.”151Konop v. Hawaiian Airlines, Inc., 302 F.3d 868, 874 (9th Cir. 2002). Social media platforms, as a whole, do not fit nicely into the existing ECS and RCS categories that Congress created when drafting the SCA in 1986. Some functions of social media platforms lead to the platform being treated as an ECS, while other functions lead to the platform being treated as an RCS. In other instances, it is difficult to determine whether a specific function indicates that the social media platform is acting as an ECS or an RCS. As a result, the SCA can be inconsistently applied to disclosures of social media content. Most importantly, certain functions on social media are arbitrarily afforded stricter protections than others, solely because of how they are inconsistently categorized under the current SCA. The rationale for affording communications greater protections when they are classified as an ECS that is 180 days old or less versus the fewer protections afforded to an ECS that is more than 180 days old or as an RCS is unclear. As a result of these arbitrary distinctions, law enforcement has an easier time searching an individual’s private social media, which may only require a subpoena or court order, than it would going through someone’s diary, which requires a warrant.

Further complicating the application of the SCA to social media today is the fact that in the age of social media, it is becoming more difficult to distinguish content from non-content data. When Congress drafted the SCA, it attempted to apply the Fourth Amendment to online communications and therefore made a distinction between content and non-content data; however, the difference between what constitutes content—analogous to what is contained inside an envelope—and non-content—analogous to what is on the outside of an envelope—in the digital context has become difficult to discern.152See Ex parte Jackson, 96 U.S. 727, 733 (1878). Courts have also considered the third-party doctrine when determining what information could be obtained with a subpoena, reasoning that because the information had been disclosed to a third party, the user had no reasonable expectation of privacy. However, social media users disclose a variety of personal information when signing up for an account, often including, at a minimum, their name, birthdate, and email address, and their posts include lots of additional metadata. The privacy of these data is critical to define because they can be used by law enforcement to piece together where an individual was at the time they posted to social media or where an individual was when the content they posted was retrieved. Whether this very sensitive information should require a warrant or a lesser means to be retrieved by law enforcement is not currently clearly defined in the SCA.

The ECPA—which includes the SCA—was enacted to protect citizens from having their electronic communications intercepted without the proper authorization, but these protections need to change in response to evolving communication technologies. This legislation was intended to extend Fourth Amendment protections to new technologies, but because social media technologies have evolved so rapidly since 1986, the SCA no longer truly affords the intended protections. For citizens to be protected against unreasonable searches of their digital media, Congress needs to restructure the existing legislation to properly address how communication technologies have evolved over the past thirty-six years. Not only can one social media platform function as both an ECS and an RCS provider under the current SCA definitions, but it is now also difficult to determine whether a specific social media function, such as Stories, which has properties of both, should be governed by ECS or RCS rules. Further, there is now duplication of content and non-content data, making it difficult to clearly differentiate them and ensure that all of this personal information is being adequately protected under the SCA.

To ensure the protection of constitutional privacy rights and prevent private social media communications from being unfairly used against their creators in court, Congress should require that all compelled disclosures be governed by the same rules as the Fourth Amendment; that is, it should require that there be a warrant and “probable cause.”153U.S. Const. amend. IV. If all compelled disclosures were to require a warrant, then equal protections would be applied in all situations, as the standard would be consistent across physical and digital searches; this would help ensure that defendants’ due process rights were not violated. Further, because the distinctions between an ECS and RCS, as well as content and non-content data, are no longer appropriate, it would be advantageous for Congress to revise the SCA to better align with modern technologies by drawing the necessary delineations based on the functions being used, not on the specific type of provider. This way, the SCA would not only better apply to modern technology, but it would hopefully also better apply to future emerging technologies.

 

96 S. Cal. L. Rev. 707

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Executive Senior Editor, Southern California Law Review, Volume 96; J.D. Candidate 2023, University of Southern California Gould School of Law; M.S. Clinical Research Methods 2020, Fordham University; B.A. Psychology 2015, New York University. My thanks to my parents, Marlene and Lee Allen, and Jennifer Guillen for their input and support throughout the note-writing process. I would also like to thank my Note advisor, Professor Eileen Decker, for her guidance, and the members of the Southern California Law Review for their hard work and thoughtful suggestions.

Battle of the Opinions: Conflicting Interpretations of False Opinions and the Falsity Standard Under the False Claims Act

Congress has let loose a posse of ad hoc deputies to uncover and prosecute frauds against the government . . . . [Bad actors] may prefer the dignity of being chased only by the regular troops; if so, they must seek relief from Congress.1United States ex rel. Milam v. Univ. of Tex. M.D. Anderson Cancer Ctr., 961 F.2d 46, 49 (4th Cir. 1992).

INTRODUCTION

What most people probably do not realize is that approximately ten percent of all government spending is lost to fraud, which amounts to hundreds of billions of dollars annually.2Joel D. Hesch, It Takes Time: The Need to Extend the Seal Period for Qui Tam Complaints Filed Under the False Claims Act, 38 Seattle U.L. Rev. 901, 901 (2015). It should be of no surprise then that public attitudes toward government spending are mixed.3See generally William G. Jacoby, Public Attitudes Toward Government Spending, 38 Am. J. Pol. Sci. 336 (1994) (exploring the nature, sources, and consequences of citizens’ attitudes toward government spending). With the recent COVID-19 pandemic, government spending and the number of fraudulent schemes have both reached unprecedented levels.4See Press Release, U.S. Dep’t of Just., Justice Department Takes Action Against COVID-19 Fraud (Mar. 26, 2021) [hereinafter COVID-19 Fraud], http://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-takes-action-against-covid-19-fraud [http://perma.cc/6R6K-YCJW]. This alone is quite alarming from a policy perspective. Furthermore, in combatting this widespread fraud, the government has had to consider an important legal issue, which also happens to be a philosophical concern that permeates life and introduces uncertainty into the legal system.

The distinction between fact and opinion seems quite obvious, but there is more to this dichotomy than meets the eye. Most individuals intuitively understand that facts have an objective basis in reality whereas opinions are merely one’s own subjective interpretation of some matter. It follows that facts can be proven or disproven using an objective metric and that facts can reinforce or contradict any given claim. But what about opinions? Can they be “true” or “false” in the same sense? Can the substance of their truth be invalidated by other opinions? Do opinions gain an elevated legal status if they inevitably result in life-or-death consequences for another individual?

The circuit courts have recently grappled with these difficult questions in the context of Medicare-related claims under the False Claims Act (“FCA”), a civil anti-fraud statute.5See John T. Boese & Douglas W. Baruch, Civil False Claims and Qui Tam Actions
1-5 (5th ed. 2022). See generally 31 U.S.C. §§ 3729–3733 (creating liability for individuals who engage in fraudulent acts against the government).
To prevail on an FCA claim, plaintiffs must prove, inter alia, falsity; that is, the defendant made a false claim for government payment.631 U.S.C. § 3729. The FCA, in its current iteration, does not provide guidance on the standard for proving falsity.7See id. §§ 3729–3733. Normally, this would not present an issue because “absent other indication, ‘Congress intends to incorporate the well-settled meaning of the common-law terms it uses.’ ”8Universal Health Servs., Inc. v. United States, 579 U.S. 176, 177 (2016) (quoting Sekhar v. United States, 570 U.S. 729, 732 (2013)). However, claims for government payment or reimbursement are sometimes based only on a subject matter expert’s evaluation. This is particularly true in the medical field, where doctors are required to treat patients using their clinical judgments.9See infra Section I.C. Thus, proving falsity in these cases necessarily entails disproving expert opinion. Given the subjective nature of opinions, common-law developments have not been uniform, and circuit courts have entrenched themselves on different sides of the aisle.10Compare United States v. AseraCare, Inc., 938 F.3d 1278, 1281 (11th Cir. 2019) (holding that an objective falsehood standard is proper), with United States v. Care Alts., 952 F.3d 89, 91 (3d Cir. 2020) (ruling against an objective falsehood standard), cert. denied, 141 S. Ct. 1371 (2021).

On one side are circuit courts that believe that the FCA requires proof of an “objective falsehood.”11See, e.g., AseraCare, 938 F.3d at 1281. This seems to be the traditional interpretation, with many courts at the district and appellate levels dismissing plaintiffs’ claims when they failed to establish that a defendant’s representation was objectively false.12See infra Section I.D, Appendix A. Most recently, the Eleventh Circuit, in United States v. AseraCare, Inc., considered when the hospice provider certifications regarding a patient’s “terminally ill” status can be considered false under the FCA.13AseraCare, 938 F.3d at 1281. In its holding, the court determined that claims cannot be false based on “a reasonable disagreement between medical experts.”14Id.

Approximately six months after the Eleventh Circuit’s ruling, the Third Circuit, in United States v. Care Alternatives, explicitly rejected the objective falsity standard in favor of a subjective falsity standard, whereby expert testimony challenging a physician’s judgment can be adequate evidence of falsity.15Care Alts., 952 F.3d at 91. The Ninth Circuit seemingly followed suit in Winter ex rel. United States v. Gardens Regional Hospital & Medical Center, Inc. when it proclaimed that a party stating an FCA claim does not need to plead an objective falsehood.16Winter ex rel. United States v. Gardens Reg’l Hosp. & Med. Ctr., Inc., 953 F.3d 1108, 1113 (9th Cir. 2020), cert. denied sub nom. RollinsNelson LTC Corp. v. United States ex rel. Winters, 141 S. Ct. 1380 (2021). The defendants in both cases petitioned the Supreme Court for writs of certiorari; unfortunately, on February 22, 2021, the Court rejected the petitions without comment, leaving the question unaddressed and prolonging the circuit split.17Care Alts., 141 S. Ct. 1371; RollinsNelson, 141 S. Ct. 1380.

This Note explores the aforementioned circuit split and scrutinizes the decisions under various frameworks given the statutory gap regarding falsity under the FCA. In doing so, it will consider relevant common law guidance and regulations and focus on the courts’ adherence to precedent and principles. Few doctrinal analyses on the falsity element of the FCA have been conducted,18Most prior noteworthy analyses have explicated objective falsity through a healthcare lens. See, e.g., Sebastian West, Proof of Objective Falsehood: Liability Under the False Claims Act for Hospice Providers, 90 U. Cin. L. Rev. 328, 328 (2021) (arguing that when narrowly tailored to hospice-related claims under the FCA, the objective falsity standard adopted by the Eleventh Circuit is the correct interpretation but fails to sufficiently guide the lower courts); Elizabeth A. Caruso, Comment, Hospice Care’s Adventures in Fraudland: “Battle of the Experts” & Proving Falsity Under the False Claims Act, 62 B.C. L. Rev. E. Supp. 21, 38–42 (2021) (advocating for objective falsity in hospice certification claims because it aligns with Supreme Court precedent and the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services’ intent for the Medicare hospice benefit); Jameson Steffel, End of Life Uncertainty: Terminal Illness, Medicare Hospice Reimbursement, and the “Falsity” of Physicians’ Clinical Judgments, 89 U. Cin. L. Rev. 779, 780 (2021) (concluding that the Eleventh Circuit’s approach is the correct legal and policy interpretation with regards to Medicare-related false claims); Bryce T. Daniels, A Tale of Two Falsities: Objective Falsity and Common-Law Falsity in the False Claims Act 2 (Aug. 1, 2021) (unpublished manuscript), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3922788 [https://perma.cc/QL6J-WAS2] (claiming that the objective falsity standard should be disfavored because medical opinions, whether construed as opinions or statements of fact, are falsifiable in many contexts). Some articles maintain that there is actually no circuit split over doctors’ FCA liability. See, e.g., Jenna L. Schaffer, Note, Not Quite What the Doctor Ordered: The Third Circuit Pulls the Plug on Objective Falsity in United States Ex Rel. Druding v. Care Alternatives, 67 Vill. L. Rev. 167, 171 (2022) (suggesting that the Eleventh Circuit’s ruling merely “created the perception of a circuit split—even though a split may not actually exist”); Matthew Gill, There Is No Circuit Split Over Doctors’ FCA Liability, Law360 (May 18, 2020), http://
http://www.porterwright.com/content/uploads/2020/05/Law360-There-Is-No-Circuit-Split-Over-Doctors-FCA-
Liability.pdf [http://perma.cc/G866-ATA7].
and to my knowledge, this is the one of the first to propose that (1) the recent disagreement over objective falsity is a nontraditional three-way circuit split, and (2) the falsity standard needs to be flexible to accommodate various controlling regulations and statutes. This Note then argues that the Ninth Circuit has correctly elucidated the issue: courts should not focus on the objective or subjective falsehood standard but rather on the context and circumstances of each case.

Part I of this Note provides a foundational understanding of the FCA, the healthcare industry, and falsity in common law contexts. This includes the FCA’s legislative history, qui tam claims, statistics regarding recovery, medical decision-making, Medicare hospice benefit (“MHB”), and history of objective falsity cases. Part II discusses prior Supreme Court and appellate decisions that provide a useful framework to analyze the circuit split. Part III analyzes the three central cases that have contributed to the recent circuit split: United States v. AseraCare, Inc.,19United States v. AseraCare, Inc., 938 F.3d 1278, 1278 (11th Cir. 2019). United States v. Care Alternatives,20Care Alts., 952 F.3d at 89. and Winter ex rel. United States v. Gardens Regional Hospital and Medical Center, Inc.21Winter, 953 F.3d at 1108. Part IV recommends that courts analyze falsity under the Tenth Circuit and Supreme Court’s common law test defined in United States ex rel. Polukoff v. St. Mark’s Hospital and Omnicare, Inc. v. Laborers District Council Construction Industry Pension Fund.22Omnicare, Inc. v. Laborers Dist. Council Constr. Indus. Pension Fund, 575 U.S. 175, 184–89 (2015); United States ex rel. Polukoff v. St. Mark’s Hosp., 895 F.3d 730, 741 (10th Cir. 2018). One report has previously suggested that courts should simply apply the Omnicare test. See Robert Salcido, When Can Opinions be “False” and Result in False Claims Act Liability: Three Circuit Courts Provide Conflicting Guidance, Salcido Rep.: False Claims Act Pub. Disclosure Alert (Nov. 24, 2020), http://
http://www.akingump.com/en/news-insights/when-can-opinions-be-false-and-result-in-false-claims-act-liability-three-circuit-courts-provide-conflicting-guidance.html [http://perma.cc/URM5-RK3L].
Part IV also argues that FCA-intersecting statutes and regulations have impliedly allowed for both objective and subjective falsity standards to exist. Furthermore, Part IV suggests that the issue may be more efficiently addressed by the legislature than the courts and contextualizes the problem within the broader whistleblower policy debate.

I. BACKGROUND

A. The False Claims Act and Its Legislative History

Originally enacted in 1863 at the request of President Abraham Lincoln,23132 Cong. Rec. H22,339 (daily ed. Sept. 9, 1986) (statement of Rep. Berman). the FCA is America’s first whistleblower law and currently one of the strongest whistleblower laws in the United States.24False Claims Act (Qui Tam) Whistleblower FAQ, Nat’l Whistleblower Ctr. [hereinafter Whistleblower FAQ], http://www.whistleblowers.org/faq/false-claims-act-qui-tam [http://perma.cc/
XNA2-T3MB].
The FCA allowed the federal government to combat widespread fraud committed by defense contractors against the Union Army during the American Civil War.25See Boese & Baruch, supra note 5 (describing Congress’s motivation in enacting the FCA). In a congressional session statement, Senator Jacob Howard noted that “shells for the use of the Army . . . have been filled not with the proper explosive materials . . . but with saw dust” and that “[a]rms have been supplied which, on examination and use, have turned out to be useless and valueless.”26Cong. Globe, 37th Cong., 3d Sess. 955 (1863) (statement of Sen. Jacob Howard). The original Act contained criminal and civil penalties for wrongdoers.27Pamela H. Bucy, Private Justice and the Constitution, 69 Tenn. L. Rev. 939, 945 (2002) (explaining that the penalties were separated in 1874 and the criminal portion can now be found at 18 U.S.C. § 287). But the crucial feature of the Act that allows for its effective implementation is the qui tam provision, which enables private citizens to bring suits on behalf of the government; this essentially “empower[s] . . . ordinary citizens to act as private attorneys general.”28Christopher C. Frieden, Protecting the Government’s Interests: Qui Tam Actions Under The

False Claims Act and the Government’s Right to Veto Settlements of Those Actions, 47 Emory L.J. 1041, 1041 (1998). Claimants in these qui tam actions, known as the “relators,” are incentivized by the fact that they receive a portion of the recovered damages.29See Isaac B. Rosenberg, Raising the Hue . . . and Crying: Do False Claims Act Qui Tam Relators Act Under Color of Federal Law?, 37 Pub. Cont. L.J. 271, 276–78 (2008). Relator is the term found in the FCA statute because the term whistleblower was not in use at the time of statutory enactment.30Whistleblower FAQ, supra note 24. Although the two terms are synonymous, courts and parties often prefer to use the term relator.31See id. Congress believed that it was necessary to “set[] a rogue to catch a rogue” due to the resource constraints that the government would have faced if it investigated and inquired into every business dealing involving its contractors.32See Cong. Globe, 37th Cong., 3d Sess. 956 (1863) (statement of Sen. Jacob Howard). Senator Howard declared that this provision was “the safest and most expeditious way I have ever discovered of bringing rouges to justice.”33Id. Those convicted under the original version of the statute were liable for double the government’s damages in addition to a $2,000 penalty for each false claim.34The False Claims Act: A Primer, U.S. Dep’t of Just. (Apr. 22, 2011) [hereinafter Primer], http://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/civil/legacy/2011/04/22/C-FRAUDS_FCA_Primer.pdf [http://
perma.cc/NRM2-8KWD].
Relators would have received fifty percent of the total damages.35Charles Doyle, Cong. Rsch. Serv., R40785, Qui Tam: The False Claims Act and Related Federal Statutes 6 (2021).

Nonetheless, since its inception, the FCA has been amended by Congress several times. Given that the Act was made for the purposes of deterring fraudulent profiteers of war while rewarding those who were upstanding, it was only fitting that the statute would be abused and tested during a subsequent major conflict, World War II.36See James B. Helmer Jr., False Claims Act: Incentivizing Integrity for 150 Years for Rogues, Privateers, Parasites and Patriots, 81 U. Cin. L. Rev. 1261, 1267 (2013). Then Attorney General Francis Biddle pursued criminal action against a host of defense contractors using the criminal provision of the FCA.37See id. Concurrently, groups of petitioners filed civil complaints against the same contractors and undoubtedly attempted to piggyback off the government’s work in the hopes of gaining a piece of the settlement.38See id. at 1267–68. This parasitic exploitation of the Act did not go unnoticed, and Congress amended the FCA in 1943.39Doyle, supra note 35, at 7–8. The amendment reduced the relator’s guarantee of fifty percent of recovered damages to a maximum of ten percent.40False Claims Act of 1943, Pub. L. No. 78-213, 57 Stat. 608, 609 (1943). The recovery limit for relators was also capped at twenty-five percent in cases in which the United States did not join.41Id. Most importantly, Congress removed relators’ ability to file suits if “the United States, or any agency, officer or employee thereof” possessed evidence or information of the fraud.42Id. This alteration single-handedly eliminated the majority of qui tam FCA cases.43See Helmer Jr., supra note 36, at 1270.

Approximately forty years later, Congress caught wind of reports of rampant fraud committed by federal contractors.44See 131 Cong. Rec. 17818 (1985) (statement of Rep. Weiss). In 1986, the FCA experienced almost a complete reversal of the strict prohibitions which chilled qui tam cases. The “any prior government knowledge” proscription was replaced with the substantially less restrictive “public disclosure of allegations or transactions” qualification.45Compare False Claims Act of 1943, Pub. L. No. 78-213, 57 Stat. 608, 609 (1943) (creating strict prohibitions), with False Claims Act of 1986, Pub. L. No. 99-562, 100 Stat. 3153, § 3 (1986) (loosening of such restrictions). In addition, recovery for successful relators increased marginally, and liability for perpetrators of fraud increased from double damages to treble damages.46Id. at § 2.

The most recent iteration of the FCA occurred in 2009, when Congress made a somewhat subtle amendment to the statute which limited the scope of claims encompassed by the FCA.47Doyle, supra note 35, at 9. A “material to a false or fraudulent claim” element was added.48Fraud Enforcement and Recovery Act of 2009, Pub. L. No. 111-21, 123 Stat. 1617 (2009). In essence, the wording of the prior FCA iteration allowed one of the critical elements to be met if the government simply paid or approved a fraudulent claim. The new requirement, however, adds a materiality aspect; that is, the government’s decision to pay or approve a claim must have been predicated on a falsity.

This current version of the FCA specifically penalizes, among other offenses, (1) knowingly presenting, or causing to be presented, a false or fraudulent claim for payment,4931 U.S.C. § 3729(a)(1)(A). and (2) knowingly making, using, or causing to be made or used, a false record or statement material to a false or fraudulent claim.50Id. § 3729(a)(1)(B). FCA claims are broken down into the following requirements: falsity, causation, knowledge, and materiality.51United States v. Care Alts., 952 F.3d 89, 94 (3d Cir. 2020), cert. denied, 141 S. Ct. 1371 (2021). The statute provides functional definitions for knowledge but offers no guidance on the definitions of falsity.52See 31 U.S.C. § 3729(b)(1). The knowledge requirement includes (1) actual knowledge that the claim or information was false, (2) deliberate ignorance of the truth or falsity of the information, or (3) a reckless disregard of the truth or falsity of the claim or information. Id.

B. The False Claims Act in the Twenty-First Century

The importance of the FCA in combatting fraud in the twenty-first century should not be underestimated. Approximately ten percent of all government spending is lost to fraud.53Hesch, supra note 2. During fiscal year 2020, the government spent over $6 trillion dollars.54Press Release, U.S. Dep’t of the Treasury, Mnuchin and Vought Release Joint Statement on Budget Results for Fiscal Year 2020 (Oct. 16, 2020), http://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm1155 [http://perma.cc/5QX5-PAE3]. Accordingly, the government stands to lose hundreds of millions of dollars each year. Like cases in other areas of law, the majority of FCA cases settle or are dismissed before trial.55See Strategic Budgeting Can Result in Early Resolution of False Claims Act Cases, Jones Day (Aug. 2018) [hereinafter Strategic Budgeting], http://www.jonesday.com/en/insights/2018/08/strategic-budgeting-can-result-in-early-resolution [http://perma.cc/3MEP-R6CZ]. Nonetheless, the number of FCA cases and associated monetary payments have substantially amplified in recent years. More than 4,000 new cases have opened since 2015.56Fraud Statistics – Overview: October 1, 1986–September 30, 2020, Civ. Div. U.S. Dep’t of Just. (Jan. 14, 2021) [hereinafter Fraud Statistics], http://www.justice.gov/opa/press-release/file/
1354316/download [http://perma.cc/T74F-E6FG].
In 2020 alone, qui tam relators and the government filed 922 new FCA suits and subsequently obtained more than $2 billion dollars in recovery and settlements.57Id. With the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Department of Justice has already begun investigating and prosecuting the spike in COVID-19 recovery-related programs.58See COVID-19 Fraud, supra note 4; Press Release, U.S. Dep’t of Just., Eastern District of California Obtains Nation’s First Civil Settlement for Fraud on Cares Act Paycheck Protection Program (Jan. 12, 2021), http://www.justice.gov/usao-edca/pr/eastern-district-california-obtains-nation-s-first-civil-settlement-fraud-cares-act [http://perma.cc/H8AB-FEH8]. Fraud cases are more prevalent now than ever, and the FCA creates a necessary foundation with which to combat these issues.

Although historically used to uncover and deter military-based fraud against the federal government, the FCA in the current era has undergone a drastic shift, not based on the substance of law but rather due to policy shifts in healthcare law. The rapid expansion of the healthcare sector and burgeoning government programs are likely responsible for this shift.59See National Health Expenditure Data: Historical, Ctrs. for Medicare & Medicaid Servs., http://www.cms.gov/Research-Statistics-Data-and-Systems/Statistics-Trends-and-Reports/
NationalHealthExpendData/NationalHealthAccountsHistorical [http://perma.cc/9J2N-7LP8]; Nicole Forbes Stowell, Carl Pacini, Nathan Wadlinger, Jaqueline M. Crain & Martina Schmidt, Investigating Healthcare Fraud: Its Scope, Applicable Laws, and Regulations, 11 Wm. & Mary Bus. L. Rev. 479 (2020) (describing the healthcare landscape and prevalence of healthcare fraud).
Over eighty percent of fraud cases against the government are now related to healthcare.60Fraud Statistics, supra note 56. Furthermore, healthcare-related FCA cases account for more recovery than FCA recovery from all other sectors combined.61Id.

C. Medical Decision-Making and Medicare Hospice Benefits

Given that all three cases contributing to the circuit split concern Medicare-related fraud, a general discussion of fraud within the medical practice area is warranted. Fraud in the medical industry is not novel. In particular, the Federal Bureau of Investigation has noted that health care fraud causes several billions of dollars in losses each year.62White-Collar Crime: Health Care Fraud, Fed. Bureau of Investigation, http://www.fbi.
gov/investigate/white-collar-crime/health-care-fraud [http://perma.cc/L86N-LD5U].
Although there are a variety of factors that contribute to the prevalence of health care fraud, the subjectivity inherent in medical decision-making is a prominent one.63See infra note 72 and accompanying text. Relatedly, it is quite possible that doctors undertreat patients due to fears of FCA liability. However, no literature has studied this specific issue. Nonetheless, this theory is not unfounded because there have been instances of lawsuits for the undertreatment of pain, indicating that physicians are capable of undertreating patients in various circumstances. See, e.g., Doctor Tagged with $1.5m Verdict in Landmark Elder Abuse Case: Bergman v. Chin, 3 Andrews Nursing Home Litig. Rep. 3 (2001). There will almost always be another medical professional who does not agree with the course of action taken. Moreover, the medical industry is unique in that the medical opinions of physicians sometimes lack the objective proof to reinforce their actions and regulations often give deference to medical judgments.64See Marissa Fritz, Using Subjective Evidence in FDA Review, Regul. Rev. (July 15, 2020), http://www.theregreview.org/2020/07/15/fritz-using-subjective-evidence-fda-review [http://perma.cc/
MQ7X-T2V3].

The MHB presents a fitting example of a controlling statutory restriction that specifically grants physicians this deference. Due to the growing number of aging individuals enrolled in Medicare, Congress passed the MHB in 1983.65Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982, Pub. L. No. 97-248, § 122, 96 Stat. 324, 356–63 (codified at 42 C.F.R. pts. 400, 405, 408, 409, 418, 420, 421, 489). Interdisciplinary teams are composed of health professionals from various specialties including physicians, therapists, spiritual counselors, and social workers. 42 C.F.R. § 418.56 (2020). The MHB allows Medicare beneficiaries to forego traditional curative care in favor of electing interdisciplinary palliative treatment.66See 42 U.S.C. § 1395y(a)(1)(C). It should be noted that Medicare only pays for palliative care services if they are deemed to be “reasonable and necessary.” Id. Curative care refers to care focused on improving a patient’s medical condition whereas palliative care provides relief, emotional and spiritual support, and comfort for patients with a terminal diagnosis. See James F. Barger, Jr., Symposium, Life, Death, and Medicare Fraud: The Corruption of Hospice and What the Private Public Partnership Under the Federal False Claims Act is Doing About It, 53 Am. Crim. L. Rev. 1, 13 (2016). However, eligibility is based on a written confirmation of a “terminally ill” prognosis by a physician or medical director.6742 U.S.C. § 1395f(a)(7)(A); see also 42 C.F.R. §§ 418.20(b), 418.22(a) (2021). Terminally ill is defined as “a life expectancy of 6 months or less if the terminal illness runs its normal course.”6842 C.F.R. § 418.22(b)(1) (2021). This certification must include a written narrative explaining the clinical findings and be accompanied by clinical information and other documentation.69Id. § 418.22(b)(2)–(b)(3). Once these conditions are met, Medicare and Medicaid programs will provide payment to hospice providers for costs incurred under the Social Security Act.70See Michael W. Youtt, H. Victor Thomas & Adam Robison, False Claims Act Actions-The Developing Case Law Regarding If and When Opinions of Medical Necessity Can Be Fraudulent, 27 Health Law. 36, 37 (2015). The regulations have directly acknowledged the “uniqueness of every Medicare beneficiary” and that predicting someone’s end-of-life is not an “exact science.”71Hospice Quality Reporting Requirements and Process and Appeals for Part D Payment for Drugs for Beneficiaries Enrolled in Hospice, 79 Fed. Reg. 50452, 50470–71 (Aug. 22, 2014) (to be codified at 42 C.F.R. pts. 405, 418). This shows that regulators have recognized the subjectivity in medical decision-making. Id. Accordingly, certifications may be renewed by the physician for additional sixty- or ninety-day periods.7242 U.S.C. § 1395f(a)(7)(A); see also 42 C.F.R. § 418.21 (2021).

Following the MHB’s establishment, FCA cases alleging hospice fraud have increased dramatically.73See, e.g., United States v. Care Alts., 952 F.3d 89 (3d Cir. 2020) (litigating FCA charges based on false hospice care claims), cert. denied, 141 S. Ct. 1371 (2021); United States v. AseraCare, Inc., 938 F.3d 1278 (11th Cir. 2019) (same); United States ex rel. Wall v. Vista Hospice Care, Inc., 778 F. Supp. 2d 709 (N.D. Tex. 2011) (same); United States ex rel. Holloway v. Heartland Hospice, Inc., 960 F.3d 836 (6th Cir. 2020) (same); United States ex rel. Lemon v. Nurses To Go, Inc., 924 F.3d 155 (5th Cir. 2019) (same). This includes two of the three circuit split cases.74See infra Sections III.A–B. Predictably, most cases are initiated by whistleblowers in qui tam suits, as foreseen by the legislature.75See Fraud Statistics, supra note 56. In 2016, the MHB provided hospice care to more than one million individuals, and Medicare reimbursed over $16 billion for hospice care.76Off. of Inspector Gen., U.S. Dep’t of health & Hum. Servs., OEI-02-16-00570, Vulnerabilities in the Medicare Hospice Program Affect Quality Care and Program Integrity: An OIG Portfolio 3 (2018). Moreover, unlike FCA litigation in other areas of law, FCA litigation in connection with the MHB demonstrates a unique scenario that has perplexed the courts: stratification of the FCA by a purposefully deferential statute.

D. An Undisputed Era of Objective Falsity

Objective falsity was widely considered to be the standard before the new Third and Ninth Circuit holdings challenged the status quo; a considerable number of courts, including the Third Circuit itself, have previously recognized this standard.77See infra Appendix A. This ostensibly established standard derived from a mix of healthcare- and non-healthcare-related FCA claims,78See infra Appendix A. which likely solidified its acceptance and promulgated its spread across jurisdictions. Some of these cases were decided as early as 200579See United States ex rel. Morton v. A Plus Benefits, Inc., 139 F. App’x 980, 982 (10th Cir. 2005). and are briefly explained below to illustrate the formerly unified landscape which has been shattered by the circuit split.80For a more comprehensive list, see infra Appendix A.

In United States v. Prabhu, the District of Nevada held:

To establish falsity under the FCA, it is not sufficient to demonstrate that the person’s practices could have or should have been better. Instead, plaintiff must demonstrate that an objective gap exists between what the defendant represented and what the Defendant would have stated had the Defendant told the truth.81United States v. Prabhu, 442 F. Supp. 2d 1008, 1032–33 (D. Nev. 2006).

The government alleged that the physician’s claims for pulmonary rehabilitation and simple pulmonary stress tests were false due to insufficient documentation.82Id. at 1010–11. The government interpreted the American Medical Association’s guidance publication to require specific measurements and a written report for a simple stress test.83Id. at 1028. However, the record indicated that Medicare failed to issue specific guidance regarding the precise type of documentation needed to provide care and that there was no physician writing documentation requirement.84Id. at 1016–17. In light of these facts, the parties’ contentions, and the “general confusion” among the government and its own experts, the court believed that “reasonable persons can disagree regarding the billing requirement[]” and the physician’s documentation practices fell within “the range of reasonable medical and scientific judgment.”85Id. at 1016–17, 1032. Furthermore, the government did not establish a concrete violation of a “controlling rule, regulation, or standard” when the physician provided pulmonary rehabilitation services.86Id. at 1032. As a matter of law, the government failed to establish falsity, and the court granted the motion for summary judgment.87Id. at 1026, 1032.

In United States ex rel. Wilson v. Kellogg Brown & Root, Inc., the Fourth Circuit determined that “[an] FCA relator cannot base a fraud claim on nothing more than his own interpretation of an imprecise contractual provision.”88United States ex rel. Wilson v. Kellogg Brown & Root, Inc., 525 F.3d, 370, 378 (4th Cir. 2008). The relators claimed that the defendant contractor, their former employer, falsely certified that it would uphold its contractual duties by maintaining military vehicles in “good appearance” when “it would not, and later did not, abide by those terms.”89Id. at 377. The court outright rejected this assertion because “[i]t is well-established that the FCA requires proof of an objective falsehood.”90Id. (citing United States ex rel. DRC, Inc. v. Custer Battles, LLC, 472 F. Supp. 2d 787, 797 (E.D. Va. 2007)). The court also found no evidence of this claim, as the United States government—the actual party to the contract—never expressed dissatisfaction with the contractor’s performance.91Id. Relying solely on their interpretation of imprecise maintenance provisions, the relators failed to state a valid falsity claim under the FCA.92Id. at 378.

In United States ex rel. Yannacopoulos v. General Dynamics, the Seventh Circuit decided that “[a] statement may be deemed ‘false’ for purposes of the False Claims Act only if the statement represents ‘an objective falsehood.’ ”93United States ex rel. Yannacopoulos v. Gen. Dynamics, 652 F.3d 818, 836 (7th Cir. 2011). The relator contended that amendments to a contract between a company and Greece were “reverse false claims,” false statements used to conceal, avoid, or decrease an obligation to pay or transmit money or property to the government.94Id. at 835. However, the relator simply relied on his interpretation of the terms of agreement without proof of any evidence.95See id. at 836–39. As a result, the court affirmed the district court’s motion for summary judgment.96Id. at 840.

In United States ex rel. Wall v. Vista Hospice Care, Inc., the Northern District of Texas ruled that “[a] testifying physician’s disagreement with a certifying physician’s prediction of life expectancy is not enough to show falsity.”97United States ex rel. Wall v. Vista Hospice Care, Inc., No. 3:07-cv-00604-M, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 80160, at *56 (N.D. Tex. June 20, 2016). The relator asserted, inter alia, that defendant hospice service providers improperly enrolled and sought reimbursement from Medicare and Medicaid for patients who were not eligible for hospice care.98Id. at *55. Although the relator presented a medical expert’s testimony that ninety percent of the records were ineligible for certification, it was not sufficiently linked to the corporate scheme to falsify records and thus did not create a triable “fact issue as to falsity.”99See id. at *33, *62.

II. BUILDING AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK

Important cases have discussed how opinions relate to the FCA, when opinions may be considered false in the context of medical necessity, and the two theories of falsity.100See infra Sections II.A–C. The totality of these cases provides an analytical framework with which to analyze the circuit split and are discussed below:

 A. When Opinions Can Be False

As a prelude to the circuit split, the Supreme Court in Omnicare, Inc. v. Laborers District Council Construction Industry Pension Fund addressed the issue of when opinions can be false.101See Omnicare, Inc. v. Laborers Dist. Council Constr. Indus. Pension Fund, 575 U.S. 175, 176 (2015). The case involved Omnicare, the largest pharmacy services provider for nursing home residents in the United States, and its filed registration statement with the Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”).102Id. at 179. The filing included two statements of opinion. First, the company believed that its “contract[ual] arrangements with other healthcare providers, . . . pharmaceutical suppliers and . . . pharmacy practices [were] in compliance with applicable federal and state laws.”103Id. Second, the company believed that its “contracts with pharmaceutical manufacturers [were] legally and economically valid arrangements that [brought] value to the healthcare system and the patients.”104Id. at 180. The plaintiffs, pension funds that purchased Omnicare stock, alleged that the company’s statements were materially false based on later lawsuit filings from the government stating that the company received payments from drug manufacturers in violation of anti-kickback laws.105Id. In addition to claims of materially false representations regarding legal compliance, the complaint maintained that none of the company’s officers and directors possessed reasonable ground to believe that the opinions offered were truthful and complete.106Id. In support of this, plaintiffs pointed to the fact that one of Omnicare’s attorneys previously warned of a contract that carried a heightened risk of liability under anti-kickback laws.107Id.

The district court granted Omnicare’s motion to dismiss on the grounds that the statements about a company’s belief regarding its legal compliance are only actionable if those who made the statements knew they were untrue at the time.108Id. at 181. The court thus concluded that the plaintiffs’ complaint failed to meet the standard because there were no allegations stating that Omnicare’s officers knew they were violating the law.109Id.

On appeal, the Sixth Circuit reversed the district court’s holding.110Id. The court acknowledged that the opinions related to legal compliance, rather than “hard facts.”111Id. (quoting In re Sofamor Danek Group Inc., 123 F.3d 394, 401–02 (6th Cir. 1997)). Nonetheless, the court proceeded to explain that the plaintiffs simply had to allege that the opinion was objectively false and were not required to contend that an Omnicare employee “disbelieved [the opinion] at the time it was expressed.”112Id. (quoting Fait v. Regions Fin. Corp., 655 F.3d 105, 110 (2d Cir. 2011)).

After granting certiorari, the Supreme Court addressed the following two issues: (1) when an opinion may constitute a factual misstatement; and (2) when an opinion may be considered misleading by the omission of discrete factual representations.113See id. at 186–89. On the first issue, the Court held that sincere statements of pure opinion are not “ ‘untrue statement[s] of material fact,’ regardless [of] whether an investor can ultimately prove the belief [was] wrong.”114Id. at 186. To support its contention, the Court viewed the clause as limiting investors’ ability to “second-guess inherently subjective and uncertain assessments. In other words, the provision is not . . . an invitation to Monday morning quarterback an issuer’s opinions.” Id. Relying on common law principles, the Court illustrated two examples that provided exceptions to when statements of pure opinion can be false.115Id. at 184–86. These exceptions include when (1) the speaker does not actually hold the opinion, or (2) the opinion contains a false, embedded fact.116Id. On the second issue, the Court ruled that opinions may be misleading when a registration statement omits material facts about the issuer’s inquiry into or knowledge concerning a statement of opinion and if those facts conflict with what a reasonable investor would take from the statement itself.117Id. at 189. The Court asserted that this principle is consistent with the common law tort of misrepresentation. Id. at 191–92. Undisclosed facts may constitute a misleading opinion when the expression of such opinion involves an “implied assertion” that the speaker is unaware of any contradictory facts and that the speaker understands facts which justify the opinion. Id. The Court does note, however, that an opinion is not necessarily misleading if it omits facts that “cut[] the other way” and analyses into this inquiry should always consider context.118Id. at 189–90.

Thus, the Supreme Court effectively recognized that individuals make false opinions when (1) they do not actually hold the opinion; (2) the opinion contains a false, embedded fact; (3) they are aware of facts that would preclude such an opinion; or (4) they are not aware of any facts that would justify the opinion.119Id. at 184–89.

B. Opinions Analysis in the Context of Medical Necessity

In United States v. Paulus, the Sixth Circuit conducted an Omnicare-based analysis in the context of a medical case without explicitly referencing the case.120See United States v. Paulus, 894 F.3d 267, 275 (6th Cir. 2018). In Paulus, a cardiologist was criminally prosecuted for health care fraud and false statements.121Id. at 267. Specifically, the cardiologist exaggerated the extent of arterial blockages in his patients in order to perform and bill for medically unnecessary coronary stenting procedures.122Id. at 270–71. The crux of this case depended on the interpretation of angiograms, with the plaintiff using the testimony of nine doctors to testify that the level of blockage differed from what the defendant had reported.123Id. at 273–74. Of note, there were instances in which the defendant reported more than seventy percent blockage when in reality there was no blockage according to expert testimony. Id. The defendant responded by pointing out the subjectivity of angiogram interpretation, including data from multiple studies.124Id. at 272.

During trial at the district court level, the jury convicted the cardiologist of healthcare fraud and making false statements.125Id. at 270. However, the court directed a judgment of acquittal and subsequently ordered a new trial.126Id. at 274–75. The court reasoned that the degree of arterial blockage was a matter of “subjective medical opinion,” and thus the cardiologist’s angiogram interpretations “could be neither false nor fraudulent.”127Id. at 275.

On appeal, the Sixth Circuit reversed because it believed that clinical judgments can trigger FCA liability when an individual (1) asserts an opinion they do not truly believe, or (2) has knowledge of facts that contradict their opinion.128Id. at 275–76. The court reasoned that “[t]he degree of stenosis is a fact capable of proof or disproof.”129Id. at 275. The court then likened the deliberate inflation of blockages on an angiogram to the telling of a lie, which infers the commission of a fraud when paired with the billing of a more expensive procedure.130Id. In its analysis, the court essentially utilized the first two false opinion definitions described in Omnicare: (1) not honestly holding an opinion, and (2) an opinion containing a false, embedded fact.131Compare id. (discussing the two ways in which clinical judgments can be false), with Omnicare, Inc. v. Laborers Dist. Council Constr. Indus. Pension Fund, 575 U.S. 175, 184–86 (2015) (describing the same two factors with different phrasing). The court thought it to be clear that angiograms are facts and implied that angiogram interpretations are obviously not facts “capable of confirmation or contradiction.”132United States v. Paulus, 894 F.3d 267, 275 (6th Cir. 2018). Accordingly, the court pivoted to the idea that the cardiologist did not give an opinion but instead misrepresented facts by lying about the results.133Id. at 276. The court believed that the cardiologist did not simply misread the angiograms but rather “repeatedly and systematically saw one thing on the angiogram and consciously wrote down another, and then used that misinformation to perform and bill unnecessary procedures. The difficulty of interpreting angiograms has no bearing on the capacity of these statements to be false.” Id. Thus, the court reversed the trial court’s judgment and reinstated the jury’s verdict.134Id. at 280.

C. Factual Versus Legal Falsity

In United States ex rel. Polukoff v. St. Mark’s Hospital, the Tenth Circuit identified and distinguished between two types of falsities, factual and legal falsity, prior to conducting a falsity analysis under the FCA.135See United States ex rel. Polukoff v. St. Mark’s Hosp., 895 F.3d 730, 741 (10th Cir. 2018). In this case, a relator, the former co-worker of the defendant, sued the defendant-cardiologist as well as two hospitals under the FCA.136Id. at 734. The complaint alleged that the cardiologist performed thousands of medically unnecessary cardiac surgical procedures and fraudulently certified otherwise to receive reimbursement under the Medicare Act.137Id. Central to this claim was the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services’ (“CMS”) “reasonable and necessary” requirement for surgeries.138Id. at 735. Industry guidelines indicated when performing surgeries would be appropriate for specific types of patients, which the cardiologist allegedly ignored.139Id. at 736–37. Instead, he misrepresented on the certifications that he had performed them in accordance with the guidelines.140Id. Thus, this representation was false under the FCA.141Id. at 739.

The district court granted the defendants’ motion to dismiss. The court reasoned that “Medicare does not require compliance with an industry standard as a prerequisite to payment. Thus, requesting payment . . . does not amount to a ‘fraudulent scheme.’ ”142United States ex rel. Polukoff v. St. Mark’s Hosp., No. 2:16-cv-00304-JNP-EJF, 2017 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 8167, at *27 (D. Utah Jan. 19, 2017), rev’d and remanded, 895 F.3d 730 (10th Cir. 2018). Moreover, “because [o]pinions, medical judgments, and conclusions about which reasonable minds may differ cannot be false for the purposes of an FCA claim,” the relator failed to state a claim under the FCA.143Polukoff, 895 F.3d at 739 (internal quotation marks omitted).

On appeal, the Tenth Circuit reversed and remanded because it fundamentally disagreed with the district court’s narrow interpretation of the FCA’s reach.144See id. at 741. The court read the FCA broadly so as to encompass “claims for medically unnecessary treatment.”145Id. at 742. Another reason the court presented was “that an allegedly false statement constitut[ing] the speaker’s opinion does not disqualify it from forming the basis of FCA liability.”146Id. To support this reasoning, the court looked to its bifurcated understanding of falsity in a previously decided case.147See id. at 741. The court held that “false” may indicate factually false or legally false.148Id. (citing United States ex rel. Lemmon v. Envirocare of Utah, Inc., 614 F.3d 1163, 1168 (10th Cir. 2010)). Factually false claims are express claims that are not based in fact (for example, seeking payment for services that were never provided or submitting incorrect information), whereas legally false claims cover instances where an individual certifies compliance with applicable legal requirements when, in fact, the individual knew there was no compliance.149Id. Since the relator’s complaint alleged non-compliance with Medicare regulations, the court’s straightforward, logical analysis of legal falsity was as follows: (1) “[a] Medicare claim is false if it is not reimbursable;” (2) “a Medicare claim is not reimbursable if the services provided were not medically necessary;” and (3) in order for a claim to be medically necessary, “it must meet the government’s definition of ‘reasonable and necessary,’ as found in the Medicare Program Integrity Manual.”150Id. at 742. The procedures, certified by the cardiologist, did not comport with the government’s definition of the phrase, and thus the certifications were false under the FCA.151Id. at 743.

III.  ANALYSIS

While most articles have divided the circuit split issue between objective and subjective falsity,152See West, supra note 18; Caruso, supra note 18. further inspection demonstrates that the circuit split is not binary. All three cases in the circuit split look to the statutory language of the FCA.153See infra Sections III.A–C. The Eleventh and Third Circuit interpretations directly conflict, as they arrived at an objective and subjective falsity standard, respectively, after contemplating the same regulations surrounding the MHB.154See infra Sections III.A–B. The Ninth Circuit case did not involve the MHB but instead considered the statutory language of Medicare programs and the CMS’s definition of “reasonable and necessary.”155See infra Section III.C. Although the Ninth Circuit fundamentally employed the same analysis as the Eleventh Circuit, it explicitly rejected the Eleventh Circuit’s objective falsity standard and implicitly adopted the subjective falsity standard.156See infra Section III.C. Thus, three distinct standards have emerged from the case law.

First, this Section will discuss the Eleventh Circuit’s analysis and decision in United States v. AseraCare, Inc., which establishes a higher burden of proof at the summary judgment stage for relators and the government. Second, this Section will examine the Third Circuit’s holding in United States v. Care Alternatives and why it chose to critique and explicitly depart from the Eleventh Circuit’s adoption of the objective falsity standard. Third, this Section will consider the Ninth Circuit’s more even-handed analysis in Winter ex rel. United States v. Gardens Regional Hospital & Medical Center, Inc. and why it refused to adopt a rigid falsity standard.

A. United States v. AseraCare, Inc.

In AseraCare, the government intervened in a qui tam suit filed by three former AseraCare employees against AseraCare, claiming that the hospice provider had a practice of knowingly submitting unsubstantiated Medicare claims in violation of the FCA.157United States v. AseraCare, Inc., 938 F.3d 1278, 1282, 1284 (11th Cir. 2019). The government intervenes in approximately twenty-five percent of FCA claims. Government Intervention in False Claims Acts, Butler Prather LLP, https://www.butlerwprather.com/practice-areas/government-intervention-in-false-claims-acts [https://perma.cc/Y55G-7NH3]. Generally, the government reviews the information about the claim and initiates an independent investigation of the alleged illegal acts. Id. The government then decides whether to intervene, decline intervention, or move to dismiss the relator’s complaint based on the findings of the investigation. Id. It should be noted, however, that simply because the government intervenes in a case does not mean that the government automatically agrees with the relator’s claims. Id. Rather, the government may have found another basis on which to intervene. Id. The government likely intervened in this case due to the scale of the fraud and amount of monetary loss involved. See infra notes 161–63 and accompanying text. These reckless business practices allegedly enabled the provider “to admit, and receive reimbursement for, patients who were not eligible for [MHB],” resulting in the “misspending” of millions of Medicare dollars.158AseraCare, 938 F.3d at 1284. The court noted this case as falling under the “false certification” theory of FCA liability (in other words, when there is a false implication of having complied with a legal requirement).159Id. This theory is akin to the Tenth Circuit’s legal falsity framework in Polukoff. See United States ex rel. Polukoff v. St. Mark’s Hosp., 895 F.3d 730, 741 (10th Cir. 2018).

To establish its case, the government first identified over 2,000 hospice patients for whom AseraCare had billed Medicare.160AseraCare, 938 F.3d at 1284. The government then narrowed this population to a subset of 223 patients and retained a physician to directly review these patients’ medical records and clinical histories.161Id. at 1284–85. Acting as the government’s primary expert witness, the physician, relying on his own clinical judgment, opined that 123 out of 223 patients were ineligible for hospice benefits at the time AseraCare received reimbursements from Medicare.162Id. at 1285. Critically, the government’s case was substantially weakened when its expert witness conceded that he was unable to affirmatively say whether AseraCare’s medical expert, or any other physician, was wrong about the accuracy of the prognoses at issue.163Id. at 1287. The judgment of AseraCare’s medical expert expectedly conflicted with the judgment of the government’s expert witness. Id. Furthermore, the expert witness (1) never testified that no reasonable doctor could have concluded that the patients were terminally ill at the time of certification, and (2) changed his opinion concerning the eligibility of certain patients over the course of the proceeding.164Id. at 1287–88.

A brief recitation of the procedural posture and history is warranted so as to provide context for the appellate court’s analysis. Following discovery and analysis of relevant patient records, AseraCare moved for summary judgment on the grounds that the government failed to adduce evidence of falsity under the FCA.165Id. at 1285. In its motion, AseraCare specifically asked the district court to apply the “reasonable doctor” standard; that is, “the government must show that a reasonable physician applying his or her clinical judgment could not have held the opinion that the patient at issue was terminally ill at the time of certification.”166Id. at 1286. Even though the district court found this standard convincing, it declined to apply it and denied the motion.167Id. The district court noted that the standard had not been adopted by the Eleventh Circuit, which may have influenced its decision to deny the motion for summary judgment. See id. The court also believed that “fact questions remained regarding whether clinical information and other documentation in the relevant medical records supported the certifications of terminal illness.” Id. The district court then bifurcated the trial into two phases, one on the falsity element and the second on the remaining FCA elements.168Id. at 1286–87. This limited the government’s ability to rebut AseraCare’s expert testimony during the first phase.169Id. at 1288. Nonetheless, the dueling expert testimony was a critical component of trial. The government’s expert and AseraCare’s expert diverged in how they approached analysis of patient life expectancy.170See id. The government’s expert used a “checkbox approach” to assess terminal illness by comparing patient records to medical guidelines.171Id. By contrast, AseraCare’s expert did not formulaically apply guidance and used a more “holistic” approach.172Id. At the trial’s conclusion, the district court provided the following jury instruction: “A claim is ‘false’ if it is an assertion that is untrue when made or used. Claims to Medicare may be false if the provider seeks payment, or reimbursement, for health care that is not reimbursable.”173Id. at 1289. Thus, the jury had to decide which expert was more persuasive, with the less persuasive opinion being deemed a false opinion.174Id. at 1288–89. In its answers to special interrogatories, the jury found that AseraCare had submitted false claims for 104 of the 123 patients at issue.175Id. at 1289.

Following this partial verdict, AseraCare moved for judgment as a matter of law, contending that the district court articulated an incorrect legal standard in its instruction.176Id. at 1290. The court agreed that it had committed reversible error in its instruction and ordered a new trial.177Id. The court believed it should have advised the jury of two “key points of law,” which were not previously acknowledged: (1) “the FCA’s falsity element requires proof of an objective falsehood”; and (2) “a mere difference of opinion between physicians, without more, is not enough to show falsity.”178Id. (emphasis omitted). The court noted that “AseraCare had advocated for this legal standard since the start of trial, but only after hearing all the evidence had the court become ‘convinced’ that ‘a difference of opinion is not enough.’ ” Id. The court then considered summary judgment sua sponte and concluded that the government could not prove the falsity element as a matter of law because the government “presented no evidence of an objective falsehood for any of the patients at issue.”179Id. Summary judgment was granted in AseraCare’s favor, and the government appealed.180Id.

On appeal, the government’s core argument was that competing expert testimony regarding patients’ medical records supporting a terminal illness prognoses was enough to raise a factual question for the jury.181Id. at 1291. In contrast, AseraCare contended that the determinative inquiry was whether the certifying physician exercised genuine clinical judgment.182Id. at 1291–92. If so, the accuracy of such judgment cannot be false as a factual matter.183Id. at 1292. The Eleventh Circuit immediately recognized that “the standard for falsity [was] in the context of the Medicare hospice benefit, where the controlling condition of reimbursement is a matter of clinical judgment.”184Id. at 1291. Accordingly, the Eleventh Circuit was tasked with considering how the FCA intersects the scope of hospice eligibility requirements.185Id.

The Eleventh Circuit initially evaluated whether the falsity claim was a legal or factual falsity.186See id. The court concluded that the case concerned a legal falsity claim because “[t]here is no allegation that the hospice services AseraCare provided were not rendered as claimed.”187Id. Then, the court identified the following two “representations,” which may form the legal basis for an FCA claim: (1) the “representation by a physician to AseraCare that the patient is terminally ill in the physician’s clinical judgment”; and (2) the “representation by AseraCare to Medicare that such clinical judgment has been obtained and that the patient is therefore eligible.”188Id. at 1295–96. The court found that the government’s allegations only referred to the first representation.189Id. at 1296. The first representation, however, made it such that the government’s FCA case rested entirely on the question of when a “physician’s clinical judgment regarding a patient’s prognosis [can] be deemed ‘false.’ ”190Id.

To answer this question, the court heavily relied on applicable regulations and the text of the MHB statute due to the “dearth of controlling case law.”191Id. at 1292–95. The court looked to the plain meaning of the entire statue and regulations instead of focusing on specific words.192Id. at 1292. The general requirements were that (1) hospice providers must submit a certification claim for patients, (2) the certification must be in writing, (3) the certification must be based on clinical judgment, (4) clinical information and other documentation supporting the prognoses must accompany the certification, and (5) the reimbursement must be for “reasonable and necessary” payments for managing terminally ill patients.193Id. at 1292–93. The court subsequently pointed out that several requirements allow for a certain degree of subjectivity.194Id. at 1293. The court noted regulations stating that “[p]redicting life expectancy is not an exact science.” Id. For example, submission of claims must be individually tailored to each patient’s clinical circumstances.195Id. Check boxes and standard language used for all patients are prohibited.196Id. Furthermore, the subjective and objective medical findings of each patient should be considered.197Id. The court believed that this built-in flexibility was fully intended by Congress and that Congress would have used different language if it wanted a more rigid and objective standard.198Id. at 1294. Thus, the court’s role was not to establish a more objective standard against the implied language of the statute and regulations.199See id. at 1294–95.

Although the court emphasized that the regulations intended for MHB eligibility were to simply be predicated on the procurement of a physician’s clinical judgment, the government sought to elevate the standard such that the underlying information must support, “as a factual matter,” the certification.200Id. at 1294. The court disagreed with this framing of the eligibility requirements, stating that it is not consistent with the text or design of the law.201Id. at 1295. The relevant regulations merely require that clinical information and other documentation supporting the medical prognosis accompany the certification and be filed in the medical record.202Id. at 1294. The court therefore determined that supporting documentation does not have to, standing alone, prove the validity of a physician’s initial clinical judgment.203Id. As long as the physician’s interpretation is reasonable, certification requirements are met.204See id.

The Eleventh Circuit ultimately concurred with the district court’s holding that a mere difference of medical opinion alone is insufficient to establish falsity under the FCA; however, it also ruled that the district court had gone too far in sua sponte granting summary judgment.205Id. at 1297, 1302–05. The court recognized that reasonable doctors may disagree on a patient’s condition and that neither one could be wrong.206Id. at 1296. As a result, “[a] properly formed and sincerely held clinical judgment is not untrue even if a different physician later contends that the judgment is wrong.”207Id. at 1297. To reach this conclusion, the court relied on and cited to the Supreme Court’s decision in Omnicare.208See id. Adhering to Omnicare’s general principles, the court acknowledged that opinions regarding terminal illness can be deemed objectively false in various circumstances.209Id. For example, the court noted that a physician’s opinion can be false when the “physician fails to review a patient’s medical records or otherwise familiarize himself with the patient’s condition.” Id. An opinion can also be false when “a physician did not, in fact, subjectively believe that his patient was terminally ill at the time of certification.” Id. Moreover, a physician’s opinion can be false “when expert evidence proves that no reasonable physician could have concluded that a patient was terminally ill given the relevant medical records.” Id. These are essentially the same factors that the Omnicare decision identified. See Omnicare, Inc. v. Laborers Dist. Council Constr. Indus. Pension Fund, 575 U.S. 175, 184–89 (2015). The court, however, maintained that in each of the above examples, the “flaw . . . can be demonstrated through verifiable facts.” AseraCare, 938 F.3d at 1297. The court finally deferred to the legislature or CMS after the government expressed concerns that an objective falsity standard “will likely prove more challenging for an FCA plaintiff.”210AseraCare, 938 F.3d at 1301.

B. United States v. Care Alternatives

Like the AseraCare case, Care Alternatives involved qui tam relators who were former employees of a hospice provider, Care Alternatives.211United States v. Care Alts., 952 F.3d 89, 91 (3d Cir. 2020), cert. denied, 141 S. Ct. 1371 (2021). The government declined to intervene. Id. at 93. It is unclear why it pursued this option. The relators alleged that Care Alternatives admitted ineligible MHB patients and directed its employees to alter the patients’ certifications to reflect eligibility.212Id. at 91. During discovery, both sides produced extensive evidence, which included dueling expert opinions.213Id. at 94. The relators’ expert examined nearly fifty patient records and opined that thirty-five percent of patients’ records did not support a certification of need for hospice care.214Id. The expert went even further and testified that “any reasonable physician would have reached the conclusion he reached.”215Id. Care Alternatives’ expert disagreed and believed that a reasonable physician would have found all of the patients to be hospice-eligible.216Id.

At the district court level, Care Alternatives moved for summary judgment based on the finding that the relators could not satisfy the four elements of the FCA claim.217Id. In particular, Care Alternatives claimed that relators had not produced sufficient evidence of falsity.218Id. Of note, the government submitted a statement of interest urging the district court to reject the objective falsehood standard. Id. The court granted Care Alternatives’ motion “based solely on failure to show falsity.”219Id. To reach its conclusion, the court looked to the holding in AseraCare, finding that a “mere difference of opinion between physicians, without more, is not enough to show falsity.”220Id. (emphasis omitted) (quoting Druding v Care Alts., Inc., 346 F. Supp. 3d 669, 685 (D.N.J. 2018)). The relators appealed.221Id. Thus, the question before the appellate court was whether a reimbursement claim may be considered false under the FCA simply on the basis of conflicting medical expert testimony.222Id. at 95.

In reviewing the appeal, the Third Circuit began its analysis by discussing the MHB.223See id. at 92. For the most part, the court agreed with the Eleventh Circuit’s interpretation in AseraCare of the certification requirements for Medicare reimbursement of terminally ill patients.224See id. Similar to the AseraCare court, the Third Circuit even noted that “making a prognosis is not an exact science.”225Id. at 93. However, departing from the Eleventh Circuit’s reading, the court emphasized that this “inexactitude does not negate the fact that there must be a clinical basis for a certification.”226Id. (internal quotation marks omitted).

Where the Third Circuit truly departed from the Eleventh Circuit was in its common law analysis of the terms “false” or “fraudulent” under the FCA.227See id. at 95. Due to the lack of statutory guidance on the meaning of falsity, the court identified, from its prior cases and the Tenth Circuit’s rationale in Polukoff,228Id. at 98. the following two ways in which a claim may be false: (1) “factually, when the facts contained within the claim are untrue”; and (2) “legally, when the claimant . . . falsely certifies that it has complied with a statute or regulation the compliance with which is a condition for government payment.”229Id. at 96 (quoting Druding v Care Alts., Inc., 346 F. Supp. 3d 669, 682 (D.N.J. 2018)). As applied to the case before the court, Care Alternatives allegedly made incorrect certifications, which qualified the claim under the legal falsity theory.230Id. at 97. The court reasoned that the objective falsity standard is at odds with the concept of legal falsity, which is the appropriate standard, and by adopting the prior standard, the district court limited its analysis to factual falsity.231See id. The court further held that the district court’s objective falsity standard conflated the knowledge and falsity elements of an FCA claim.232Id. at 96. The Third Circuit believed that the district court incorporated the knowledge element into its analysis by finding that the relators “could not prove falsity because they had not produced evidence that any physician lied and received a kickback to certify any patient as hospice eligible” or “certif[ied] any patient whom that physician believed was not hospice eligible.” Id. Thus, by rejecting the objective falsity standard, the court sought to separate the knowledge and falsity analyses to comply with the text of the statute.233Id. Under a legal falsity standard, disagreement between experts as to a physician’s certification may be evidence of falsity under the FCA.234Id. at 97.

The Third Circuit also considered and rejected the district court’s bright-line rule that a doctor’s clinical judgment cannot be “false.”235Id. at 98. In doing so, the court acutely relied on the Paulus opinion.236See id. Underlying the district court’s decision was the premise that medical opinions are subjective and cannot be false.237Id. at 94. The Third Circuit sided with the Sixth Circuit’s emphasis on the fact that medical “opinions are not, and have never been, completely insulated from scrutiny.”238Id. (quoting United States v. Paulus, 894 F.3d 267, 275 (6th Cir. 2018)). The Paulus holding suggested that good faith medical opinions are not punishable but dishonest medical opinions may trigger liability for fraud.239Id. (citing Paulus, 894 F.3d at 275–76). Consequently, in line with its legal falsity analysis, the court believed that whether an individual acted in good faith or misrepresented a fact, thereby committing fraud, was “exclusively” a question for the jury.240Id.

The Third Circuit then went on to explain why it chose to depart from the Eleventh Circuit’s standard. The first issue that the court highlighted was how the Eleventh Circuit framed the falsity question.241Id. at 98–100. The court interpreted its sibling court as having construed the clinical information and documentation requirement of the MHB in an overly narrow fashion when it concluded that the supporting documentation requirement is only designed to address the mandate that there be a medical basis for certification instead of considering “whether the clinical information and other documentation accompanying a certification of terminal illness support[s] . . . the physician’s certification.”242Id. at 99. (alteration in original) (quoting United States v. AseraCare, Inc., 938 F.3d 1278, 1294 (11th Cir. 2019)). Therefore, this limited the inquiry to whether there was sufficient evidence of “the accuracy of the physician’s clinical judgment regarding terminality,” which the court understood to exclude legal falsity and only include factual falsity.243Id. (quoting AseraCare, 938 F.3d at 1296). The court posited that under the legal falsity theory, conflicting medical opinion is relevant evidence of the clinical information and documentation requirements.244Id. at 100. Furthermore, the court characterized the AseraCare court as coming to the conclusion that clinical judgments cannot be untrue, which it fundamentally disagreed with based on its interpretation of common-law definitions.245Id.

Ultimately, the Third Circuit had a drastically different breakdown of the falsity issue as compared to the Eleventh Circuit because it based its entire analysis upon the distinction between what it understood to be factual and legal falsity.

C. Winter ex rel. United States v. Gardens Regional Hospital and Medical Center, Inc.

In Winter, the relator, a registered nurse and former director at Gardens Regional Hospital (“Gardens”), filed a qui tam FCA suit against her former employer.246Winter ex rel. United States v. Gardens Reg’l Hosp. & Med. Ctr., Inc., 953 F.3d 1108, 1112, 1114 (9th Cir. 2020), cert. denied sub nom. RollinsNelson LTC Corp. v. United States ex rel. Winters, 141 S. Ct. 1380 (2021). The procedural history of this case is relatively simple compared to those of the aforementioned cases. The relator alleged in a complaint that Gardens submitted Medicare claims falsely certifying that patients’ hospitalizations were medically necessary.247Id. In support of this claim, the relator pointed to her own after-the-fact review of admission records.248Id. at 1112–13, 1120. Gardens moved to dismiss the complaint for failure to state a claim, which was subsequently granted by the district court.249Id. at 1116. The district court asserted that to prevail on an FCA claim, plaintiffs must show that a defendant knowingly made an objectively false representation. Thus, a statement that implicates a doctor’s clinical judgment can never state an FCA claim because subjective medical opinions cannot be proven to be objectively false.250Id. at 1113. The relator appealed.251Id.

The Ninth Circuit started its analysis by reviewing the medical necessity requirement and the FCA.252See id. at 1113–14. Medicare reimburses providers for inpatient hospitalization only if the expenses incurred are “reasonable and necessary.”253Id. at 1113 (quoting 42 U.S.C. § 1395y(a)(1)(A)). CMS administers the Medicare program and has defined a reasonable and necessary service as one that “meets, but does not exceed, the patient’s medical need, and is furnished in accordance with accepted standards of medical practice for the diagnosis or treatment of the patient’s condition.”254Id. (internal quotation marks omitted). Similar to the MHB, the Medicare program allows doctors to form their own clinical judgment based on complex medical factors.255Id. However, the language specifically provides that factors must be documented in the medical record and the regulations consider medical necessity a question of fact.256Id. Thus, a physician’s certification has no presumptive weight in determining medical necessity and must be evaluated in the context of medical evidence.257Id. The court subsequently reasoned that the relator’s allegations fall under the “false certification” theory of FCA liability.258Id. Since medical necessity is a condition of payment, every Medicare claim includes an express or implied certification of necessary treatment.259Id. Accordingly, claims for unnecessary treatment are false claims.260Id. The court stated that many other circuits, including the Tenth in Polukoff and Third in Care Alternatives, reached the same conclusion regarding the scope of FCA claims.261Id. at 1118.

The Ninth Circuit then proceeded to analyze the application of opinions to the FCA by interpreting the language of the statute.262See id. at 1116–18. The court interpreted the FCA broadly, citing congressional intent and the Supreme Court’s refusal to “accept a rigid, restrictive reading” of the FCA.263Id. at 1116 (quoting United States v. Neifert-White Co., 390 U.S. 228, 232 (1968)). Due to the lack of statutory guidance on what constitutes a false or fraudulent claim, the court looked to common-law definitions.264Id. at 1117. The court noted, however, that Congress actually intended for the FCA to be broader than the common law based on the knowledge requirement. See id. In doing so, the court referred to treatises and a number of cases, including Paulus and Omnicare, that a subjective opinion may be fraudulent if (1) it is “not honestly held,” (2) it implies the existence of nonexistent facts, (3) the speaker knows facts that would preclude such an opinion, and (4) the speaker does not know facts that justify it.265Id. The court additionally explained that the “knowing presentation of what is known to be false” does not mean “scientifically untrue.”266Id. (internal quotation marks omitted). Although a scientifically untrue statement is false, it may not be actionable if it was not made with the requisite intent.267Id. Likewise, an opinion with no basis in fact can be fraudulent if expressed with knowledge.268Id.

The court considered and outright rejected the request from Gardens and amici curiae for the court to hold that the FCA requires plaintiffs to plead an objective falsehood.269Id. The court stated that the plain language of the FCA “does not distinguish between ‘objective’ and ‘subjective’ falsity or carve out an exception for clinical judgments and opinions.”270Id. The court further noted that policy arguments cannot supersede the “clear” statutory text and it could not engraft that requirement onto the statute.271Id. at 1113, 1117. The court therefore held that the FCA does not require plaintiffs to plead an objective falsehood.272Id. at 1119.

Interestingly, the court claimed that the Eleventh Circuit’s decision in AseraCare was not “directly to the contrary.”273Id. at 1118. First, the court noted that the Eleventh Circuit, notwithstanding the language about objective falsehoods, did not consider all subjective statements to be incapable of falsity.274Id. at 1118–19. Second, the court believed that the Eleventh Circuit narrowly confined the objective falsity standard to the MHB, which granted deference to physician judgment.275Id. at 1119. In the court’s view, its sister circuit did not necessarily apply the standard to a physician’s certification of medical necessity by (1) explicitly distinguishing Polukoff, and (2) explaining that the less-deferential medical necessity requirement remained an important safeguard to its reading of the MHB eligibility framework.276Id.

Given that litigation was at the motion to dismiss stage, the court ruled that the relator’s complaint plausibly alleged false certifications of medical necessity.277Id. at 1119, 1121. The relator (1) showed correlations between the spike in admissions and timing of the scheme; (2) presented both irregular admission trends and admission statistics; (3) alleged a specific number of false claims, each in great detail; and (4) set forth anecdotal evidence which supported both an inference of knowledge and falsity.278Id. at 1120. The court also plainly dismissed Gardens’ argument and the district court’s characterization of the relator’s allegation as simply being her own competing opinion.279Id. First, according to the court, opinions can establish falsity.280Id. Second, the court believed that even if the relator’s own evaluations of the medical record were discounted, there were enough facts alleged to suffice the plausibility of fraud.281Id.

In sum, while the Ninth Circuit disagreed with the Eleventh Circuit about the objective falsehood standard, it applied the same common law rule regarding when an opinion can be false for the purposes of an FCA claim.

IV. DISCUSSION

AseraCare, Care Alternatives, and Winter highlight a growing tension between the different approaches and standards within the falsity element of the FCA. The hospice context has been the battleground between the Third and Eleventh Circuits, which have attempted to solve the issue of whether dueling expert testimonies, without more, create a triable issue of fact for the jury.282See supra Sections III.A–B. Nonetheless, it is quite evident that the imposition of a rigid falsity standard lends itself to application in FCA claims which have no basis in hospice care certifications, as seen in Winter.283See supra Section III.C. Furthermore, how courts analyze false opinions according to laws and regulations as well as the intent behind them is of great importance because it forms the conceptual foundation for constructing a proper framework and reaching the most legally sound conclusion. The following questions naturally follow: How should courts analyze false opinions and the falsity standard? And is the objective or subjective falsity standard the more appropriate reading of the FCA statute?

Section IV.A argues that Polukoff and Omnicare provide a comprehensive framework for the courts to categorize types of FCA claims and, if the alleged conduct includes opinions, whether the opinion is false. Section IV.B argues that, given the reach of the FCA, objective and subjective falsity standards are appropriate depending on the applicable regulations. Section IV.C suggests that, as a practical matter based on policy concerns, Congress amend the FCA to create special definitions and provisions for professional medical judgment. Finally, Section IV.D addresses the competing policy trade-off of over-incentivization to file false claims and contextualizes the arguments made in this Note to the broader whistleblower policy debate.

A. The PolukoffOmnicare Common Law Test

Unlike the Care Alternatives court’s factual and legal falsity breakdown, the AseraCare and Winter courts utilized the PolukoffOmnicare common law framework to reach their conclusions; this is the proper way to analyze the falsity element of the FCA. First, the PolukoffOmnicare framework fully encompasses all types of FCA claims. The Polukoff court divides FCA claims into factual and legal claims.284See United States ex rel. Polukoff v. St. Mark’s Hosp., 895 F.3d 730, 741 (10th Cir. 2018). The Omnicare decision sets out the four different ways in which an opinion may be false: (1) the actor does not actually hold the opinion; (2) the opinion contains a false, embedded fact; (3) the actor is aware of facts that would preclude such an opinion; or (4) the actor is not aware of any facts that would justify the opinion.285See Omnicare, Inc. v. Laborers Dist. Council Const. Indus. Pension Fund, 575 U.S. 175, 184–89 (2015). The first step in any FCA claim determination should be the Polukoffanalysis. Courts can properly distinguish the entire universe of FCA claims into two categories and decide where the claim before them fits. Moreover, if legal claims are not implicated, the standard automatically defaults to an objective falsehood standard.286See infra Section IV.B. Courts should subsequently consider whether a legal, FCA claim fits into one of the four Omnicare false opinion types. Regardless of whether courts adopt an objective or subjective falsehood standard, the Omnicareframework remains pertinent because it defines the totality of false opinions. Adhering to this analytical procedure will not only ensure that common law precedent has been properly followed but also unofficially standardize the framework across circuits. As discussed above, the Eleventh and Ninth Circuits identically and correctly applied this framework.287See supra Sections III.A, III.C.

Second, while the Third Circuit correctly relied on Paulus to identify that opinions can be false, it fully ignored when opinions can be false according to the common law; it would not have made this fatal error if it used the Omnicare framework. The Paulus court specifically stated that “opinions may trigger liability for fraud when they are not honestly held by their maker,or when the speaker knows of facts that are fundamentally incompatible with his opinion.”288United States v. Paulus, 894 F.3d 267, 275 (6th Cir. 2018) (emphasis added). The “when” conjunctions in the statement are critical to understanding the common law reasoning behind false opinions. However, the Third Circuit seemingly disregarded the dependent clauses, so that it could adduce some misconstrued holding from another circuit to support its conclusion regarding subjective falsity. In a similarly reductive fashion, the Third Circuit mischaracterized the Eleventh Circuit’s holding in AseraCare to state that clinical judgments are never false.289United States v. Care Alts., 952 F.3d 89, 100 (3d Cir. 2020), cert. denied, 141 S. Ct. 1371 (2021). The primary reason the government was unable to successfully make its case in AseraCare was that, in lieu of available evidence, it solely used an expert witness who was unable to claim that no reasonable physician could have reached the contested conclusions.290United States v. AseraCare, Inc., 938 F.3d 1278, 1287 (11th Cir. 2019). The Third Circuit, however, conflated the lack of evidence with the Eleventh Circuit’s framing of the issue. In reality, the Eleventh Circuit noted that opinions can be false, as it directly followed and cited to the Omnicare decision.291Id. at 1297. The Third Circuit invoked the common law but never identified any evidence to suggest a false opinion under the Omnicare categories. The Third Circuit completely discounted the Supreme Court’s principle that, as a general rule, sincere statements of pure opinion are not “untrue statement[s] of material fact” even if the speakers are ultimately wrong.292Omnicare, Inc. v. Laborers Dist. Council Const. Indus. Pension Fund, 575 U.S. 175, 186 (2015). Thus, if the certifying physicians in Care Alternatives truly believed that their patients were terminally ill, the Third Circuit, without conducting a proper Omnicare-based analysis, would have controverted existing Supreme Court precedent.

Third, the Third Circuit’s entire analysis is based on its understanding of factual and legal falsity, but the court fundamentally misconstrued the relationship between objective falsity and the factual/legal falsity distinction in the Polukoff holding. The Polukoff decision indicated that factual falsity refers to express claims which are entirely based on fact, whereas legal falsity refers to any claim where legal requirements were not met.293United States ex rel. Polukoff v. St. Mark’s Hosp., 895 F.3d 730, 741 (10th Cir. 2018). Accordingly, a subset of legal falsity claims includes claims where the legal requirement was not met due to negligent, reckless, or deceitful conduct, which implicates some extent of knowledge or lack thereof (in other words, implied claims).294Id. The Polukoff court simply demarcated the types of FCA claims which could reasonably be brought by plaintiffs. The Third Circuit, however, proclaimed that objective falsity is incompatible with legal falsity.295United States v. Care Alts., 952 F.3d 89, 97 (3d Cir. 2020), cert. denied, 141 S. Ct. 1371 (2021). The underlying assumption with this assertion is that objective facts may only be employed to challenge facts and not opinions. On a theoretical level, this line of logic is problematic because facts are objectively more concrete than opinions. Accordingly, as a matter of law, facts take precedence over opinions in the hierarchy of proof. Although “pure” opinions cannot be rebutted with facts,296See Omnicare, 575 U.S. at 186. not all opinions are “pure,” especially those of medical professionals. Generally, professional opinions have some foundation in fact, which essentially places them on a spectrum between fact and opinion. This hybridization makes professional opinions susceptible to dispute by both facts and opinions. Thus, relegating the objective falsity standard to factual claims of falsity severely misses the extent of the standard’s applicability. On a practical level, the Supreme Court in Omnicare codified these observations into common law.297See id. at 184–89. For example, an opinion which contains a false, embedded fact is considered a false opinion.298Id. at 185–86. False opinions naturally fall under the Third Circuit’s legal falsity umbrella. The Supreme Court stated that if the embedded fact is proven to be false, the opinion is also false.299Id. This type of false opinion clearly allows for rebuttal with a contradictory factual finding, so an objective falsity standard is not necessarily improper when applied to legal falsity claims.

Finally, the Third Circuit improperly accused the Eleventh Circuit of wrongfully conflating the FCA’s knowledge and falsity elements; in fact, the Third Circuit was the court that conflated these elements. In AseraCare and Winter, the Eleventh and Ninth Circuits acknowledged that some evidence applies to proving both knowledge and falsity.300See United States v. AseraCare, Inc., 938 F.3d 1278, 1302–05 (11th Cir. 2019); Winter ex rel. United States v. Gardens Reg’l Hosp. & Med. Ctr., Inc., 953 F.3d 1108, 1120 (9th Cir. 2020), cert. denied sub nom. RollinsNelson LTC Corp. v. United States ex rel. Winters, 141 S. Ct. 1380 (2021). This necessarily makes it difficult to analyze these elements separately. Even the district court in Care Alternativesrealized this when it rejected the relators’ claim because they failed to establish evidence of the physicians’ underlying knowledge (such that any physician lied or actually believed that the certified patients were not hospice-eligible).301United States v. Care Alts., 952 F.3d 89, 96 (3d Cir. 2020), cert. denied, 141 S. Ct. 1371 (2021). The Third Circuit made clear that “in our Court, findings of falsity and scienter must be independent from one another for purposes of FCA liability.”302Id. at 100. This is a misunderstanding of what common law principles apply. The fundamental distinction between an honest opinion and an opinion made in bad faith is the prerequisite knowledge used in forming the opinion. Therefore, when determining whether an opinion is false, the common law specifically looks to the speaker’s intent, which necessarily implies a knowledge requirement. The Third Circuit clearly subverted Omnicare by ruling that an after-the-fact reasonable disagreement between physicians can show falsity. Furthermore, as a practical concern, the Third Circuit’s falsity and knowledge separation could substantially increase the risk that the juror’s perception becomes tainted. The district court in AseraCare bifurcated its trial because it feared that evidence related to the knowledge element, particularly AseraCare’s flawed admissions policies and certification procedures to determine if a patient was terminally ill, would be inferred by the jury to satisfy the falsity element.303See AseraCare. 938 F.3d at 1287. This did, in fact, confuse the jury’s analysis of the threshold falsity question.304Id. Conceptually, general corporate practices have no bearing on whether a particular hospice claim is false if the medical evidence points to the fact that the patient was terminally ill. Accordingly, the Third Circuit’s interpretation of the knowledge and falsity elements potentially writes the falsity element out of the FCA statute by allowing evidence of knowledge to cloud a jury’s perception of falsity.

B. Courts May Reasonably Reach Different Falsity Standards

The objective and subjective falsehood standards are not necessarily diametrically opposed in the broad legal sense. In remaining true to Congress’s intent, courts have used the FCA “to reach all types of fraud, without qualification, that might result in financial loss to the Government.”305Winter, 953 F.3d at 1116 (quoting United States v. Neifert-White Co., 390 U.S. 228, 232 (1968)). In doing so, the FCA has been interpreted alongside other applicable laws and regulations since its inception. Prior to the recent medical FCA cases, this was not an issue because fraud was never predicated solely on subjective professional opinions without a tangible associated fact.306See supra Section I.D. In Polukoff terms, the entire realm of FCA claims were factual claims and non-opinion legal claims. Due to the factual basis for these types of claims, courts had to adopt an objective falsehood standard, which slowly resulted in uniformity among jurisdictions. However, as noted by the Winter court, the Supreme Court “ ‘has consistently refused to accept a rigid, restrictive reading’ of the FCA.”307Winter, 953 F.3d at 1116 (quoting Neifert-White, 390 U.S. at 232). The same reasoning can be extrapolated to the falsity standard to the extent that it is an element of an FCA claim. Interactions between the FCA and applicable laws and regulations thus do not inherently allow for a universal falsity standard but rather the possibility of different falsity standards to be adopted in specific circumstances. This flexibility in the legal interpretation of falsity is also the better policy approach that allows for a more robust legal system.

The objective falsehood standard is an appropriate legal interpretation based on CMS’s guidelines and the MHB’s purposeful deference to physician judgment. The MHB and CMS’s guidelines for hospice eligibility repeatedly reference the subjectivity involved in determining terminal illness.308See AseraCare, 938 F.3d at 1293, 1295, 1304. First, as a general matter, Congress has not amended the hospice eligibility criteria.309See id. at 1295. Second, the MHB specifically prohibits the use of check boxes and requires a narrative explanation of the diagnosis.310Id. at 1293. Third, the MHB allows for unlimited recertifications.311Id. at 1283. Fourth, the MHB requires physicians to consider subjective and objective medical findings.312Id. at 1293. Finally, the MHB explicitly declared that predicting life expectancy is not an exact science.313Id. Taken in totality, these factors show the imprecise nature and complexity of hospice certifications. Thus, based on the lack of any statistical or medical measurement for longevity, medical professionals have been afforded the utmost deference by Congress. If courts were to adopt a subjective falsity standard with regards to hospice care, FCA trials would devolve into a meaningless battle of expert opinions, neither of which may be false. This is exactly what happened at the district level in AseraCare.314Id. at 1287. The objective falsity standard is more sensible and provides a safeguard to trivial FCA claims based on falsity. Congress’s intention was not to allow “rogues” to take a doctor to court based on their certification that a patient had six more months to live simply because they found another doctor who believed the same patient had a remaining life expectancy of six and a half months. By adopting an objective standard, juries are not forced to become a “third doctor” who simply evaluates purely medical judgments.

At the same time, the subjective falsehood standard is an appropriate legal interpretation based on Medicare regulations and CMS’s definition of “reasonable and necessary.” Medicare reimbursements for inpatient hospitalizations are contingent on the provided services being reasonable and necessary, as defined by the CMS.315Winter ex rel. United States v. Gardens Reg’l Hosp. & Med. Ctr., Inc., 953 F.3d 1108, 1113 (9th Cir. 2020), cert. denied sub nom. RollinsNelson LTC Corp. v. United States ex rel. Winters, 141 S. Ct. 1380 (2021). Similar to the MHB, Medicare regulations demand that doctors evaluate complex medical factors to form their clinical judgment. In contrast to the MHB, however, Medicare regulations do not give physicians “unfettered discretion.”316Id. at 1114. The regulations explicitly defer to the accepted standards of medical practice but provide no presumptive weight to a physician’s certification.317Id. Expert opinions must be analyzed in the context of medical evidence.318Id. An objective falsehood standard is not necessarily incompatible with Medicare hospitalization claims but would be redundant. Since the Medicare program already requires medical evidence for initial certifications, facts are presumably available in every case. The focal point of these cases surrounds the interpretation of these facts. Therefore, medical expert testimony offers more value than just competing medical theory. Testimony effectively provides valuable, logical medical inferences and contextualizes the interpretation of medical data, which is substantially less subjective than end-of-life determinations. Due to the fact that judgments are less rooted in medical theory and more rooted in medical practice, juries are able to make more substantiated findings, as they did so in Paulus and Polukoff. Accordingly, the subjective falsity standard is the more appropriate standard under these circumstances.

C. Legislative Action for the FCA

Given that rejections of the objective falsity standard have occurred exclusively in medical-related FCA claims, the unique challenges associated with the medical realm may be more efficiently handled through legislation. Judicial interpretations of falsity have been effective in filling the statutory gap in the FCA until the current circuit split, where false opinions in the medical context have divided the common law landscape. The crux of the issue is that the medical sector is quite anomalous when compared to other areas of practice, but courts cannot simply apply a medical-specific standard.319See Frank H. Easterbrook, Cyberspace and the Law of the Horse, 1996 U. Chi. Legal F. 207, 207–08 (1996). As a general matter, courts do not derogate legal standards based on the field of application (for instance, the financial sector does not receive a different legal standard from the technology sector simply because the fields are different).320Id. Common law seeks to prescribe a set of legal rules and principles that can be consistently applied.321Id. Absent some countervailing statute or regulation, the common law is standardized across all fields.322Id. The countervailing statute in AseraCare and Care Alternatives was the MHB. The countervailing regulation in Winter was Medicare. However, the plain language of the MHB statute and Medicare regulations grants different degrees of deference to doctors. As a result, it is unclear how courts can adopt one standard without subverting congressional deference to doctors. If courts adopt a bright-line objective falsity standard, they will comply with the MHB and protect medical professionals from frivolous FCA suits but impose a higher standard of proof for plaintiffs, which will prevent valid suits involving false Medicare certifications from getting through trial. On the other hand, if courts adopt a subjective falsity standard, false Medicare certification claims could be handled appropriately through FCA litigation while frivolous claims will be brought against physicians who genuinely certify hospice care, which neither the FCA nor the MHB protects against. As a result, while the Supreme Court can attempt to resolve the circuit split in the future, the resolution may not be desirable as the adopted standard may lack the nuance needed to accommodate both medical laws and regulations.

From a policy perspective, it is also in Congress’s interest to clarify how and when physicians should be held accountable for their clinical opinions. The legislative branch, beholden to the people, creates laws while the judiciary promotes fairness and justice through the interpretation of such laws. Congress originally wrote the MHB and authorized Medicare programs after appreciating the host of factors that go into complex medical decision-making. The objective was to strike a balance between accountability and scrutiny within different medical settings. It is simply not the courts’ job to engage in judicial policymaking that overrides congressional intent. Courts cannot require stricter or looser scrutiny of physician judgments as they see fit and would effectively be doing so by adopting a bright-line standard. Moreover, the majority of FCA claims for the past several years have been from the medical field.323See Fraud Statistics, supra note 56 (showing that fraud cases in the Department of Health and Human Services have drastically increased from 1986 to 2020 and now comprise the vast majority of all fraud cases). Based on this consistent trend and America’s aging population, the composition of FCA claims for the foreseeable future will remain dominated by healthcare-related claims. Thus, it is imperative that Congress provide explicit, meaningful guidance on this issue.

D. Policy Considerations for the FCA

Although this Note primarily focuses on the fraud deterrence aspect of the FCA, a comprehensive discussion would not be complete without addressing the competing policy tradeoff—over-incentivization of whistleblowers to file false or frivolous FCA claims. In 2020, the relator share awards totaled over $300 million with only 672 qui tam claims filed.324Id. (presenting the number of qui tam claims filed in column two and the total relator share awards in the last column). Although the potential for monetary gain differs for each case, it can be extrapolated from this data that whistleblowers can win hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of dollars if they prevail on a claim. This is a powerful incentive for unscrupulous individuals hoping to profit from this well-intentioned statute. A legal falsity standard certainly eases their ability to do so. However, the hurdles that would have to be overcome by such individuals virtually eliminate the risk of undeserving payouts. First, after the filing of a qui tam complaint, the government is required to investigate the allegations and can move to dismiss if the findings show that the relator has no grounds for the complaint.325Primer, supra note 34 (describing the government investigation process under the qui tam provisions section). Even if the government does not move to dismiss, approximately 52% of FCA cases are resolved at this stage by agreed dismissal or settlement.326Strategic Budgeting, supra note 55. Second, at the motion-to-dismiss stage, the complaint may fail as a matter of law due to lack of specificity. Third, at the summary judgment stage, the relator must show a genuine dispute of material fact. In the event that a legal falsity standard is applied, the relator may not have any issues convincing the court. Nonetheless, nearly 80% of FCA cases were resolved before the summary judgment stage.327Id. Thus, it is statistically unlikely for a relator, much less a dishonest one, to even reach this stage. Finally, the relator must prevail at trial. But more than 99% of FCA cases settle or are dismissed before reaching trial due to the high stakes nature of FCA litigation.328Id.; see Pamela H. Bucy, Games and Stories: Game Theory and the Civil False Claims Act, 31 Fla. St. U.L. Rev. 603, 608 (2004). Consequently, the systemic barriers and costly litigation process should sufficiently dissuade fraudulent rogues and assuage any concerns regarding overburdening of the judicial system.

In addition, while the extracted case law from the described cases does not provide an exactly useful model for FCA litigation in non-medical practice areas, the proposed non-duality falsity standard concept can be utilized to address the broader whistleblower policy debate. Whistleblower laws typically attempt to strike a balance between protecting the rights of whistleblowers and respecting an employer’s rights to remove personnel.329Philip Berkowitz, The Anti-Money Laundering Act (AMLA): Defending Whistleblower Claims in the Financial Services Industry, A.B.A. (Apr. 28, 2021), http://www.americanbar.org/groups/
business_law/publications/blt/2021/05/amla [http://perma.cc/8EYV-YRQE].
Lawmakers must therefore decide who whistleblowers can report information to while still receiving sufficient protections from employer retaliation.330See id. This has been the subject of scholarly debate and criticism for years, which still rages on today.331See, e.g., Elletta Sangrey Callahan & Terry Morehead Dworkin, The State of State Whistleblower Protection, 38 Am. Bus. L.J. 99, 100 (2000) (describing the competing incentive and protection approaches of various federal whistleblower laws); Thomas M. Devine, The Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989: Foundation for the Modern Law of Employment Dissent, 51 Admin. L. Rev. 531, 532–35 (1999) (discussing the relative effectiveness of the Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989 over the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978). In January 2021, the Anti-Money Laundering Act was enacted, which expanded the recipient list for employees of financial services institutions.332Berkowitz, supra note 329; 31 U.S.C. § 5323. However, the Act still imposes a rigid report recipient requirement.333See 31 U.S.C. § 5323(g)(1) (allowing whistleblowers to only report compliance violations to their employer, the attorney general, secretary of treasury, regulators, and members of Congress). Similar to how a rigid falsity standard fails to account for the plethora of intersecting laws and regulations, an unduly restrictive recipient list likely cannot match the diversity of situations that whistleblowers find themselves in. It is evident that the issue of rigid standards permeates the whistleblower legal arena. Moving forward, open-ended or flexible standards may provide the nuance necessary to usher in a new era of comprehensive whistleblower reforms.

CONCLUSION

AseraCare, Care Alternatives, and Winter are the first cases to adopt the objective or subjective falsehood standard for FCA claims in the context of medical certifications based on “false opinions.” The specific question at issue is whether dueling expert opinion, without more, creates a triable issue of fact for the jury. The objective falsity standard posits that conflicting opinions are not enough whereas the subjective falsity standard believes contradictory judgments are sufficient. The practical result of courts adopting the subjective standard is that relators and the government are more likely to survive the pleading and summary judgment stage by simply providing dueling expert opinion. An objective falsity standard makes it more difficult for plaintiffs to prevail on an FCA claim. The Eleventh Circuit in AseraCare adopted the objective standard after analyzing the plain language of the FCA and MHB. The Third Circuit in Care Alternatives arrived at the subjective standard after analyzing the same statutes. The Ninth Circuit in Winter implicitly agreed with the subjective standard after it considered the FCA and Medicare regulations. Superficially, there is a clear circuit split over the falsity standard. The two standards are at odds, but each one is applicable in different medical settings based on Congress’s intent and the plain meaning of the governing statutes and regulations. More importantly, however, is not what standard each circuit adopted but how the courts arrived at their conclusions.

While there are countless examples of FCA certifications requiring a medical opinion or exercise of discretion, the above trifecta of cases perfectly contrasts how courts should and should not invoke common law. The Eleventh and Ninth Circuits, while reaching different conclusions, employed the same common law framework and principles in their analyses. They primarily relied on (1) the Tenth Circuit’s Polukoff holding to distinguish factual and legal falsity, and (2) the Supreme Court’s Omnicare decision discussing when opinions may be deemed false. Conversely, the Third Circuit stated that it looked to common law for guidance while (1) misconstruing case law, (2) ignoring common law precedent, and (3) failing to apply common law in its lackluster analysis. Unlike the Third Circuit, courts should utilize the PolukoffOmnicare framework because it categorically constricts the universe of FCA claims into a logical, comprehensive framework with which to analyze false opinions.

The Supreme Court missed an opportunity to at least resolve the analytical differences between the circuits when it denied certiorari for Care Alternatives and Winter. As a matter of policy, the decision to adopt or reject a rigid falsity standard will have wide-ranging consequences, and it should be up to the legislature to insulate or scrutinize physicians for their certifications. Aside from adjudging these exercises of discretion as true or false, the Supreme Court has the responsibility of correcting circuits when they falter in their representation of common law principles. Omnicare is arguably the most relevant common law precedent in terms of providing an analytical framework for determining false opinions. Thus, the Third Circuit’s disregard of Omnicare sets an extremely disruptive example for other courts. Moving forward, the Supreme Court should announce that courts must abide by Omnicare when engaging in an FCA analysis involving opinions.

 

APPENDIX:  COURTS ADOPTING OR REJECTING OBJECTIVE FALSITY

Courta

Case Name

Year

Type of Legal Claim

Adopting Courts

Tenth Circuit

United States ex rel. Morton v. A Plus Benefits, Inc.b

2005

Medicaid

District of Nevada

United States v. Prabhuc

2006

Medicare

Fourth Circuit

United States ex rel. Wilson v. Kellogg Brown & Root, Inc.d

2008

Contract

Seventh Circuit

United States ex rel.Yannacopoulos v. General Dynamicse

2011

Contract

Third Circuit

United States ex rel. Hill v. University of Medicine & Dentistry of New Jerseyf

2011

Research Grant

Third Circuit

United States ex rel. Thomas v. Siemens AGg

2014

Contract

Northern District of Texas

United States ex rel. Wall v. Vista Hospice Care, Inc.h

2016

Medicare/Medicaid

Eleventh Circuit

United States v. AseraCare, Inc.i

2019

Medicare

Rejecting Courts

Third Circuit

United States v. Care Alternativesj

2020

Medicare/Medicaid

Ninth Circuit

Winter ex rel. United States v. Gardens Regional Hospital & Medical Center, Inc.k

2020

Medicare

Notes:  This list merely demonstrates the uniformity of the legal landscape prior to the Third and Ninth Circuit decisions in 2020 and is not intended to show every single jurisdiction that has ruled on the issue. aOf note, the Third Circuit originally adopted the objective falsity standard in 2011, reaffirmed the standard in 2014, and rejected the standard in 2020. This is quite peculiar, as it is the only Circuit that has switched its opinion on the issue. The Tenth Circuit adopted the objective falsity standard in 2005 but moved away from that decision in United States ex rel. Polukoff v. St. Mark’s Hospital. However, the Tenth Circuit has not explicitly embraced a subjective falsity standard. Sources:  bUnited States ex rel. Morton v. A Plus Benefits, Inc., 139 F. App’x. 980 (10th Cir. 2005). cUnited States v. Prabhu, 442 F. Supp. 2d 1008 (D. Nev. 2006). dUnited States ex rel. Wilson v. Kellogg Brown & Root, Inc., 525 F.3d 370 (4th Cir. 2008). eUnited States ex rel. Yannacopoulos v. Gen. Dynamics, 652 F.3d 818 (7th Cir. 2011). fUnited States ex rel. Hill v. Univ. of Med. & Dentistry of New Jersey, 448 F. App’x 314 (3d Cir. 2011). gUnited States ex rel. Thomas v. Siemens AG, 593 F. App’x 139 (3d Cir. 2014). hUnited States ex rel. Wall v. Vista Hospice Care, Inc., No. 3:07-cv-00604-M, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 80160 (N.D. Tex. June 20, 2016). iUnited States v. AseraCare, Inc., 938 F.3d 1278 (11th Cir. 2019). jUnited States v. Care Alts., 952 F.3d 89 (3d Cir. 2020), cert. denied, 141 S. Ct. 1371 (2021). kWinter ex rel. United States v. Gardens Reg’l Hosp. & Med. Ctr., Inc., 953 F.3d 1108 (9th Cir. 2020), cert. denied sub nom. RollinsNelson LTC Corp. v. United States ex rel. Winters, 141 S. Ct. 1380 (2021).

 

96 S. Cal. L. Rev. 665

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* Executive Postscript Editor, Southern California Law Review, Volume 96; J.D. Candidate, 2023 University of Southern California, Gould School of Law; M.P.H. Global Epidemiology 2018, Emory University Rollins School of Public Health; B.S. Integrative Biology 2016, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. I would like to thank Professor Jonathan Barnett for guidance, Professor Eileen Decker for serving as my advisor, and the Southern California Law Review for excellent editorial assistance.

Familial Searches, the Fourth Amendment, and Genomic Control

In recent years, police have increasingly made use of consumer genomic databases to solve a variety of crimes, from long-cold serial killings to assaults. They do so frequently without judicial oversight per the Fourth Amendment’s warrant requirement by using consumer genomic platforms, which store hundreds of thousands or millions of user genomic profiles and enable law enforcement to infer the identity of distant genomic relatives who may be criminal suspects. This Essay puts this practice into context given recent legal and technological developments. As for the law, the Supreme Court in United States v. Carpenter has suggested that technologically driven and expansive datasets may be entitled to the full suite of Fourth Amendment protections. As for technology, we describe here the development of a novel technology that allows users to engage in genomic analysis in a secured environment without making such information available to a third party. Taken together, we present a possible technological solution to ensuring Fourth Amendment protections for direct-to-consumer genomic data.

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Lenity and the Meaning of Statutes

Ordinary canons of statutory interpretation try to encode linguistic rules into jurisprudence. Their purpose is to figure out the meaning of a text, and their outcome is to determine the meaning of the text. Both the purpose and the outcome are linguistic.

The rule of lenity is not an ordinary canon of statutory interpretation. The rule of lenity’s outcome is to determine the meaning of a text, giving ambiguous criminal statutes a narrow interpretation, but its purpose is public policy, protecting defendants when ambiguous statutes failed to give fair notice that their actions would be punished. Unlike the ordinary canons of statutory interpretation, lenity encodes into jurisprudence not a linguistic rule, but a policy rule. Thus, a discrepancy arises: lenity’s outcome is linguistic, but its purpose is non-linguistic.

This Article makes the following three contributions. First, it analyzes the nature of the discrepancy between lenity’s purpose and outcome. Second, it demonstrates that this discrepancy leads to doctrinal issues in how the rule of lenity is applied. Sometimes the rule of lenity is over-inclusive: it is applied even when there is no violation of fair notice. Sometimes the rule of lenity is under-inclusive: the rule of lenity fails to protect certain defendants that were misled by ambiguous criminal statutes. Third, this Article argues that we can align lenity’s purpose and outcome by reforming lenity into an excuse in criminal law, and this theoretical reformation will resolve the aforementioned doctrinal issues.

INTRODUCTION

Short-barreled rifles are often used for criminal purposes because their shorter length allows them to be more easily concealed.1See United States v. Thompson/Ctr. Arms Co., 504 U.S. 505, 517 (1992). For that reason, § 5821 of the Internal Revenue Code levies an excise tax on the manufacture of short-barreled rifles, while no such tax is levied on the manufacture of long-barreled rifles.2I.R.C. § 5821.

Thompson/Center Arms, a firearms manufacturer, packaged as one unit the following separate parts that were to be put together by the customer: a shoulder stock, a pistol, and a barrel extension.3Thompson/Ctr. Arms, 504 U.S. at 507. For convenience, I will call this unit of three parts the “Thompson/Center kit.” Putting the three pieces together—attaching the shoulder stock to the handle of the pistol and the extension to the barrel of the pistol—the customer would end up with a long-barreled rifle.4Id. at 508. If the customer only attached the shoulder stock to the pistol handle without using the barrel extension, then they would end up with a short-barreled rifle.5Id.

Thus, the following legal issue arose in United States v. Thompson/Center Arms Co. Is Thompson/Center Arms liable for the § 5821 excise tax? Does the manufacture of the Thompson/Center kit count as an instance of manufacturing a short-barreled rifle?

The Supreme Court stated that § 5821 is ambiguous about what counts as the manufacture of a short-barreled rifle and that the Thompson/Center kits sat squarely in the penumbra.6Id. at 513–24. On one hand, Thompson/Center Arms intended for the kits to be put together into a long-barreled rifle, but on the other hand, the kit made it tremendously easy for consumers to put together a short-barreled rifle regardless of Thompson/Center Arms’s intention.7Compare id. at 523 (Scalia, J., concurring), with id. at 524–25 (White, J., dissenting). Were the Court to construe § 5821’s language broadly, Thompson/Center Arms would be liable for the excise tax on short-barreled rifles, but were the Court to construe the statute’s language narrowly, Thompson/Center Arms would not be liable.

To resolve whether § 5821 should be given a broad or narrow reading, the Court applied the rule of lenity, which gives all ambiguous criminal statutes a narrow meaning, thus absolving Thompson/Center Arms of liability on the excise tax.8Id. at 517–18. This is a surprising application of the rule. The rule of lenity is a rule of statutory interpretation meant to apply only to criminal statutes to protect criminal defendants, yet it was applied in Thompson/Center to determine the meaning of a civil tax statute in favor of a civil plaintiff. Because the company had already paid the tax and was suing for a refund, no criminal penalties were at stake for Thompson/Center Arms.9Id. at 505.

Thompson/Center’s holding presents a major problem for the administration of tax law. The standard rule in civil law grants deference to an administrative agency’s interpretation of the relevant laws.10See Ryan D. Doerfler, Can a Statute Have More than One Meaning, 94 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 213, 233 (2019); Kristin E. Hickman, Of Lenity, Chevron, and KPMG, 26 Va. Tax Rev. 905, 912–21 (2007); Cass R. Sunstein, Chevron Step Zero, 92 Va. L. Rev. 187, 210 n.106 (2006); Cass R. Sunstein, Law and Administration After Chevron, 90 Colum. L. Rev. 2071, 2115–16 (1990). The topic of deference to the IRS’s interpretations of the tax law is much discussed, but it begins with the case law Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Res. Def. Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837, 842–44 (1984); Nat’l Muffler Dealers Ass’n v. United States, 440 U.S. 472, 476–77 (1979); Skidmore v. Swift & Co., 323 U.S. 134, 139–40 (1944). The rule of lenity runs in the opposite direction, interpreting statutes in favor of the taxpayer over the agency, the Internal Revenue Service (“IRS”).11See infra Section III.B.2. This poses a special danger to the IRS’s enforcement efforts against abusive tax shelters that prey on indeterminacies in the tax law.12See also Marvin A. Chirelstein & Lawrence A. Zelenak, Tax Shelters and the Search for a Silver Bullet, 105 Colum. L. Rev. 1939, 1950 (2005) (analyzing the formation of tax shelters and their interplay against countervailing measures).

Despite this problem, the Court’s hands were bound by a technicality. According to the rule of lenity, criminal statutes should be interpreted narrowly such that uncertainty about the meaning of the statute is resolved in a way lenient to the defendant.13United States v. Kozminski, 487 U.S. 931, 952 (1988). Section 5821 is, like tax law generally, a civil statute, but it is also a criminal statute because its meaning has implications for criminal liability. Under § 5871, criminal penalties would be imposed for non-compliance with § 5821.14I.R.C. § 5871. Section 5821 plays a dual role, determining how much tax one is required to pay and, thereby, defining the actus reus for criminal liability. Thus, although Thompson/Center Arms was litigating the civil matter of how much tax it owed, because the outcome of this case might have criminal implications down the road, § 5821 would need to be read narrowly, following the rule of lenity.15United States v. Thompson/Ctr. Arms Co., 504 U.S. 505, 517–18 (1992).

Thompson/Center thus establishes that the rule of lenity applies to statutes that serve both a criminal and civil purpose, even if the issue at bar is a purely civil one,16See id. because the interpretation of dual-purpose statutes in the civil context necessarily carries over to define criminal liability.17See id. at 518 n.10. Tax laws generally play this dual role since they determine civil tax liability, and criminal penalties are imposed for non-compliance with tax law.18See infra Section III.B.1. Using lenity to narrowly interpret the meaning of a tax statute will both limit the reach of criminal sanctions for tax evasion and also limit the assignment of civil tax liability.19See Thompson/Ctr. Arms, 504 U.S. at 506, 517–18.

The purpose of the rule of lenity, however, is to protect fair notice for criminal defendants.20Dan M. Kahan, Lenity and Federal Common Law Crimes, 1994 Sup. Ct. Rev. 345, 345 (1994). When statutes are ambiguous, citizens can be misled into thinking that their actions were permitted rather than prohibited. The law fails to communicate the expected standard of behavior. Given the severity of criminal punishment and the moral condemnation that attaches, we ought to be especially concerned about criminal defendants who did not receive fair notice of the law.21See infra Section I.B. Thus, when a defendant’s act is a borderline case of an ambiguous criminal statute, the law absolves them of criminal liability as a recognition of its own failure to provide fair notice that such an act would be punished.

Since the rule of lenity was supposed to provide fair notice in punishment, its application to civil tax law, where no punishment is at stake, grossly oversteps its purpose.22United States v. Fisher, 6 U.S. 358, 390 (1805); see also Andy S. Grewal, Why Lenity Has No Place in the Income Tax Laws, 81 Mo. L. Rev. 1045, 1051–53, 1051 n. 45 (2016) (arguing that there is no unique taxpayer-favorable interpretation as lenity would require); Hickman, supra note 10, at 932–33 (noting that tax shelters will be harder to police if lenity is applied to civil tax law). Even if a taxpayer loses a case determining their civil tax liability, so long as they continue to pay said tax liabilities, they would avoid criminal penalties.23See I.R.C. § 7201. I call this overstep of lenity’s purpose the “too much lenity” problem.

On my analysis, the central theoretical issue with the rule of lenity is the discrepancy between the rule’s purpose and outcome. The rule of lenity’s purpose is to ensure fair notice about which actions are punished under the law.24Notice of the laws that govern individuals has long been held to be a central tenet of the rule of law. 2 St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica pt. I–II, q. 90, art. 4; 1 Jeremy Bentham, Essay on the Promulgation of Laws, and the Reasons Thereof, in The Works of Jeremy Bentham 155, 157 (Edinburgh, William Tait 1843); Lon L. Fuller, The Morality of Law 39 (1964); John Locke, Second Treatise of Government 83–84 (Richard H. Cox ed., Harlan Davidson, Inc. 1982) (1690) (noting that lack of notice leads to uncertainty about the future); Antonin Scalia, The Rule of Law as a Law of Rules, 56 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1175, 1179–80 (1989); see Roscoe Pound, Theories of Law, 22 Yale L.J. 114, 117 (1912) (noting that publication of laws demonstrating the importance of fair notice extends back to ancient Greece). This value has been considered doubly important where the laws impose criminal punishment. United States v. Fisher, 6 U.S. 358, 390 (1805); John Gardner, Introduction to H.L.A. Hart, Punishment and Responsibility: Essays in the Philosophy of Law, at xiii, xxxix–xliii (2d ed. 2008) (putting forth that rule of law values “apply with particular force to the criminal law” because punishment is intended to inflict suffering on the punished and clarity in law makes statutes more effective in guiding action); Scalia, supra, at 1180. The rule’s outcome, as a canon of statutory interpretation, is to determine the meaning of a statute.25See infra note 60 and accompanying text. The rule of lenity has a linguistic outcome, but a non-linguistic purpose. Thus, lenity’s purpose and outcome are not consistent with one another.26See infra Part II.

This application of lenity as a canon of statutory interpretation, which I call the “semantic rule of lenity,” is incongruous with its normative purpose of fair notice in criminal law, resulting in its encroachment into civil matters where no punishment is at stake. Unlike other canons of statutory interpretation, which aim to figure out the meaning of a statute, substantive canons, like the rule of lenity, aim to implement normative principles, like fair notice.27See infra Part II. Therein lies the disconnect. The purpose of the rule of lenity does not have anything to do with the ascertainment of meaning, yet the rule ends up determining the meaning of the statute.28See infra note 60 and accompanying text. The resulting problem of too much lenity demonstrates that this disconnect leads to real consequences.

But notice that this is a contingent feature of the rule of lenity. Lenity need not be applied as a canon of statutory interpretation. Its purpose merely requires us to let go those criminal defendants who never received fair notice of punishment. Other legal doctrines that require us to absolve certain defendants of guilt—for example, excuses such as insanity or duress—do not involve determining the meanings of statutes.29See, e.g., Model Penal Code §§ 2.09(1), 4.01 (Am. L. Inst., Proposed Official Draft 1962). So why should the rule of lenity perform this odd, dangerous, vestigial function of determining the meaning of statutes? If the proximate aim is to absolve defendants of liability when their actions were not unambiguously criminalized by Congress, we can and ought to do so without invoking the semantics of statutes.

Challenging the standard semantic application of lenity, I will instead argue for the unorthodox position that lenity should be reworked from a canon of statutory interpretation to an excusing condition specific to criminal law.30Other academics have proposed less radical revisions that are more amenable to agency deference such as Dan Kahan, Is Chevron Relevant to Federal Criminal Law?, 110 Harv. L. Rev. 469, 507–11 (1996). These less radical approaches, however, fail to solve the linguistic ambiguity problem and the higher-order vagueness problem outlined in Part III. In that way, lenity would be applied in the same manner as the doctrines of duress or insanity, as an affirmative defense to prosecution rather than a canon of statutory interpretation. Without any of the semantic baggage that currently burdens the rule of lenity, excuses can apply in criminal law without extending into civil law and thus avoid the too much lenity problem. For instance, when a taxpayer is just litigating the issue of how much taxes they will have to pay for such-and-such economic transaction because they disagree with the IRS about the meaning of a statute, the courts should use ordinary interpretative principles that would best allow the tax law to serve its function of justly and efficiently collecting revenue.31See infra Section III.B.2. But if that same taxpayer was being tried for tax evasion because the statute at issue was ambiguous—as § 5821 was with regard to Thompson/Center kits—then lenity should be applied as an excuse, an affirmative defense, in order to protect fair notice of punishment.32See infra Part IV.

Viewed top-down, this Article can be understood to present the following argument for my conclusion that lenity should be applied as an excusing condition in criminal law rather than as a canon of statutory interpretation: First, I demonstrate that lenity’s purpose of fair notice of punishment does not match its outcome of determining the meaning of statutes. Second, I analyze three distinct doctrinal problems that stem from this mismatch between purpose and outcome. Third, I solve these problems by showing how the legal system can unite lenity’s purpose and outcome by instituting lenity as an excuse rather than a rule of statutory interpretation. Because of this conceptual harmony, the three aforementioned problems are solved if we apply lenity as an excusing condition in criminal law. Each step presents novel contributions to the literature.

Part I explicates the rule of lenity and justifies the doctrine as upholding the structural rule of law value of fair notice. Fair notice is best understood as a structural consideration about the legal system. The laws must be structured so as to provide a path safe from punishment along which ordinary citizens can walk.33For a discussion of the theory underlying excuses in criminal law, see H.L.A. Hart, Legal Responsibility and Excuses, in Punishment and Responsibility: Essays in the Philosophy of Law, supra note 24, at 28; Sanford H. Kadish, Excusing Crime, 75 Calif. L. Rev. 257, 263–65 (1987). In our society, this path is marked by published statutes delineating which acts are permissible and which are impermissible. Fair notice is thus essential to providing a genuine choice to avoid punishment.

Part II shows that lenity’s purpose and outcome are at odds with one another. Whereas ordinary rules of statutory interpretation have the purpose of trying to figure out the meaning of a statute and the outcome of determining the meaning of a statute, the rule of lenity has the purpose of protecting criminal defendants and the outcome of determining the meaning of a statute.34See William Baude & Stephen E. Sachs, The Law of Interpretation, 130 Harv. L. Rev. 1079, 1111, 1127 (2017). Thus, while ordinary rules of statutory interpretation have a semantic purpose and semantic outcome, the rule of lenity has a semantic outcome and a non-semantic purpose.

Part III demonstrates three doctrinal problems that arise from the mismatch between the rule of lenity’s purpose and outcome.

Section III.A presents the linguistic ambiguity problem. To use a stylized example, suppose a statute ambiguously imposes criminal penalties for starting a fire next to a “bank.” Defendant A started a fire next to a financial bank. Defendant B started a fire next to a river bank. Because of the ambiguity, neither Defendant A nor B had fair notice that their actions were prohibited. However, because neither interpretation of the word “bank” lets both defendants go free, the rule of lenity cannot resolve the fair notice problem here. This is the problem of linguistic ambiguity.

Section III.B presents the too much lenity problem, introduced above. In this Section, I consider the impact of a lenity-driven tax regime both in terms of the areas of tax law where lenity is most likely to be applied and its contrast to the deference regime it replaces.

Section III.C demonstrates the problem of higher-order vagueness. Applying the semantic rule of lenity to a vague statute that prohibits a certain category of actions changes the meaning of the statute to prohibit only clear cases of that category of actions.35See Michael S. Moore, Semantics, Metaphysics, and Objectivity in the Law, in Vagueness and Law 127, 134 (Geert Keil & Ralf Poscher eds., 2016). For instance, a statute may say “do not drive dangerously,” but after the court applies the rule of lenity, the statute means “do not drive clearly dangerously.”36Though heavily simplified, the vagueness of “do not drive dangerously” is not too far off from the vagueness of actual safe driving statutes. See infra note 171 and accompanying text. The problem is that the new meaning that the rule of lenity has assigned will itself be vague. Just as vague predicates have borderline cases of which items qualify as members of the category, there is also vagueness one level up about which items qualify as borderline cases.37See Moore, supra note 35; Joseph Raz, Legal Reasons, Sources, and Gaps, in The Authority of Law: Essays on Law and Morality 53, 73–74 (1979). If the vagueness of “do not drive dangerously” violates fair notice, then construing the statute to mean “do not drive clearly dangerously” will not satisfy fair notice because what counts as “clearly dangerous” is itself a vague matter as some driving is clearly clearly dangerous and some driving only borderline clearly dangerous. The semantic rule of lenity is thereby under-inclusive, creating vagueness at a higher-order but failing to take that second-order vagueness into account for purposes of fair notice.38See infra Section III.C.

Part IV connects the legal theory set out in Parts I and II with the doctrinal analyses of Part III to support my ultimate proposal that lenity be provided solely as an excuse in criminal law instead of its current application as a canon of statutory interpretation. In criminal law theory, excuses are most often understood in comparison to justifications, another category of affirmative defense. Whereas justifications typically serve to make an act permissible—for instance, killing another is not morally wrong if done in self-defense—excuses absolve an actor of criminal liability for their wrongful conduct when the actor lacked a genuine choice to follow the law.39See Michael S. Moore, Choice, Character, and Excuse, 7 Soc. Phil. & Pol’y 29, 32–35 (1990). For instance, a browbeater may have threatened to bust the defendant’s kneecaps unless the defendant commits a criminal act for the browbeater’s benefit. In such a situation, because the browbeater’s coercive threat left the defendant no choice in the matter, the law affords the defendant an excuse of duress.40Model Penal Code § 2.09(1) (Am. L. Inst., Proposed Official Draft 1962).

The semantic rule of lenity functions more closely to justification; by assigning a narrow meaning to a statute, it shrinks what counts as impermissible. The semantic rule of lenity, when it applies, concludes that the defendant’s actions were not prohibited by law.41See, e.g., United States v. Kozminski, 487 U.S. 931, 952 (1988). However, I argue that the purpose of lenity instead aligns most closely with that of an excuse. Though lenity may seem an unlikely bedfellow to doctrines such as duress or insanity, I demonstrate that all of these doctrines aim to protect citizens who lacked a genuine choice to follow the law. In cases such as duress, one lacks the choice because of some coercive threat. In cases of lenity, one lacks the choice because one was not given fair notice about which acts would be punished. Although, in contrast to justification, the defendants may have done some prohibited act in these cases, punishing them would nevertheless go against the rule of law principle of preserving a path safe from punishment.

By shedding lenity of its semantic cloak, jurisprudence can avoid the three aforementioned doctrinal problems. Providing lenity as an excuse rather than fixing the meaning of a statute would allow the law to absolve both Defendant A and Defendant B (from the “bank” example above) of criminal liability since both defendants lacked fair notice that their actions would be punished. By restricting lenity to criminal law, taking the form of an excuse stops lenity from creeping into civil law, thereby solving the too much lenity problem. Because the excuse would not determine the meaning of the statute, issues of higher-order vagueness do not require additional iterations of lenity, thereby solving the higher-order vagueness problem.

Part V considers two counterarguments to the excuse of lenity. The first counterargument states that the excuse is unnecessary because strict construction of the civil tax code42By “tax code” and “the Code” I mean to refer to the Internal Revenue Code of 1986, as amended. is good jurisprudence. In response, I analyze the ways that the teleology of tax law is distinct from the teleology of criminal law. Tax law helps citizens figure out how much to contribute to the public fisc as a matter of distributive justice.43Jeesoo Nam, Taxing Option Luck, 11 U.C. Irvine L. Rev. 1067, 1115–17 (2021). Unlike criminal law, tax law is not meant to sanction prohibited behaviors—a tax on income, for instance, is not meant to morally condemn those who earn income.44Criminal law, in contrast, carries moral condemnation. United States v. Bass, 404 U.S. 336, 348 (1971) (noting also the general seriousness of criminal penalties); Doerfler, supra note 10. Since tax law is not meant to serve as a system of incentives, ex-ante notice is far less important. Furthermore, choosing strict construction over the best interpretation will undo the effort to justly allocate social burdens, to the detriment of the very people who relied on the tax law to serve this function. The second counterargument against the excuse of lenity states that a legislature could satisfy the requirement of fair notice by letting citizens know by statute that the rule of lenity will not be applied to the criminal code. I argue that such a move is tantamount to notifying the public that there will be no fair notice given.

I. THE RULE OF LENITY

At its core, the rule of lenity is a rule of statutory construction that resolves any “uncertainty concerning the ambit of criminal statutes” in favor of the defendant.45See, e.g., United States v. Kozminski, 487 U.S. 931, 952 (1988). Often, such uncertainty can arise due to linguistic indeterminacy, the most common type of which is vagueness.46See Lawrence M. Solan, Multilingualism and Morality in Statutory Interpretation, 1 Language and L. 5, 8 (2014). In these cases, the meaning of the vague statute is narrowly interpreted to include only clear, prototypical cases of the criminal statute.47Moore, supra note 35. Such narrow construction is justified by the rule of law value of fair notice. Fair notice allows citizens who wish to avoid punishment to seek safety in reading the statute and choosing to avoid those actions that carry criminal penalties.

A. Lenity’s Outcome: Statutory Construction

Indeterminacy of meaning (linguistic indeterminacy) is a universal feature across natural languages.48The legal philosopher Joseph Raz went as far as to say that not only is indeterminacy of meaning universal across natural languages, but that indeterminacy of meaning is also universal within a natural language. Raz claims, “all, and not only some, nouns, verbs, adverbs, and adjectives of a natural language are vague.” Raz, supra note 37, at 73. It is difficult to see how this could be true. As a counterexample, consider that we sometimes use the verb is to denote numerical identity, the relation between an object and itself. For instance, we may say “Superman is Clark Kent” or even “Clark Kent is Clark Kent.” The word “is” in these cases do not admit of borderline cases; of any object, once we had enough information regarding that object, we would definitively be able to say that it is or is not Clark Kent. See Gareth Evans, Can There Be Vague Objects?, 38 Analysis 208, 208 (1978) (formally proving that there can be no indeterminate cases of identity). Statutes, since they are written in natural language, sometimes have indeterminate meanings.49See Raz, supra note 37, at 73. Such instances can give rise to what we may call hard cases or legally ambiguous cases,50See Ronald Dworkin, Hard Cases, 88 Harv. L. Rev. 1057, 1057 (1975). where the statute gives no direction one way or another to those cases that straddle the indeterminacy.51This is not the only way that statutes can fail to guide. The meaning of a statute may simply be unknown to many readers. Perhaps this lack of knowledge is best exemplified by the following account of the Constitutional Convention’s discussion of the phrase “direct tax” in U.S. Const. art. I, § 9, cl. 4. See generally Ari Glogower, A Constitutional Wealth Tax, 118 Mich. L. Rev. 717 (2020) (detailing the constitutional apportionment requirement for direct taxes and the interpretative difficulties surrounding the term “direct tax”). “Mr. King asked what was the precise meaning of direct taxation? No one answered.” James Madison, Notes of the Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787, at 494 (Ohio Univ. Press 1966) (1787).

Of course, even when the statute gives no direction, a case at bar cannot go unresolved. One way to resolve a case in which there is no resolution provided by the statute itself is to have what legal theorists call a “closure rule.”52Moore, supra note 35. A closure rule simply determines which way a judge should rule when the law is unclear one way or another, acting as a tie breaker of sorts.53Id.; Lawrence M. Solan, Law, Language, and Lenity, 40 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 57, 115 (1998). The rule of lenity is often held by jurisprudents to be a paradigm closure rule.54Moore, supra note 35. When a criminal statute fails to resolve a case because its meaning is indeterminate with respect to the facts at bar, then the judge must assign the statute a narrow meaning that favors the criminal defendant.

In law, by far the most common sort of linguistic indeterminacy arises from vagueness.55See Solan, supra note 46. Although vagueness is the most common sort of linguistic indeterminacy, it is certainly not the only sort. See id. Consider, for instance, the well-trodden “no vehicles in the park” statute:

NO VEHICLES IN THE PARK ACT: Any person who brings or drives a vehicle into a federal park shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, which may be punished by a fine.56This standard example originates from H.L.A. Hart, Positivism and the Separation of Law and Morals, 71 Harv. L. Rev. 593, 607–15 (1958). The variation I use here is closer to that from William N. Eskridge, Jr., No Frills Textualism, 119 Harv. L. Rev. 2041, 2041 (2006).

From the language of the statute, no one can deny that driving an automobile into a federal park is prohibited. In contrast, we may be quite uncertain about whether someone who pushed a wheelbarrow into a federal park is criminally liable under the statute since it is uncertain whether a wheelbarrow is or is not a vehicle in this context. The term “vehicle” is vague since it admits of borderline cases where the application of the term “vehicle” is indeterminate.

An instance of a vague predicate is prototypical or core if and only if it is clearly a member of the predicate’s category.57See Hart, supra note 56, at 607. A borderline or penumbral case of a vague predicate is an object that is neither clearly a member nor clearly not a member.58Id. Thus, a sedan is a prototypical vehicle while wheelbarrows are borderline cases that do not clearly fall into nor outside of the vehicle category.

When it comes to vague statutes, the rule of lenity is best cashed out using this distinction between clear and borderline cases.59See, e.g., Moore, supra note 35. Under the rule, a vague criminal statute will be assigned a narrow meaning that includes only the clear cases of the vague categories. For instance, the narrow interpretation of “vehicle” includes automobiles but not wheelbarrows. The rule of lenity, like statutory interpretation more generally, is semantic in that it operates to determine the meaning of the statute.60See United States v. Thompson/Ctr. Arms Co., 504 U.S. 505, 518 n.10 (1992) (“The rule of lenity, however, is a rule of statutory construction whose purpose is to help give authoritative meaning to statutory language.”); Grewal, supra note 22, at 1053; Hickman, supra note 10, at 916–17. Statutory interpretation is ordinarily a matter of construing the meaning of a statute. Steven A. Dean & Lawrence M. Solan, Tax Shelters and the Code: Navigating Between Text and Intent, 26 Va. Tax Rev. 879, 880 (2007); see also Lawrence M. Solan, Statutory Inflation and Institutional Choice, 44 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 2209, 2213, 2213 n.14 (2003) (“But once the courts interpret a statute . . . , the ruling becomes part of the meaning of the statute . . . .”).

Courts are supposed to employ the rule of lenity in the realm of criminal law.61William N. Eskridge, Jr., Abbe R. Gluck & Victoria F. Nurse, Statutes, Regulation, and Interpretation 494–95 (2014). Under such a rule, the destruction of a fish was not found to be a violation of a statute prohibiting the destruction of “tangible objects” in a federal investigation,62Yates v. United States, 574 U.S. 528, 528–30 (2015). and transporting a stolen airplane did not count as transporting a stolen “vehicle.”63McBoyle v. United States, 283 U.S. 25, 26–27 (1931). Though McBoyle does not mention the rule of lenity by name, it is nevertheless understood to be, and is cited for, applying the rule. E.g., United States v. Lanier, 520 U.S. 259, 266 (1997). These were, in the eyes of the court, not prototypical cases of the statutes’ language.

B. Lenity’s Purpose: Fair Notice

Courts have typically appealed to fair notice, sometimes referred to as “due-process notice,”64See, e.g., Nicholas Quinn Rosenkranz, Federal Rules of Statutory Interpretation, 115 Harv. L. Rev. 2085, 2094 (2002). There are also other justifications that appear to be distinct from the fair notice value, such as non-delegation—courts cannot legislate criminal law, United States v. Wiltberger, 18 U.S. 76, 92 (1820)—and that the rule has a long history in criminal law interpretation, Antonin Scalia, A Matter of Interpretation: Federal Courts and the Law 29 (new ed. 2018). These alternative reasons for the rule of lenity are not counterarguments to what I present herein in that their truth does not imply the falsity of my conclusions. My argument is unmotivated only if one thinks the rule of lenity is not justified by the fair notice principle. as the principal justification for the rule of lenity.65See Kahan, supra note 20. For clear statements of the fair notice principle, see Liparota v. United States, 471 U.S. 419, 427 (1985) (“[T]he rule of lenity ensures that criminal statutes will provide fair warning concerning conduct rendered illegal . . . .”); McBoyle, 283 U.S. at 27. The rule of law value of fair notice is also the most popular justification in academia. Kahan, supra note 20, at 349, 349 n.12. Punishment of criminal activity is serious both in the severity of its costs on the punished and in the moral condemnation that attaches to it.66See United States v. Bass, 404 U.S. 336, 347–50 (1971); Doerfler, supra note 10. For the exercise of the sword of government in doling out punishments to individuals, rule of law is of principal order. A central criterion of rule of law is that those who are subject to the threat of such force be given fair warning that they are under such threat.67See supra note 24 and accompanying text. In our society, such notice is primarily given by the publication of criminal statutes. But publication is only the first step. Statutory notice is fair only when the content of the prohibitions can be readily ascertained from the published statute. Thus, when Emperor Caligula posted new statutes high on the top of Roman columns to prevent the citizenry from reading them, he failed to give fair notice to his citizens.68Timothy Lynch, Introduction to In the Name of Justice: Leading Experts Reexamine the Classic Article “The Aims of the Criminal Law”, at vii, xi (Timothy Lynch ed., 2009).

Posting laws where no one can read them is not the only way to violate fair notice. Notice can be unfair due to a statute’s linguistic indeterminacy. Similar to how linguistic indeterminacy can fail to give guidance to judges on how to rule on hard cases, linguistic indeterminacy fails to provide guidance to citizens on what sort of behavior is prohibited by law. Consider the following illustration of this aspect of fair notice employing hypothetical expectations about a vague statute.

When one reads a vague criminal statute, so one version of the fair notice story goes, one thinks not of the borderline cases, but instead the prototypical cases. For instance, it is most likely that bringing a wheelbarrow into the park never crosses an individual’s mind as they read the words, “Any person who brings or drives a vehicle into a federal park shall be guilty of a misdemeanor.” The mental representation of the concepts conveyed by a statute typically does not include borderline cases.69Solan, supra note 53, at 65–75, provides a helpful look into the scientific research on how individuals cognitively represent concepts through the use of “prototypes for categories.” As a result, punishing someone for a borderline violation of a criminal statute would go against the natural reading of the statute. They would not have been given fair notice that their conduct would be subject to punishment but rather misled into thinking that they were following the law by the vagueness of the statute.70See United States v. Santos, 553 U.S. 507, 523 (2008) (noting that lenity must apply “lest those subject to the criminal law be misled”). In order to preserve the important rule of law value of fair notice, the rule of lenity requires a narrow construction of such statutes.

Leading cases on the rule of lenity often explicitly endorse a similar story regarding the expectations that readers of a vague statute are likely to have. For instance, in McBoyle v. United States, the Supreme Court applied the rule of lenity to rule that airplanes were outside the scope of the phrase “motor vehicle” as it was used in a federal criminal statute.71McBoyle v. United States, 283 U.S. 25, 27 (1931). The opinion justifies excluding airplanes from the motor vehicle category by stating that the “motor vehicle” phrase “evoke[s] in the common mind only the picture of the vehicles moving on land.”72Id. Courts are worried about the lay citizen reading a statute and naturally having only the prototypical instances come to mind.

Importantly, the analysis just described is meant to be focused on the statute itself rather than the defendant. That is, for any given statute, the test is not to see if the defendant in the instant case actually read the statute. Many, perhaps most, defendants have not.73See id.; Dru Stevenson, Toward a New Theory of Notice and Deterrence, 26 Cardozo L. Rev. 1535, 1536, 1536 n.8. Tax law presents somewhat of an exception to this general observation since individuals who aim to get around the tax law typically employ agents who do take the time to read the tax code and advise them of what is and is not permissible behavior with regard to paying one’s taxes. See Kahan, supra note 20, at 400. Thus, the expectations story is less of a fiction when it comes to tax law. Instead, the analysis looks at the statute itself and how the text comes across to the ordinary reader. If the indeterminacy of a statute risks misleading readers, the rule of lenity attempts to limit punishment in such instances by requiring a narrow construction of the statute.74See McBoyle, 283 U.S. at 27. The rule of lenity aims to correct a deficiency in the law itself.75See also id. (reinforcing the value of fair notice even if criminals do not “carefully consider the text of the law”); United States v. R.L.C., 503 U.S. 291, 309 (1992) (Scalia, J., concurring) (citing McBoyle, 283 U.S. at 27); Hart, supra note 33, at 50 (“[T]he fact that only a few people, as things are, consider the question Shall I obey or pay?, does not in the least mean that the standing possibility of asking this question is unimportant . . . .”); Paul H. Robinson, Fair Notice and Fair Adjudication: Two Kinds of Legality, 154 U. Pa. L. Rev. 335, 372 (2005).

H.L.A. Hart’s rule of law account of excusing conditions to criminal liability can provide additional theoretical grounding to the concept and value of fair notice. On Hart’s account, people should be able to avoid law’s sanctions if they so choose.76Hart, supra note 33; cf. Moore, supra note 39, at 31–40 (presenting arguments in favor of the choice theory of excuses at the individual level of moral responsibility). There is an important security provided by knowing that we will be safe from punishment so long as we choose to follow the laws set out for us.77Hart, supra note 33, at 48; see Kadish, supra note 33, at 263 (noting that on Hart’s account, excuses further “the satisfaction people derive in knowing that they can avoid the sanction of the law if they choose.”). However, if we read a statute and naturally think only of the prototypical cases, then we will think that we are following the law when we commit borderline violations of that statute. Punishments for non-prototypical violations of a criminal law statute subvert the safety of choice to follow the law. The park-goer does not think that they violate the “no vehicles in the park” statute when pushing a wheelbarrow across the park gates. If it were not for the rule of lenity, their having read the law and intention to follow it would provide no assurance that they are safe from punishment; the court could arrive at an interpretation that they had never expected by considering a wheelbarrow a vehicle.

Hart’s position here can be understood as a safe path argument. It is a minimal requirement of a legal system that it provide at least one path safe from punishment along which ordinary citizens can walk. The clearest violation of a safe path is the criminalization of both an action and its absence. For instance, suppose that criminal law both required citizens to wear a face mask and forbid citizens from wearing a mask. It may even be the case that both laws, understood separately, are reasonable—perhaps the legislature passed the first law to minimize transmissions of an infectious disease and the legislature passed the second law because the purchase of face masks by laypeople caused a shortage for healthcare workers.78One can see similar, though not identical, policy considerations at play in N95 Respirators, Surgical Masks, Face Masks, U.S. Food and Drug Admin., (June 14, 2020) (on file with author). However, having both laws at once clearly violates the safe path requirement. There would be no way for a citizen to avoid punishment in a system that punishes both an action and its absence. In this situation, we would say that there is no safe path at all.

The absence of fair notice likewise violates the safe path principle. This is because the presumed safe path for ordinary citizens is the option to read the law and avoid the prohibited acts. When fair notice is violated, for instance by the punishment of non-prototypical violations of law, this safe path is upturned. These citizens’ reading of a vague statute would mislead them into thinking that they are outside the reach of punishment only to have the rug pulled out from under their feet. The state cannot be said to have provided its citizens a genuine choice to avoid punishment because the citizens were misled about which actions would lead to punishment. Vague statutes thus compromise the availability of a path safe from punishment along which ordinary citizens can walk. Lenity aims to protect for citizens a genuine choice to avoid punishment.79Lenity, however, is not the only way to preserve a genuine choice to avoid punishment. For example, another way to preserve a “safe path” would be for the crime’s mens rea to require knowledge that one’s action is a rule violation. See infra Section III.B.1. Alternatively, one might see a company like Thompson/Center Arms Co. as following yet another safe path—it paid the required taxes, then litigated for a refund, thereby avoiding punishment. Such a method, however, is not a safe path along which ordinary citizens can walk. This maneuver is made possible in the first instance by the fact that the company noticed the indeterminacy of the statute as it came to Thompson/Center kits. As the Court expressed in McBoyle, many readers may not recognize that there is indeterminacy in a statute. Second, the costs of litigation can be prohibitively expensive, making this option practically unavailable in many instances.

In sum, it is a rule of law principle that the government may not punish an individual without having first given fair notice that such actions would be punished. Such a principle protects the ability of citizens to find out which acts are punished and avoid committing such acts. The statutory notice that government gives to citizens is fair only insofar as citizens can naturally discern which of their acts are prohibited from reading the statute. Without lenity, citizens can be misled by a vague statute into thinking that they are safe from punishment. The significance of this rule of law value has been thought by some to endow on the rule of lenity a “quasi-constitutional status” due to its role in protecting fair notice.80Kahan, supra note 20, at 346.

II. A MISMATCH BETWEEN PURPOSE AND OUTCOME

Part I, in the process of explicating the rule of lenity, has presented two propositions that deserve further consideration:(1) the rule of lenity determines the meaning of criminal statutes,81See supra note 60 and accompanying text. and (2) the rule of lenity is best justified by the normative principle of fair notice. The second proposition has to do with the rule of lenity’s purpose. The first proposition has to do with lenity’s mechanism; in order to carry out its purpose of fair notice, the rule of lenity stipulates a narrow meaning to a linguistically indeterminate statute. Though each proposition is well-accepted—one would not have trouble finding Supreme Court opinions82See, e.g., United States v. Thompson/Ctr. Arms Co., 504 U.S. 505, 518 n.10 (1992); Liparota v. United States, 471 U.S. 419, 427 (1985); McBoyle v. United States, 283 U.S. 25, 27 (1931). or law school casebooks83See, e.g., Eskridge et al., supra note 61, at 494–95; Sanford H. Kadish, Stephen J. Schulhofer, Carol S. Steifer & Rachel E. Barrow, Criminal Law and Its Processes 159–60 (9th ed. 2012). that repeat these truths—it nevertheless seems to me that the two propositions are at odds with one another. Lenity’s purpose is normative, but its outcome is semantic.

By definition, to interpret a text is to ascertain its meaning.84See, e.g., Jack M. Balkin, Framework Originalism and the Living Constitution, 103 Nw. U. L. Rev. 549, 559–60 (2009). The rule of lenity is not an attempt to ascertain the meaning of a statute; it instead stipulates a narrow meaning to a statute in order to protect fair notice.85See supra Part II. Thus, it is odd that the rule of lenity, which does not even purport to ascertain the meaning of a statute, is nevertheless a canon of statutory “interpretation.”86Eskridge et al., supra note 61, at 494. If the purpose of the rule of lenity is something other than figuring out the meaning of a statute, then why does it end up determining the meaning of the statute?

This oddity of the rule of lenity may be best understood in contrast to more ordinary canons of statutory interpretation. For example, many canons rely on “maxims of word meaning”87Id. at 450–57. or rules of grammar88Id. at 458–64. to help piece together the meaning of a text. For these canons, their purpose and outcome are aligned. These rules rely on linguistic premises to ascertain the meaning of a text,89See id. at 448–49. so it makes sense that the outcome of applying these rules is to determine the meaning of statutes.

Canons of statutory interpretation can be analytically divided into three categories. While textual canons “[find] meaning from the words of the statute” and reference canons determine “what other materials might be consulted to figure out what the statute means,” substantive canons like the rule of lenity instead implement normative principles external to the task of interpretation like fair notice.90Id. Substantive canons, in contrast to the other two types of canons, are not concerned with “finding” or “figuring out” what the statute means.91See id.; see William Baude & Stephen E. Sachs, The Law of Interpretation, 130 Harv. L. Rev. 1079, 1111, 1127 (2017). Substantive canons are grounded in normative policy principles rather than interpretative principles.

Putting these distinctions to work, one can only conclude that the rule of lenity is a canon of statutory “interpretation” in name only. The purpose of the rule of lenity is to protect criminal defendants who failed to receive fair notice that their conduct would be punished.92See supra Section I.B. Rather than interpreting a text, the rule assigns the words of a statute narrow meaning in order to implement normative principles concerning rule of law values. The canon is not a rule of interpretation properbecause it never seeks to interpret, that is, ascertain the meaning of, a statute.93See also Balkin, supra note 84 (aligning “interpretation proper” with “the ascertainment of meaning”). The rule of lenity has a semantic outcome—determining the meaning of a statute—which is flatly inconsistent with its non-semantic purpose.

Notice also that the problem I have outlined here does not depend on any particular theory of statutory interpretation. The discrepancy between the rule of lenity’s purpose and outcome relies only on the distinction between figuring out a meaning and stipulating a meaning. The rule of lenity stipulates the meaning of a statute instead of trying to figure out what the statute means. On no theory of statutory interpretation is providing fair notice for criminal defendants a way of figuring out the meaning of a statute.94See Eskridge et al., supra note 61, at 318–46 (explicating various views about textualist and purposive approaches to statutory interpretation). Providing fair notice is, on its face, neither a way of getting at the plain or ordinary meaning of a text nor uncovering the purpose of a statute, so it cannot be understood as either a textualist or purposive doctrine of interpretation.95See id. at 301. The discrepancy between the rule of lenity’s purpose and outcome should worry legal scholars of all stripes.

III.  THREE DOCTRINAL PROBLEMS

The theoretical disconnect between lenity’s purpose and outcome just outlined in Part II entails thorny doctrinal consequences. This Part explores three such doctrinal consequences: the rule of lenity cannot handle linguistic ambiguity,96See infra Section III.A. the rule oversteps its boundaries and enters civil law,97See infra Section III.B. and the rule fails to resolve issues of fair notice that result from higher-order vagueness.98See infra Section III.C.

A. Linguistic Ambiguity

Consider the following hypothetical. The word “bank” may refer to either the financial institution (“financial bank”) or the land next to a river (“river bank”). Suppose the Bank Safety Act criminalizes starting a fire within one hundred feet of a bank, and it is indeterminate which of the two meanings should be applied to the term “bank.” As argued in Section I.B, such indeterminacy of meaning violates the principle of fair notice. Suppose further that two defendants are on trial, Defendant A for having set fire next to a financial bank, and Defendant B for having set fire next to a river bank.

The rule of lenity states that an indeterminate text must be interpreted in favor of the defendant.99See United States v. Kozminski, 487 U.S. 931, 952 (1988); Lawrence M. Solan, Pernicious Ambiguity in Contracts and Statutes, 79 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 859, 861 (2004). But which one? Giving the statute either meaning will absolve one of the defendants but still condemn the other. The rule of lenity is like the Buridan’s ass unable to choose between two identical stacks of hay. If the court rules that “bank” refers to financial banks, then Defendant A will be held criminally liable, and if the court rules that “bank” refers to river banks, then Defendant B will be held criminally liable.100Recall that the rule of lenity assigns meaning to a statute, see supra Section I.A, and a statute can have just one meaning, United States v. Santos, 553 U.S. 507, 522–23 (2008). This is because the statute’s indeterminacy arises from linguistic ambiguity rather than vagueness.

Linguistic ambiguity should be understood as distinct from another kind of ambiguity discussed earlier, what one might call legal ambiguity.101See supra note 50 and accompanying text. What judges and practicing lawyers most often mean when they use the term ambiguity is a general kind of uncertainty about the application of a statute.102See Solan, supra note 99. Legal ambiguity can arise for a variety reasons. One such reason for legal ambiguity, discussed in the previous part of this Article, is the vagueness of language.103See supra note 55 and accompanying text. Another reason for legal ambiguity is the kind of linguistic indeterminacy we saw with the two meanings of bank, what I refer to here as linguistic ambiguity.

Vagueness in language concerns how far out to draw the boundaries of certain terms, for instance how broadly we draw the category of manufacturing a short-barreled firearm.104Solan, supra note 46. When linguists use the term ambiguity, they are instead referring to terms that can have disparate meanings altogether, such as the two possible meanings of the term bank.105Id. Put succinctly, vagueness concerns interpretations that differ in degree while ambiguity concerns interpretations that differ in kind. Whereas in cases of vagueness, the court can choose between broad and narrow readings because the narrow reading is a proper subset106“Set A is a proper subset of set B (A ⊂ B) if all of the elements of set A are members of set B, but there is at least one element of set B that is not a member of set A (A ≠ B).” Proper Subset, Mathematics Glossary, http://www.learnalberta.ca/content/memg/Division03/Proper%20Subset/
index.html [https://perma.cc/T6N9-AQJH].
of the broad reading, in cases of ambiguity, there is no narrow interpretation because neither the river bank meaning nor the financial bank meaning is a proper subset of the other. Either reading of bank holds one defendant culpable while letting the other go free.

Plainly, this result of the rule of lenity is inconsistent with the demands of the rule’s fair notice purpose. Neither Defendant A nor Defendant B had fair notice that their action was punishable because the statute was ambiguous between their two readings. One could read the Bank Safety Act and come away thinking that it permits starting fires next to financial banks or come away thinking that it permits starting fires next to river banks. Given the indeterminacy of meaning, both are natural readings of the statute. The law does not clearly mark the path safe from punishment. Since neither defendant received fair notice, it would be unfair to punish either defendant.

Thus, the rule of lenity’s outcome is under-inclusive with respect to its purpose. Though the rule of lenity’s purpose of protecting fair notice would dictate absolving both defendants of criminal liability, its semantic outcome is unable to provide such a result.107This also means that the rule of lenity cannot be a closure rule, a rule that dictates for judges how to resolve cases where the law is unclear, since there is a class of cases (namely linguistic ambiguity cases) where the rule of lenity does not provide any resolution. See Part I.A. for a discussion of closure rules.

At this point, the astute reader might raise the following objection. Thus far, by focusing on the fact that bank has just two possible meanings, I have obscured a third option that would work best. When it comes to linguistically ambiguous statutes, the objection states, the rule of lenity should say that the statute has no meaning at all. That is, the Bank Safety Act should be construed not to criminalize any behavior because its use of the term bank has no meaning. Following this rule, both Defendants A and B would go free, and the result would thus comport with the demands of fair notice.

In response to this objection, suppose that there is a third defendant, Defendant C. Defendant C started a fire next to a financial bank that happened to be located on a river bank. On either meaning of bank, Defendant C is guilty and, thus, had fair notice their actions were prohibited by law. Defendant C cannot possibly claim that the ambiguity in the statute would mislead someone into thinking that their actions were permissible. If the court construes the Bank Safety Act to have no meaning at all, then it would let Defendant C go, despite the fact that they had fair notice of punishment. The rule would still fail to serve its purpose.

The hypothetical Bank Safety Act demonstrates one way the disconnect between the rule of lenity’s purpose and outcome could lead to its being under- or over-inclusive, but a critic may nevertheless contend that such ambiguities appear rarely in the actual law. When will a reader actually be faced with the term “bank” in a statute and be unable to figure out whether it refers to river banks or financial institutions? Usually, the context and purpose of a statute will make one meaning the clearly right interpretation for a linguistic ambiguity, thereby eliminating any indeterminacy.108See Lawrence M. Solan, Linguistic Issues in Statutory Interpretation, in The Oxford Handbook of Language and Law 87, 89 (Lawrence M. Solan & Peter M. Tiersma eds., 2012).

In part, I agree with the critic and, in part, I disagree. I concede I have no quantitative measurement of how often courts are faced with linguistic ambiguity, so these cases may indeed be rare. Scholars have noted real examples where the courts have had to interpret linguistically ambiguous statutes, but it is not obvious how often such ambiguities appear.109Lawrence M. Solan, The Interpretation of Legal Language, 4 Ann. Rev. Linguistics 337, 342–43 (2018). Where I disagree with the critic is that I fail to see how this is a criticism. There is, at minimum, a conceptual problem at issue—the rules and principles of our legal system fail to conceptually form a coherent whole. The hypothetical example I used here lays bare a real incoherence in our legal system. Uncovering this previously unnoticed incoherence deepens our understanding of the rule of lenity. Moreover, even if linguistically ambiguous statutes are rare, the incoherence of the rule of lenity will still have other critical real-world consequences as the next Section of this Article will show.

B. Tax Law’s Rule of Lenity

Incongruous with its purpose to provide fair notice of punishment, the rule of lenity leads to narrow constructions of texts even outside of the criminal context. For instance, in United States v. Thompson/Center Arms Co., the Supreme Court, relying on the rule of lenity, assigned a narrow meaning to the phrase “making of a firearm” with regard to an excise tax levied on the manufacture of firearms under I.R.C. § 5821.110United States v. Thompson/Ctr. Arms Co., 504 U.S. 505, 518–19 (1992). The statute’s definition for “firearm” included short-barreled rifles, but excluded pistols and long-barreled rifles. The taxpayer packaged as one unit three parts that could be connected together: a shoulder stock, a pistol, and a barrel extension. As before, let us call this unit of three parts a “Thompson/Center kit.” Putting the three parts together would create a long-barreled rifle, on which no excise tax is laid. Putting just the shoulder stock and pistol together would create a short-barreled rifle on which excise tax is laid.

The Court stated that the manufacture of a Thompson/Center kit was not clearly an instance of making a firearm, but was also not clearly not an instance of making a firearm.111Id. at 513–17. Its next move, surprisingly, was to apply the rule of lenity. The Court assigned a narrow meaning such that only clearly making a firearm would count under § 5821. Since making the Thompson/Center kit is not clearly an instance of making a firearm, § 5821 does not here apply. Therefore, under the rule of lenity, the taxpayer need not pay any excise tax on the manufacture of a Thompson/Center kit.

The imposition of tax is a civil matter, not a criminal one. Thompson/Center Arms had paid the excise tax and was merely bringing suit to get a refund of those payments.112Id. Recall that the rule of lenity was justified under the context of punishment and the special kind of notice that the harshness of punishment demands.113See supra note 24 and accompanying text. It seems no more appropriate to apply the rule of lenity in a civil matter than it would to apply a beyond a reasonable doubt standard of evidence to civil trials.114See also Thompson/Ctr. Arms, 504 U.S. at 525–26 (Stevens, J., dissenting) (analyzing the incongruence between the purposes of civil law and the rule of lenity). So why was the rule of lenity being used within the context of tax law? The Court’s winding reasoning proceeds as follows. To begin, § 5871 imposes criminal penalties for nonpayment of the § 5821 excise tax on firearms. I.R.C. § 5821 is, by that fact, both a criminal statute and a tax statute (or “dual-purpose statute”).115Id. at 518 n.10. Therefore, the rule of lenity should apply to § 5821 within the context of criminal law to assign a narrow meaning to the phrase “making of a firearm.” The meaning of a single statute cannot fluctuate depending on what the statute is being used for.116United States v. Santos, 553 U.S. 507, 522–23 (2008). Other cases also echo this point. Justice Stevens, in his dissent for Thompson/Center, states that we should cabin the rule of lenity to criminal law. Thompson/Ctr. Arms, 504 U.S. at 525 (Stevens, J., dissenting). None of the other Justices agreed. I side with the eight Justices on the linguistic point, though I side with Justice Stevens that lenity must be cabined. See infra Section IV. This principle of consistency in statutory interpretation is well grounded.117But Ryan Doerfler argues that dual-purpose statutes sometimes have multiple meanings: one meaning in the civil context and another meaning in the criminal context. Doerfler, supra note 10, at 228–38. Given the technical nature of this topic, I would need a separate essay to address the multiple meanings argument in full. For the moment, I merely relegate a brief summary of my disagreement to this footnote. Almost everyone holds the Thompson/Center view of interpretation that statutes are univocal, with just one meaning across different contexts. Doerfler himself speaks as though almost everyone agrees that statutes are univocal—presumably, such universal assent is what makes Doerfler’s contrary conclusion so interesting. Id. at 213, 216–18, 223 (stating that courts would find Doerfler’s own conclusion to be “madness”). Central to Doerfler’s claim is his premise that Congress sometimes intended multiple meanings. Id. at 243. But how can Congress have the intention for multiple meanings if everyone believes that statutes have just one meaning? As a general principle, one cannot intend what one believes will fail. See generally Stephanie Rennick, Things Mere Mortals Can Do, but Philosophers Can’t, 75 Analysis 22, 23–24 (2015) (noting that this necessary condition for intention is widely accepted). For instance, I cannot intend to jump from the sidewalk to the roof of a skyscraper because I know I will not make it. (If you have doubts, I urge you to form such an intention yourself.) Similarly, legislators should believe readers will not interpret their statutes to have multiple meanings since the generally accepted view of interpretation, as mentioned above, is that statutes have just one meaning. Therefore, applying the principle that one cannot intend what one believes will fail, legislators cannot intend their statutes to communicate multiple meanings. (Using technical language of utterances, types, and tokens, it is easier to state this proposition more precisely: though a single utterance type may have multiplicity of meaning depending on context, a single utterance token cannot.118Lawrence B. Solum, The Fixation Thesis, 91 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1, 38 (2015). Types are the general abstractions, and tokens are the “particular concrete instances.” Id. at 37. Thus, the word “I,” qua type, could refer to any speaker of the term. Since the identity of the speaker is a feature of the context under which the word is being used, we say that the term “I” is context dependent. The word “I,” when used within a particular context, qua token, only refers to one person, the actual speaker. The same can be said of legal expression types, such as the Model Penal Code, which is replicated across many tokens by the state-by-state uptake of the model. Id. Note also that I use the term “utterance” broadly to encompass inscriptions. For helpful further discussion of the type-token distinction in the context of constitutional interpretation, see id. at 35–41. ) Therefore, if the rule of lenity requires assigning a narrow meaning to “making of a firearm” in the criminal law context, the narrow meaning assigned to “making of a firearm” applies to cases of civil tax law as well.

Thompson/Center stands for the principle that the rule of lenity properly applies to dual-purpose statutes. This abstract principle has left unresolved the concrete questions of exactly how lenity will change the interpretation and administration of civil law. Does lenity apply to all tax statutes? Where lenity does apply, what is its effect, counterfactually speaking? Though there is a lot of uncertainty in this area of jurisprudence, the following Sections analyze these two questions in order.

It should be noted that there are also dual-purpose statutes outside of the tax realm in areas ranging from securities law to environmental law, where violations of civil law can carry criminal penalties.119Doerfler, supra note 10 at 221. Thus, I intend for my analysis of lenity in tax law to be valuable in itself as well as serving as an illuminating case study for the problem more generally across the variety of dual-purpose statutes in the law.

1The “Willfulness” Requirement

The dual-purpose nature of tax law will serve as the starting point of the inquiry.120See Solan, supra note 60, at 2237–51 (discussing the limited application of the rule of lenity to dual purpose statutes). I.R.C. § 5821 is not the only statute that carries criminal penalties for non-compliance. I.R.C. §§ 7201 and 7203 assign criminal penalties to nonpayment and evasion of any tax imposed under the tax code, Title 26.121See Hickman, supra note 10, at 938–40. Similar provisions assign criminal penalties for various procedural violations.122E.g., I.R.C. § 7202. So, one might reasonably conclude that the rule of lenity ought to apply to the interpretation of tax laws generally.

However, the Court in Thompson/Center implies that the rule of lenity need not be applied to all tax laws because § 7201 and related statutes can only be violated if the taxpayer acts “willfully.”123United States v. Thompson/Ctr. Arms Co., 504 U.S. 505, 506 (1992). The willfulness requirement of § 7201 already builds in notice as a pre-condition of punishment since the willfulness requirement is a requirement that the taxpayer know of and understand the law that they are breaking. Though the opinion is not explicit about either the rule or the underlying principle, the Court appears to be taking the position that the willfulness requirement satisfies the requirement of fair notice,124However, the protection provided by the willfulness requirement is not strictly greater than the protection provided by the rule of lenity. Suppose that Thompson/Center Arms Co. was being tried criminally, and we had conclusive proof that the company believed it was breaking the law when it did not pay any excise taxes on the manufacture of Thompson/Center kits. This would be an instance of a defendant believing it is violating the law when it is only doing so with a borderline case. In such an instance, applying only the rule of lenity would provide protection for the defendant and applying only the willfulness requirement will not. Therefore, the protection provided by the willfulness requirement is not strictly (in the logical sense) greater than the protection provided by the rule of lenity; there are some cases in which defendants would prefer a rule of lenity over the willfulness requirement. The argument that willfulness acts as a dam against applying the rule of lenity must instead be grounded in the notion that fair notice exists to protect expectations. Insofar as the defendants believed they were breaking the law, it violates no expectation to punish them. As we have seen, however, the notice value is best understood as a structural claim about the legal system itself rather than any particular defendant. See supra Part I. so no application of the rule of lenity to the general tax law is required.125See Thompson/Ctr. Arms, 504 U.S. at 506–18; cf. United States v. O’Hagan, 521 U.S. 642, 644 (1997) (stating that a willfulness requirement negates what would otherwise be unfairness from applying an “indefinite” statute).

The Thompson/Center opinion’s use of the willfulness requirement as a dam against applying the rule of lenity is colorable, but not without cracks. The first crack in the dam is that not all tax statutes require willfulness. Thompson/Center presented just such a case, as § 5871 had no willfulness language. In those instances, it is clear that the rule of lenity should apply. The second crack in the dam is that it is not some necessity of tax law that its violations be punished only if such violations are willful. The willfulness requirement of tax law, as this Section argues, is contestable and contingent.

Generally, ignorance of the law is not an excuse.126Some lawyers may more easily recognize this doctrine in its Latin formulation as ignorantia legis neminem excusat. E.g., Vartelas v. Holder, 566 U.S. 257, 280 (2012) (Scalia, J., dissenting) (setting out the principle that ignorance of law is no excuse and its Latin formulation). One is not released from criminal liability for not having known about the existence of a law criminalizing that particular conduct. Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes gave an oft-cited defense of the doctrine, “to admit the excuse at all would be to encourage ignorance where the law-maker has determined to make men know and obey.”127Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., The Common Law 41 (Routledge 2019) (1881). Such a deterrence rationale satisfies the utilitarians.128See also Joshua Dressler, Understanding Criminal Law 159–60 (8th ed. 2018) (characterizing Justice Holmes’s “most commonly accepted explanation for the general no-defense rule” as utilitarian). See generally Jeremy Bentham, An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (Batoche Books 2000) (1781) (discussing the general principles of utilitarian views on punishment). Retributivists, in contrast, have tended to consider the mistake of law doctrine a thornier problem.129Though most contemporary legal philosophers are retributivists, mistake of law has mostly received utilitarian justifications. Douglas Husak, Mistake of Law and Culpability, 4 Crim. L. & Phil. 135, 135–36 (2010). In particular, retributivists have found the lack of an excuse for mistake of law unfair when applied to mala prohibitaoffenses130Dressler, supra note 128, at 158; Michael L. Travers, Comment, Mistake of Law in Mala Prohibita Crimes, 62 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1301, 1322–23 (1995). and in cases where the defendant was not culpable for his ignorance of the law.131Dressler, supra note 128, at 159; Husak, supra note 129, at 139 (characterizing the state of the literature and proposing some rebuttals).

Tax law presents an exception to the rule that mistake of law does not excuse. I.R.C. § 7201 provides that “[a]ny person who willfully attempts in any manner to evade or defeat any tax imposed by this title or the payment thereof shall, in addition to other penalties provided by law, be guilty of a felony.”132I.R.C. § 7201. The “willfulness” requirement of § 7201, as interpreted in Cheek v. United States, is a legislative exception to the rule that ignorance of law does not excuse.133Cheek v. United States, 498 U.S. 192, 205 (1991) (“[T]he willfulness requirement in the criminal provisions of the Internal Revenue Code . . . require[s] proof of knowledge of the law.”). However, statutes explicitly requiring willfulness are not always interpreted this way. At times, such statutes are construed to require only knowledge of the facts rather than the law. See, e.g., United States v. Overholt, 307 F.3d 1231, 1246 (10th Cir. 2002).

As the court stated in Cheek, the central idea behind this exception is that “[t]he proliferation of statutes and regulations has sometimes made it difficult for the average citizen to know and comprehend the extent of the duties and obligations imposed by the tax laws.”134Cheek, 498 U.S. at 199–200. Knowledge of a body of law as complicated as tax law requires either ability and effort devoted to understanding the requirements of tax law or the resources to hire an able person who has devoted time to studying the tax law. When the barrier to knowledge of tax law is so high, it would be unfair to punish individuals who have violated the tax law due to ignorantia legis.135See Dressler, supra note 128, at 158, 164–65. The Court’s reasoning thus echoes the aforementioned retributivists’ fairness concerns regarding cases in which defendants are not culpable for their ignorance of the law. For this reason, knowledge of law has been understood to be required for criminal liability across cases interpreting several criminal tax statutes.136Sharon L. Davies, The Jurisprudence of Willfulness: An Evolving Theory of Excusable Ignorance, 48 Duke L.J. 341, 344, 344 n.10 (1998).

Whether ignorance of tax law should be an excuse is a matter of balancing costs and benefits of such a rule. As the law becomes more complex, the unfairness of punishing a mistake of law increases.137Dressler, supra note 128, at 158. However, exempting mistake of law cases adds costs to the litigation process and lowers deterrence effects when people who know the law can credibly claim in court that they did not.1381 John Austin, Lectures on Jurisprudence: Or the Philosophy of Positive Law 498 (4th ed. 1879); Dressler, supra note 128, at 165 (“Courts would become hopelessly enmeshed in insoluble questions regarding the extent of a defendant’s true knowledge of the relevant law.”). Whereas legislatures have typically found that the balance tips against allowing ignorance of law as an excuse to criminal liability generally, Congress has found the balance tips in favor of allowing ignorance as an excuse when it comes to issues of tax law.139Though Congress has shown ready willingness to amend willfulness statutes in other areas when the courts have interpreted them to require knowledge of law, John Shepard Wiley Jr., Not Guilty by Reason of Blamelessness: Culpability in Federal Criminal Interpretation, 85 Va. L. Rev. 1021, 1077 (1999), there has been no such amendment to I.R.C. § 7201.

Reasonable minds, of course, can disagree with Congress about the outcome of the cost-benefit analysis. The cost-benefit balancing is contingent on not only the complexity of law and our valuation of the competing normative principles, but also the positive facts. For instance, suppose that the Treasury Department could provide a pre-populated tax return for low- and middle-income individuals. State-level implementation in California has been successful in providing pre-populated returns for those with simple tax situations,140Randall Stross, Why Can’t the I.R.S. Help Fill in the Blanks?, N.Y. Times (Jan. 23, 2010), http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/24/business/24digi.html [https://perma.cc/9KSA-4U2E]. Those with simple tax situations amount to roughly forty percent of California taxpayers. Joseph Bankman, Simple Filing for Average Citizens: The California ReadyReturn, 107 Tax Notes 1431, 1431 (June 13, 2005). and pre-populated tax returns could plausibly be implemented at the federal level as well,141Implementation at the federal level would require solving a few procedural issues, the main issue being “the lack of timely wage data at the federal (although not the state) level.” Bankman, supra note 140, at 1434. the proposal even having been a part of then-Senator Barack Obama’s presidential campaign platform.142Stross, supra note 140. Furthermore, most developed nations have return-free filing for low- and middle-income taxpayers, and such a system is not outside the realm of possibility in the United States.143Bankman, supra note 140, at 1434 (noting that such a reform would require certain changes in substantive tax law for accurate withholding at the source of income). If we were to resolve the compliance difficulties currently in our system for low- and middle-income taxpayers, then the case for removing willfulness becomes much stronger,144Cf. Cheek v. United States, 498 U.S. 192, 202 (1991) (noting that a tax return form and attached instructions could serve as evidence of knowledge of the contents of the instructions). perhaps overwhelming the reasons for keeping the willfulness requirement. If the Treasury were to do all of the legwork for the taxpayer, then complying with the tax law would require no greater intellectual sophistication than following criminal law generally.

Regardless of how one would, from one’s preferred moral and political valuations, balance the costs and benefits, I take it that we all agree that if the balance of reasons weighed against the willfulness requirement, Congress should be able to revise the language of I.R.C. § 7201 (and corresponding criminal tax statutes) to delete the word “willfully.” An amendment by the legislature that ignorance of the law does not absolve one of criminal liability in tax law, which is a matter of retributive justice, should not have enormous implications for the distribution of tax liabilities, a matter of distributive justice. Yet this is precisely the consequence of the too much lenity problem.

2. From Deference to Strict Construction

Following the question of to which statutes the rule of lenity will apply, the second question is what effect such an application will have when the rule does apply to a dual-purpose statute. Recall that the rule of lenity requires finding in favor of the defendant when the law is unclear. This interpretative stance is striking as an approach to tax law. Indeterminacy is a persistent problem for statutes, and the tax code is no exception.145See Hickman, supra note 10, at 908. Moving from an approach of uncovering the best interpretation of tax statutes to a taxpayer-wins approach in hard cases is a harsh blow to the tax law’s aims. An application of the rule of lenity is particularly harmful to the IRS’s enforcement efforts, as it is in the gaps of legal ambiguity where tax shelters thrive.146Id. at 932.

This issue becomes the clearest when comparing the rule of lenity to the general doctrines granting deference to the Treasury, and by extension the IRS, in interpreting the tax law. This comparison serves to analyze the counterfactual, the interpretative approach that would govern were lenity not to apply. An examination of the counterfactual brings to light just how starkly lenity contrasts in terms of both its purpose and effect.

Generally, when statutes are ambiguous, administrative agencies are granted deference (often called “Chevron deference”) by the courts in the agencies’ interpretation of the statutes they administer.147The deference regime is complex, but it begins with the case law Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Res. Def. Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837, 842–44 (1984); Nat’l Muffler Dealers Ass’n v. United States, 440 U.S. 472, 476–77 (1979); Skidmore v. Swift & Co., 323 U.S. 134, 139–40 (1944). The deference given to the IRS helps it to fill in the gaps of statutes in a way that comports with the aims of the tax code, collecting revenue in a just and efficient manner.148See also Hickman, supra note 10, at 909 (noting the role of deference in stopping abusive tax shelters).

In contrast, the Department of Justice, which prosecutes federal criminal offenses, receives no such deference in its interpretation of criminal statutes. Instead, it is well established that to afford it deference would be to run completely opposite the rule of lenity. Whereas the rule of lenity is a pro-defendant approach to interpretation, affording deference to the Justice Department would be pro-prosecution. As Justice Scalia has put it, to afford deference to the Justice Department would “turn the normal construction of criminal statutes upside-down” into “a doctrine of severity.”149Crandon v. United States, 494 U.S. 152, 178 (1990) (Scalia, J., concurring).

The doctrines of deference and lenity clearly juxtapose two distinct considerations about the right approach to take with regard to gaps in the law.150Hickman, supra note 10, at 912–17. On the lenity account, legal indeterminacy represents a rule of law failure and, in order to protect a path safe from punishment, citizens who fall under that penumbra cannot be punished. This account makes sense given the role of criminal law in carrying out retributive justice aims of punishment and moral condemnation. On the deference account, the gaps in the law ought to be filled by the expert, policy-driven approach of administrative agencies.151Id. at 932. This account makes sense given the role of tax law in coordinating distributive justice and revenue-raising functions. By cabining lenity to criminal law and deference to civil law, these opposing doctrines would have been kept aligned to their respective purposes, but under the Thompson/Center holding, lenity would apply to dual-purpose statutes that are being interpreted in the civil context. Even in cases that solely determine civil tax liability, instead of the interpretive regime that would best carry out the purposes of the tax law, the courts must employ a rule built to protect criminal defendants. The rule of lenity is incongruous with its purpose.

Without the kind of policy-driven approach permitted by Chevron, it is hard to imagine that there can be effective policing of tax shelters.152Id. at 932–33 (citing Chevron, 467 U.S. at 844–45). In order to distinguish between abusive tax shelters and permissible tax planning, the agencies must look to the general purpose of the tax laws. This is because tax shelters follow the letter of the tax law while going against the fundamental spirit of the tax code.153Dean & Solan, supra note 60, at 882–83; Steven A. Dean, Lawrence M. Solan & Lukasz Stankiewiez, Text, Intent and Taxation in the United States, the United Kingdom and France, in The Routledge Companion to Tax Avoidance Research, 139, 146 (Nigar Hashimzade & Yuliya Epifantseva eds., 2018); see also Noël B. Cunningham & James R. Repetti, Textualism and Tax Shelters, 24 Va. Tax Rev. 1, 2, 4 (2004) (noting that the rise of textualism has led tax advisors to be more aggressive in planning tax structures that go against the underlying purpose of tax law). Whereas deference allows the IRS to interpret statutes in line with the spirit of the law, lenity swings much closer to the textualist “letter of the law” interpretation. Foreign jurisdictions applying ordinary meaning textualist approaches to interpretation have struggled to strike down tax shelters,154Cunningham & Repetti, supra, note 153 at 27. and Thompson/Center threatens the same for the US system.155Cf. Dean & Solan, supra note 60, at 903–04 (noting that the most effective interpretative approach against tax shelters would swing far towards the purposive side of the spectrum).

As with the willfulness dam limiting the statutes to which lenity applies, the Court has partly walled off the deference due to some agency interpretations from Thompson/Center’s assault.156Nicholas R. Bednar & Kristin E. Hickman, Chevron’s Inevitability, 85 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 1392, 1426 (2017) (noting also that the relationship between lenity and Chevron is still unresolved). Though the tension is not yet fully resolved, the Supreme Court has laid out a middle way between the two competing doctrines for some dual-purpose statutes in Babbitt v. Sweet Home Chapter of Communities for a Greater Oregon, such that not all administrative interpretations will be stripped of deference.157Babbitt v. Sweet Home Chapter of Cmtys. for a Great Or., 515 U.S. 687, 704 n.18 (1995) (citing United States v. Thompson/Center Arms Co., 504 U.S. 505, 517–18 (1992)). According to the middle way, agency interpretations of dual-purpose statutes will still be granted deference if they satisfy fair notice principles. In Sweet Home, the Court noted that the agency interpretations satisfied fair notice because they came in the form of regulations that had been published for twenty years.158Id.

But the Sweet Home middle way is limited. Not all administrative interpretations come by longstanding published regulations. Thompson/Center, for instance, presented a case in which no regulations were present. In the spaces where the IRS has not passed longstanding, formal, law-like regulations or has passed regulations with language itself subject to competing interpretations, it appears that fair notice will not have been provided.159Hickman, supra note 10, at 923. These gaps are significant.160See also Chirelstein & Zelenak, supra note 12 (“As Congress closes one loophole, tax shelter designers find other glitches in the Code around which to build new shelters.”); Dean & Solan, supra note 60, at 904 (noting the importance of dealing with “individual shelters”). Practitioners (or indeed anyone familiar with the tax system) would vouch for the importance of informal, nonbinding IRS guidance on tax matters.161See Hickman, supra note 10, at 942. Abusive transactions exploiting legal ambiguities in the tax code are often noticed by the IRS only after a taxpayer has engaged in such transactions.162Id. at 932. For these cases, Thompson/Center would severely hinder the Service’s efforts in effectuating the purpose of the tax laws by shifting from a deference regime to lenity.163See id. at 942 (demonstrating the impact of lenity on IRS enforcement efforts).

Furthermore, the Sweet Home approach to deference has also drawn academic criticism for failing to coincide with the non-delegation principle, which would confine the morally laden task of drafting criminal law statutes to elected officials in the legislature.164Id. at 922–23. Chevron is essentially a delegation doctrine, recognizing the delegation of interstitial lawmaking authority from the legislature to the administrative agencies.165Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837, 843–44 (1984) (“If Congress has explicitly left a gap for the agency to fill, there is an express delegation of authority to the agency to elucidate a specific provision of the statute by regulation. . . . Sometimes the legislative delegation to an agency on a particular question is implicit rather than explicit. In such a case, a court may not substitute its own construction of a statutory provision for a reasonable interpretation made by the administrator of an agency.”) Since dual-purpose statutes serve criminal functions, allowing agency interpretations deference essentially puts the agencies in the role of filling in the criminal law and thereby violates the non-delegation principle. Agency deference ought to be limited to civil law just as the rule of lenity ought to be limited to the criminal law.

3. Legislative Solutions to the Too Much Lenity Problem

As I hope to demonstrate in this Article, I think that there are solutions to the too much lenity problem. Before getting to my preferred solution in Part IV, I discuss in this Section a possible legislative response and the difficulty it faces.

One possible response to the problem of too much lenity is for Congress to draft a separate criminal tax code and civil tax code. The problem of too much lenity arises when a criminal tax law refers to the language of a civil tax law. For instance, § 5871 states, “Any person who violates or fails to comply with any provision of this chapter shall, upon conviction, be fined not more than $10,000, or be imprisoned not more than ten years, or both.”166I.R.C. § 5871. The phrase “this chapter” refers to chapter 53 of the Internal Revenue Code, which governs the taxation of machine guns, destructive devices, and certain other firearms.167Id. §§ 5801–5872. It thereby requires substantive tax laws within chapter 53 to now perform double duty, assigning civil tax liability and serving as part of the criminal actus reus for § 5871.

Separating the two contexts through drafting may seem a reasonable solution at first, but thinking through how such a solution could be carried out leads to a primary difficulty. How could the legislature be able to draft language regarding the violation of tax law without referring to such laws? The content of the crime set out in § 5871 is that someone violated the tax law. And if this violation of the tax law is what we hold to be criminal, then it is hard to see how the criminal statute could be drafted without reference to the civil tax law.

The act/omission distinction partly explains the issue at hand. The distinction is ordinary and, so, should be familiar to most. To water a plant involves carrying out some willed bodily movement, an action.168See Michael S. Moore, Act and Crime: The Philosophy of Action and Its Implications for Criminal Law 28 (paperback ed. 2010). Omissions can best be understood negatively as the absence of a certain act. If you have agreed to water your friend’s plants while they are on vacation, then your failing to do so is an omission—an absence of the act of watering.169I borrow this example from Sarah McGrath, Causation by Omission: A Dilemma, 123 Phil. Stud. 125, 125 (2005). The law typically criminalizes acts; a major exception is in tax law, where omissions are criminalized.

Consider the language of 18 U.S.C. § 1584, which punishes “[holding another person] to involuntary servitude.”17018 U.S.C. § 1584. Holding another person to involuntary servitude is an act. The statute reflects the prohibition against involuntary servitude laid out in the Thirteenth Amendment171U.S. Const. amend. XIII, § 1. but, importantly, does not directly reference the Thirteenth Amendment.172Consider, by contrast, 18 U.S.C. § 241, which punishes conspiracy against any “right or privilege secured to [another] by the Constitution.” 18 U.S.C. § 241. This is a direct reference to the Constitution, which means the Constitution has criminal implications. Since § 1584 assigns punishment to an act, it need not refer to any other provision. It can merely replicate the language of the Thirteenth Amendment and punish holding others to “involuntary servitude.” And although this is an instance of replication between the Constitution and a statute, it is not hard to see how the same could be accomplished with replication between criminal law and civil law. The civil code can set out civil penalties for the conduct of such-and-such act and the criminal code can set out criminal penalties for the conduct of such-and-such act without either needing to directly reference the other.

In contrast, I.R.C. § 5871, and tax crimes more generally, punish non-compliance with respect to some legally required conduct, an omission. Since the omission is defined by the required conduct that one is omitting to do, one cannot spell out the omission without reference to the law that sets out the required conduct in the first place; insofar as that required conduct is a matter of civil tax law, that means that the criminal tax law must refer to the civil tax law. I.R.C. § 5871 must refer to § 5821 since § 5821 sets out the required conduct, the omission of which is punishable.

C. Higher-Order Vagueness

To make it easier to talk about the rule of lenity, let us stipulate another law and some facts about language. Suppose that there is a law prohibiting driving dangerously. The safe driving statute reads:

Whoever operates a motor vehicle or motorcycle on the public roads or highways at a dangerous speed, having regard for width, traffic, use, and the general and usual rules of such road or highway shall be fined not more than twenty-five dollars.

The half-fictive statute is based on former Oregon General Code Section 12603, which was upheld as a valid statute in State v. Schaeffer.173State v. Schaeffer, 117 N.E. 220, 226 (Ohio 1917). I borrow this example from Jeremy Waldron, Vagueness and the Guidance of Action, in Philosophical Foundations of Language in the Law 58, 59 (Andrei Marmor & Scott Soames eds., 2011).

Table 1.  Table of Stipulations (Stated Again Infra)

Statute’s Meaning

Analysis of Statute’s Meaning (Includes Borderline Instances)

Citizen’s Mental Representation of Statute’s Meaning (Only Prototypical Instances)

Dangerous Driving

60 mph or faster

70 mph or faster

Clearly Dangerous Driving

70 mph or faster

80 mph or faster

Clearly Clearly Dangerous Driving

80 mph or faster

90 mph or faster

Note: I encourage the reader to refer to this table while working through the following paragraphs. In order to state the problem, some unusual and technical locution must be used, so the graphical component of this table will aid in comprehension.

All reasonable people will admit that what counts as dangerous driving admits of borderline cases and is, thus, a vague predicate. Suppose by stipulation that 60 miles per hour (“mph”) is the cutoff for driving dangerously on Birch Avenue at 10 a.m. on Wednesday—one is dangerous if and only if one is driving at 60 mph or faster. Of course, driving at 60 mph is not prototypically dangerous, it is instead a borderline case. In fact, it is the border! Let us then stipulate that driving on Birch Avenue is clearly dangerous if and only if the car is going 70 mph or faster.174For those more technically inclined, I should specify that I am here, for exposition’s purpose, speaking under the assumption of truth of an epistemic theory of vagueness on which category membership is definite but sometimes unknowable. Stephen Schiffer, Philosophical and Jurisprudential Issues of Vagueness, in Vagueness and Law 23, 25, 26 n.3 (Geert Keil & Ralf Poscher eds., 2016). The problem with the rule of lenity noted in this Part, however, is not dependent on any particular theory of vagueness.

When a person reads the safe driving statute, their mental representation includes only these prototypical, clear instances of dangerous driving, or so the story of fair notice goes.175See supra notes 69–72 and accompanying text. Driving at 60 mph, borderline dangerous driving, never crosses the mind of Average Joe as dangerous as he drives down Birch Avenue at 60 mph. Thus, when Joe goes on trial, the judges apply a rule of lenity. They construe the statute to mean that Average Joe can only be found guilty for dangerous driving if he has driven clearly dangerously, not just borderline dangerously.176Moore, supra note 35. To do otherwise would be unfair to his natural reading of the statute and violate fair notice as a rule of law value. So a rule of lenity, which caters to expectations, now requires judges to only find a defendant guilty of dangerous driving if the car was moving at 70 mph or faster, for it is these speeds that are clearly dangerous. Joe has not violated the safe driving statute, the court rules.

From here, the story unravels. The key observation is that someone who knows about the rule of lenity will now actually have a narrower realm of expectation. Recall that the rule of lenity, as a canon of statutory interpretation, assigns meaning to the statute.177See supra note 60 and accompanying text. After Joe’s trial, the meaning of the statute changed from prohibiting dangerous driving to prohibiting clearly dangerous driving.178See Solan, supra note 60, at 2213 (“But once the courts interpret a statute . . . the ruling becomes part of the meaning of the statute . . . .”). So suppose Steve knows that courts have applied the rule of lenity with respect to the safe driving statute because he read the opinion from Joe’s verdict. Whereas Joe read the statute to mean that “dangerous” driving is prohibited, Steve rightly reads the statute to mean “clearly dangerous” driving is prohibited. The ultimate authorities on the meaning of statutes are the courts,179H.L.A. Hart, The Concept of Law 141 (3d ed. 2012); see Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137, 177 (1803) (“It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is.”). and the courts have stated that the safe driving statute means do not drive clearly dangerously. Steve knows from reading the opinion from Joe’s case that if he drives dangerously but only barely so such that he is still a borderline rather than prototypical case of dangerous driving, he will then be outside the ambit of the statute. The rule Joe follows is do not drive dangerously. The rule Steve follows is do not drive clearly dangerously. Since Joe and Steve have different propositional contents for the rules that they are following, they will also have different mental representations. If Steve expects that he will only be in violation of the statute for clearly dangerous driving, he will conjure the mental image of a prototypical clearly dangerous speed, not a borderline clearly dangerous speed. In other words, if mental representations of concepts are just those of prototypical instances, as discussed in Section I.B., then the mental representation that Joe has is of clearly dangerous driving while the mental representation that Steve has is of clearly clearly dangerous driving. The crux of the issue is that “clearly dangerous” is itself a vague predicate—what counts as clearly dangerous driving admits of both clear and borderline cases. This is the recursive phenomenon of higher-order vagueness, vagueness about the borderline cases.180For an account of higher-order vagueness in law, see also Moore, supra note 35, at 134, 134 nn.18–19; Raz, supra note 37.

Driving at 70 mph is a borderline case of clearly dangerous driving. Driving at 70 mph, however, is not clearly clearly dangerous driving. It is merely clearly dangerous. The mental representation of dangerous driving that Steve has upon reading the statute with the rule of lenity in mind—the propositional content of which is do not drive clearly dangerously—is driving at 80 mph or greater. Thus, Steve does not expect to be found guilty of dangerous driving when he drives at 70 mph. Applying exactly the same sort of reasoning that justified having the rule of lenity in the earlier case, a court system ought now to adopt a double rule of lenity to deal with the issues caused by second-order vagueness; otherwise, they will violate Steve’s expectations and the rule of law value of fair notice. Steve can be found guilty of dangerous driving only if he drove clearly clearly dangerously—at 80 mph or greater.

Such reasoning can continue ad-infinitum, adding the clearly adverb with each iteration of higher-order vagueness.181Just as there is second-order vagueness, there is third-order vagueness, fourth-order vagueness, and so forth. See also Raz, supra note 37 (discussing higher-order vagueness as a requisite of any plausible theory of vagueness). In order to protect fair notice, there must be the triple rule of lenity, the quadruple rule, the quintuple . . . . But surely this is absurd.182I note here that higher-order vagueness may be asymptotic such that, once there are enough clearly adverbs, there are no real differences in the velocity of a clearly^n dangerous speed and a clearly^n+1 dangerous speed. If higher-order vagueness is so asymptotic, an infinite rule of lenity may be more palatable than if higher-order vagueness is not so asymptotic, but I suspect that most will find the infinite rule of lenity absurd even if higher-order vagueness were asymptotic. Since we plainly ought not adopt an infinite rule of lenity—lest we let many dangerous drivers go free—and fair notice does seem to be an important rule of law value in criminal law, something has gone quite wrong. Citizens who read a statute after the rule of lenity has been applied are failing to receive fair notice of punishment. Call this the “higher-order vagueness problem.”

Many readers, when presented with my argument above, have responded that the court ought to draw clear boundaries in order to avoid the higher-order vagueness problem. On their account, instead of changing the meaning from dangerous to clearly dangerous, the court should instead state something akin to “we hereby stipulate that any speeds at 70 mph or greater will count as dangerous driving for the purpose of the safe driving statute.” Whereas “clearly dangerous” is vague, “70 mph or greater” is a bright line rule. No problem of higher-order vagueness is presented for “70 mph or greater.” Steve, when reading this opinion, should have a clear mental representation that 70 mph driving is prohibited by law.

The problem with such a response is that it fails to notice that this discussion has thus far been using elliptical construction to hide the context dependence of the statute. The safe driving statute states that the notion of dangerous speed must be understood in the context of “width, traffic, use, and the general and usual rules of such road or highway.” Even if the court draws clear boundaries in one context, it leaves the other contexts open. 70 mph is a clearly dangerous speed for driving on Birch Avenue at 10 a.m. on Wednesday. But what counts as a dangerous speed on Grove Street at 8 p.m. on Saturday or MLK Boulevard at 4 p.m. on Tuesday? Surely, the court cannot delineate what counts as dangerous for every width, traffic, use, and the general and usual rules of every road and highway. And what of vague predicates that reject quantification altogether, such as the No Vehicles in the Park statute? How would a court draw up a bright line rule for the meaning of “vehicle”? The courts are severely limited in their ability to draw bright line rules. In most cases, they must simply apply the rule of lenity to restrict the meaning of a vague statute to only its prototypical instances, thus leading to the higher-order vagueness problem.

1. Technical Bookkeeping

For most legal scholars, the above Section should be convincing on its own. For these scholars, I recommend skipping this addendum on the more technical workings of the intuitive story set out above. Those more inclined to debate the theoretical foundations of law may disagree with how I have presented the issues above. Here, I respond to such disagreements.

In the above example of Steve and Joe, some theoretical premises were implicit in how I laid out the example. Premise one, legal realism is false. Premise two, judges assign meaning when applying the rule of lenity. Premise three, there is a fact of the matter about the borders of vague predicates, but such facts are unknowable (in other words, epistemicism). The higher-order vagueness problem is not dependent on these premises. Even if all three premises were false, I would need to revise only the manner in which the problem is laid out, not the substance.

The first two premises get to at what point Steve can rightly have the expectation that the law only punishes clearly dangerous driving. For instance, suppose the first premise is false and legal realism is true. According to legal realism (or, more precisely, legal realism as characterized by H.L.A. Hart), the law is whatever a judge will say it is.183Hart, supra note 179, at 65, 65 n.1, 146; Brian Leiter, American Legal Realism, in The Blackwell Guide to the Philosophy of Law and Legal Theory 50, 61 (Martin P. Golding & William A. Edmundson eds., 2005). If that is the case, then Steve need not wait for the court to actually apply any rule of lenity for he knows they will. Legal realism states that the fact the court will apply the rule of lenity makes it currently the case that the statute has a narrow meaning. And if the future fact that judges will apply the rule of lenity is current law, then Steve should think, even before Joe’s case is heard, that the law prohibits clearly dangerous driving. The only difference here is a matter of timing. Was the meaning of the statute made narrow by the rule of lenity or was it always narrow since the rule of lenity will be applied when the meaning of the statute is litigated? Either way, the problem of higher-order vagueness stands.

Regarding the second premise, recall the earlier argument in Part II that the rule of lenity stipulates rather than figures out what the statute means. Though canons of statutory interpretation typically seek to figure out the existing meaning of a statute, substantive canons like the rule of lenity instead assign meaning to a statute based on normative considerations.184Eskridge et al., supra note 61, at 448–49. The rule of lenity is not a rule of interpretation in substance since it is not concerned with figuring out what the words mean.185See also Balkin, supra note 84 (distinguishing between construction and interpretation proper). The construction/interpretation distinction also explains why the higher-order vagueness problem does not have a parallel issue in ordinary cases of interpretation. Where the statute is being interpreted to figure out its meaning, the court’s ruling about a specific case does not assign or change the meaning of the statute. Without any change in meaning, there is no new expectation to have, other than perhaps the knowledge that one or another thing is included or excluded from a general category set out in the statute. When the courts are applying the rule of lenity, it is often within the space of indeterminacy, where meaning has run out.186Callanan v. United States, 364 U.S. 587, 596 (1961). That courts change, rather than interpret, the meaning of a statute when they apply the rule of lenity (premise two above) was a key part of how I originally framed the higher-order vagueness problem.

Suppose, arguendo, the second premise is false and that the rule of lenity is a way of uncovering the existing meaning of the statute. That is, the safe driving statute already has a narrow meaning before it is ever litigated, and in litigation, judges are merely uncovering the existing meaning rather than changing the meaning to implement normative principles. This would make the rule of lenity a rule of statutory interpretation in substance. Even so, the higher-order vagueness problem remains. Again, the only thing that changes is that Steve, if he understands the already existing meaning of the statute, should think that only clearly dangerous driving is prohibited without needing to know about Joe’s case. As with the legal realism premise, the only change here is a matter of timing.

Finally, I have been speaking as if there is a definite fact of the matter about the category membership of borderline instances of a predicate and that we do not know such facts. I find the supposition of epistemicism an easy way to talk about vagueness,187See supra note 172 and accompanying text. but its falsity does not solve the higher-order vagueness problem. The higher-order vagueness problem arises from the general features of vagueness that all theories of vagueness must accommodate:(1) vague predicates have borderline cases that cannot be clearly categorized either as or as not members of such predicates; (2) when reading a vague statute, the reader’s mind tends to conjure up only the clear cases and not the borderline cases; and (3) the question of which items are clear or borderline cases of vague predicates is itself infected with vagueness, thus necessitating distinctions between, for example, clearly clearly dangerous driving and borderline clearly dangerous driving. Features (1) and (2) necessitate a rule of lenity to provide fair notice, and feature (3) kicks the problem one level up each time that the rule of lenity is applied such that features (1) and (2) now apply to the higher level. All three features are theory-independent phenomena.

IV. LENITY AS EXCUSE: REVISING THE DOCTRINE

I have thus far noted the discrepancy between the rule of lenity’s purpose and outcome as well as three doctrinal problems that arise from the discrepancy. The rule of lenity cannot resolve cases of linguistic ambiguity. The rule of lenity extends into civil law. The rule creates higher-order issues of fair notice. Further, I have argued that such problems are foundational to the rule of lenity as it is currently applied. If my arguments are sound, then we must revise the jurisprudential approach to indeterminate criminal law at the foundation. But what should such revisions look like? This Part examines the fundamental nature of the courts’ current lenity jurisprudence and how it ought to be rectified in a way that maintains rule of law values.

On my diagnosis, the issue is that the courts have understood the rule of lenity to be a canon of statutory construction. As a canon of statutory construction, it determines the meaning of the statute to which it applies.188See supra note 60 and accompanying text. Call such a doctrine the semantic rule of lenity. The meaning of statutes is not the right instrument by which to implement the demands of notice in punishment. As I have thus far argued in this Article, statutory interpretation is too blunt a tool for the fine purpose of protecting fair notice.

In some sense, it should not be surprising that the semantic rule of lenity runs into technical problems. The originators of the rule of lenity likely did not foresee the three doctrinal problems I have listed here. The rule of lenity, which traces back to sixteenth century England, predates both the advent of the Internal Revenue Code and contemporary linguistics.189Livingston Hall, Strict or Liberal Construction of Penal Statutes, 48 Harv. L. Rev. 748, 750 (1935). Ideally, we should like to reconceptualize the rule of lenity such that we avoid the three doctrinal problems while maintaining its function carrying out rule of law values.

The semantic rule of lenity should be replaced by what I will call the lenity excuse. There ought to be an affirmative defense available to defendants in those instances in which the defendants’ actions were within the penumbra of an indeterminate criminal statute without changing the meaning of that statute.190Likely, the most straightforward way to replace the semantic rule of lenity with the lenity excuse would require both legislative and judicial support. First, judges must abandon the use of the semantic rule of lenity. Second, there should be new legislation permitting lenity as a general excuse limited to criminal cases. It is unclear whether courts acting alone could accomplish the task. Depending on one’s more foundational jurisprudential views, this is either a refashioning of the rule of lenity or the addition of a novel common law defense. For instance, one might read Justice Stevens’s dissent in Thompson/Center, in which he states that the rule of lenity ought to be cabined to the criminal realm, as consistent with the “refashioning” view as Justice Stevens appears to want to keep the application of the rule of lenity without changing the meaning of the tax statute. See United States v. Thompson/Ctr. Arms Co., 504 U.S. 505, 525–26 (1992) (Stevens, J., dissenting). Alternatively, one may view it as a new common law defense. Although federal criminal law does not allow expansion of criminal liability through common law, there is a history of contraction of criminal liability through the use of common law defenses. See Stephen S. Schwartz, Comment, Is There a Common Law Necessity Defense in Federal Criminal Law?, 75 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1259, 1268 (2008); see also George P. Fletcher, The Nature of Justification, in Action and Value in Criminal Law 175, 180 (Stephen Shute, John Gardner & Jeremy Horder eds., 1993) (“The legislature is supreme in defining offences, but not in specifying the range of possible defences that can negate the inference of wrongdoing from the commission of an offence.”). The issue is that federal courts have portrayed the introduction of such defenses as a matter of statutory construction, see, e.g., Dixon v. United States, 548 U.S. 1, 24–26 (2006) (Breyer, J., dissenting) (detailing the common law defenses available in federal criminal law as a matter of statutory construction); see also Jessica A. Roth, The Anomaly of Entrapment, 91 Wash. U. L. Rev. 979, 993–95 (2014) (detailing the introduction of the entrapment defense in federal courts as an application of their province of statutory construction), whereas the point of my proposed revision to lenity is to avoid the semantic conclusions that come by way of statutory construction. Perhaps courts could construe the excuse of lenity as a matter of constitutional due process under the Fourteenth Amendment. Since not even the rule of lenity is understood to be a constitutional mandate, Cass R. Sunstein, Nondelegation Canons, 67 U. Chi. L. Rev. 315, 332 (2000), such an argument may be a reach. Given its mere tangential relevance, I leave this matter of constitutional law unresolved. Because the new rule would operate as an excusing condition, the mere fact that the law did not unambiguously criminalize a defendant’s conduct would be sufficient to negate any liability for criminal defendants in the same way that duress or insanity would negate liability. In this way, lenity would function like other excuses (such as duress or insanity) that absolve defendants of criminal liability when it would be unfair to punish them.191See Model Penal Code §§ 2.09(1), 4.01 (Am. L. Inst., Proposed Official Draft 1962).

In the remainder of this Part, I will argue that my proposed revision to lenity would not only be pragmatic, solving the three doctrinal problems that plagued the semantic rule of lenity, but also conceptually fruitful, helpfully tying together the purpose of lenity with that of other excuses.

A. The Categorical Unity of Lenity and Excuse

In order to understand the categorical unity between lenity and excuse, one must first understand two foundational concepts and their relation to one another: affirmative defense and excusing condition. In criminal law, the establishment of an affirmative defense will absolve the defendant of criminal liability even if the prosecution has established case that all elements of the offense are present.192Kadish et al., supra note 83, at 817. A paradigmatic example is the excuse of duress. Suppose, for instance, that a defendant has stolen cash from his friend’s wallet because a thug made a credible threat to kill the defendant unless the defendant stole from his friend and gave it to the thug.193Or, if one prefers an example in which the threatened harm is less harmful than the defendant’s evil conduct, one can replace my example with the example of a browbeater who threatens to bust the defendant’s kneecaps unless the defendant aids the browbeater in the browbeater’s killing of the victim. See Moore, supra note 39, at 36 (noting the possibility of “justificatory readings of duress” and using a similar example). Which example we use will make no difference here so long as we focus on the nature of duress as an excuse. Even if the prosecution can establish that all elements of the larceny offense are present, the defendant may appeal to the defense of duress, which absolves a defendant of criminal liability if the defendant was threatened with “unlawful force . . . , which a person of reasonable firmness . . . would have been unable to resist.”194Model Penal Code § 2.09(1) (Am. L. Inst., Proposed Official Draft 1962).

For the second concept, that of excusing conditions, this Article will follow the analysis by H.L.A. Hart. Rather than defining the term, Hart provides a non-exhaustive list of its members: “Mistake, Accident, Provocation, Duress, and Insanity.”195Hart, supra note 33, at 31. Unlike other analyses of excuses, which tend to center their focus around the defendant’s moral responsibility,196Id. at 35. If one prefers the alternative analyses under which excuses are essentially exculpatory, they may also prefer to think of lenity as a public policy defense rather than an excuse. A public policy defense absolves a defendant of punishment for a reason of public policy, the public policy at issue for the rule of lenity being the rule of law value of fair notice. This would align the rule of lenity with doctrines like diplomatic immunity and the rule against double jeopardy. See Paul H. Robinson, Criminal Law Defenses: A Systematic Analysis, 82 Colum. L. Rev. 199, 230–31 (1982) (describing the public policy defense category). I take it that there is no substantive disagreement. Hart’s analysis of excusing conditions focuses on their role in protecting liberty.197Hart, supra note 33, at 44–50. Hart finds excuses to be valuable because they provide for citizens the valuable ability to predict in what instances one will be punished and to avoid such instances through one’s own will.198Id. at 45.

Return to the duress example above. If the defendant stole from the defendant’s friend because a gunman threatened to kill the defendant otherwise, the duress excuse would absolve the defendant of criminal liability.199Model Penal Code § 2.09(1) (Am. L. Inst., Proposed Official Draft 1962). If there was no such excuse available, then it would be very difficult for a citizen to ensure they avoid punishment. In such a system, the citizen cannot guarantee that they will avoid punishment as a result of two factors working in conjunction. Firstly, to the extent one has no control over what a violent gunman will do, one cannot guarantee that one will not be threatened by a gunman. Second, to the extent that it is near impossible to resist the orders of a gunman, one cannot guarantee that one will not commit the crime the gunman demands. Thus, without a duress excuse, whether or not one will go to jail would depend on the unpredictable whims of a gunman. In such a case, it cannot be said that the individual had a genuine choice to avoid the law’s criminal sanctions.200Hart, supra note 33, at 47–48. The duress excuse eliminates this worry by ensuring that, in this unpredictable circumstance, one will be saved from punishment.

As argued in Section I.B, fair notice of the criminal laws is also an essential part of citizens’ having a genuine choice to avoid punishment. Fair notice is essential because it gives citizens an opportunity to figure out which actions are subject to punishment under the law. For instance, if the government chose not to publish the criminal laws but instead keep them private, an ordinary person would not have the ability to figure out which actions will be met with punishment. Although Hart himself did not explicitly consider the question of whether or not fair notice doctrines should be understood as excuses, his theory and its implications are clear. In order to protect the choice to avoid punishment, Hart plainly states that citizens must be given the ability to “find out, in general terms at least, the costs they have to pay if they act in certain ways.”201Id. at 44.

Thus, lenity’s purpose of protecting the choice to avoid punishment aligns the doctrine more closely with the domain of excuse than the domain of statutory interpretation. Given the theoretical unity between lenity and excuse, it may be instructive to look to how other excuses are applied in the criminal law and consider whether lenity should be given the same treatment.

Many excusing conditions, such as duress and insanity, are employed as affirmative defenses under the law.202Model Penal Code §§ 2.09(1), 4.03 (Am. L. Inst., Proposed Official Draft 1962). In these instances, we take it as obvious that if what we want to do is free the defendant, then we should do that directly by permitting a defense, rather than indirectly through changing what a statute means. I propose here that the same treatment be given to lenity, allowing for defendants to simply avoid punishment in instances where the statute was indeterminate with respect to the defendant’s behavior without constraining the meaning of that term as the current semantic rule of lenity does.

Excuses are often understood in contrast to another category of affirmative defense: justifications. In the legal context, both serve as affirmative defenses requiring acquittal even where the prosecution has established the case that all elements of the offense are present.203Kadish et al., supra note 83, at 817. Interestingly, whether an act is justified or excused affects differently the conduct rules of those around the actor. “In sum, when the defendant’s act is justified (worthy of approval), everyone may help him, and no one may hinder him. When the defendant’s act is excused (worthy of sympathy, but not approval), no one may help him and everyone may hinder him.” Leo Katz, Bad Acts and Guilty Minds: Conundrums of the Criminal Law 65 (1987). However, as a moral matter getting at the theoretical grounding of the doctrines, the two categories of defense diverge on the question of why acquittal is required. Justifications defeat what would otherwise be a prohibition against acting in a particular way. It turns what would ordinarily be prohibited into a permissible act. A standard example is self-defense. Killing another is ordinarily impermissible, but not so if done in self-defense.204Judith Jarvis Thomson, Self-Defense, 20 Phil. & Pub. Aff. 283, 283 (1991). Someone who kills another in self-defense has done nothing wrong.205Id. This contrasts sharply with the nature of excuse, which presupposes the wrongfulness of the act done.206Fletcher, supra note 190, at 178. To use the duress example, we would say that the defendant did something wrong by stealing, but only did so because the coercive threat left them no choice otherwise. Both excuse and justification absolve the actor of criminal liability, but justifications do so by negating the impermissibility of the actions whereas excuses affirm that the actions were impermissible but absolve the actor for a reason standing outside the wrongfulness of the act itself.207See H.L.A. Hart, Prolegomenon to the Principles of Punishment, in Punishment and Responsibility: Essays in the Philosophy of Law, supra note 24, at 1, 13–14.

By leveraging the distinction between a justification and an excuse, one can see why the lenity excuse better accords with our intuitions regarding notice as a rule of law value as opposed to the semantic rule of lenity. Like justification, the semantic rule of lenity redraws the lines of what is permissible and what is impermissible behavior. By giving the statute a narrow construction, the semantic rule shrinks what counts as impermissible behavior. But in many cases in which the rule of lenity is applied, we see that the defendants really did do some harmful act, such as disposing of an object that could serve as evidence208Yates v. United States, 574 U.S. 528, 528–30 (2015). and transporting a stolen airplane across state lines.209McBoyle v. United States, 283 U.S. 25, 26–27 (1931). Therefore, the semantic rule of lenity fails to accord with the reason why we acquit defendants who conduct non-prototypical criminal activities. The reason we acquit them is that it would be unfair, from a rule of law perspective, to punish an act without clear notification that such an act would be punished, not that the defendants have clean hands.210See supra Section I.B.

Under the lenity excuse, a criminal defendant would be absolved of liability for their actions if their actions were not clearly within the meaning of the criminal statute without needing to change the meaning of said statute. The underlying conduct rule, for example, the rule prohibiting dangerous driving, does not change. The law can stand both for the proposition that a citizen acted wrongfully and the proposition that punishing the individual, despite their wrongful acts, would violate our rule of law principles. Refashioning lenity from a canon of statutory interpretation to an excusing condition essentially allows us to have our cake and eat it too. The lenity excuse protects the safe path principle while still maintaining the best interpretation of the statute.

B. Solving the Three Doctrinal Problems

Recall the earlier discussion of the hypothetical Bank Safety Act, which criminalizes starting a fire within one hundred feet of a bank.211See supra Section III.A. We stipulated there that “bank” was ambiguous between a river bank and a financial bank and that Defendant A had set fire next to a financial bank and Defendant B had set fire next to a river bank.212See supra Section III.A. The semantic rule of lenity does not resolve such a situation since either reading of “bank” would absolve only one of the two defendants of guilt. However, since neither defendant received fair notice that their act would be criminalized due to the linguistic ambiguity of the Bank Safety Act, the fair notice purpose would require absolving both of guilt.

Under a lenity excuse regime, the situation is neatly resolved. The court, for all defendants, need only ask the question whether either one of their actions were unambiguously criminalized by the law. Ex hypothesi, due to the linguistic ambiguity inherent in the statute, neither defendants’ actions were unambiguously criminalized, so both defendants would be absolved of culpability. The same would go for any case of linguistic ambiguity in criminal statutes, mutatis mutandis. Thus, the outcome of the lenity excuse is consistent with what fair notice demands.

The semantic rule of lenity problematically extended past its purpose of fair notice in punishment by applying in purely civil contexts. With the lenity excuse, a statute used in both criminal and tax law contexts can be given the best interpretation rather than the narrowest construction, so tax law’s civil purposes are protected. Nevertheless, the lenity excuse can still apply in criminal contexts, which is the context in which fair notice is required due to the special status of punishment. Although the meaning of an inscription must, for linguistic reasons, stay constant across contexts,213See supra note 116 and accompanying text. no such principle of consistency applies to affirmative defenses at law. The law can, and does, permit defenses in criminal law that are not available in civil law.214E.g., 18 U.S.C. § 17 (providing an insanity defense for criminal prosecutions). Insofar as we have a principled reason, namely the special status of punishment, a company like Thompson/Center Arms Co. could leverage the excuse of lenity to avoid punishment for the manufacture of Thompson/Center kits, but it should not have such an excuse when courts are determining its civil tax liability, such as whether the firearms excise tax applies to the production of Thompson/Center kits. This solves the too much lenity problem.

The semantic rule of lenity, by assigning meaning to a statute, led to fair notice problems caused by higher-order vagueness. With the excuse of lenity, there is no need to assign any particular narrow construction to the statute itself. Without any new assignment of meaning, studious potential criminals have no reason to have different expectations of what violates the criminal law after reading an opinion employing the lenity excuse. The court instead affirms, for instance, that borderline dangerous driving of 60 mph is still dangerous, though it absolves the defendant who drove at 60 mph of criminal liability since that would not have been the defendant’s expectation from reading the statute. The sovereign command remains don’t drive dangerously rather than changing to do not drive clearly dangerously, and no double rule of lenity is required. Joe, who drove at 60 mph will be able to benefit from the lenity excuse because his actions were not clearly prohibited by the vague safe driving statute; Steve, who drove at 70 mph will not be able to benefit from the excuse. Steve’s driving was clearly dangerous and, since the conduct rule remains do not drive dangerously as opposed to do not drive clearly dangerously, Steve has received fair notice that his actions would be punished. The excuse of lenity thereby solves the higher-order vagueness problem.

The reader may here object that a problem parallel to the higher-order vagueness problem nevertheless remains. Can Steve not say that he thought himself to be following the law given that there is an excuse of lenity that absolves borderline dangerous driving of culpability? To put the force of the counterargument another way, what is the difference between saying, as the semantic rule of lenity does, that clearly dangerous driving is prohibited and saying, as the excuse of lenity does, that dangerous driving is prohibited but borderline dangerous driving is excused?

The key distinction is that although the semantic rule of lenity is directly construing the statutory conduct rule, an excuse is not meant to guide conduct. It would be quite odd to think that the presence of excuses in the criminal law is tantamount to the law’s saying, “If you are planning to commit homicide, please make sure you are insane or under duress.” Excuses are instead best understood as addressing the government on how to adjudicate questions of criminal culpability.215Fletcher, supra note 190; Robinson, supra note 75, at 372. The criminal law permits excuses sotto voce.

This sotto voce feature of excuses may be analogized to the same in statutes of limitations. A five-year statute of limitations on assault, for example, is not to let citizens know that they are permitted to assault others so long as they can lay low for the next five years.216Fletcher, supra note 190, at 184–85. If the government were to amend the statute of limitations to seven years, an assaulter cannot complain of unfairness.217See id. It would be on its face ridiculous for the criminal to complain, “I assaulted someone yesterday thinking I would only have to hide for five years, not seven. You are treating me unfairly!” Likewise, because excuses are not conduct rules, the rule of law principle that citizens be given fair notice of which conduct is prohibited does not apply to excuses.218Gardner, supra note 24, at xlvii; Robinson, supra note 75, at 371–76, 379. Therefore, the excuse of lenity does not require a “second-order” excuse of lenity, thereby resolving the higher-order vagueness problem.

C. Other Justifications for the Semantic Rule of Lenity

I have argued in the previous Section that an excuse of lenity best aligns the doctrine with its rule of law purpose of fair notice while the semantic rule of lenity does not. Though the value of fair notice is the most often cited justification for the rule of lenity,219Kahan, supra note 20, at 349, 349 n.13. it is certainly not the only justification for such a long-standing and august doctrine of criminal law. Ideally, the excuse of lenity would be consistent with these other justifications as well—it would be a shame to throw out any babies with the bathwater. In this Section, I consider the other justifications for the rule of lenity and demonstrate how the excuse of lenity is consistent with such aims.

The first set of reasons significantly different from fair notice for having the rule of lenity includes those that are still closely connected to restricting the scope of criminalization. The rule of lenity “constrains the discretion of law enforcement officials”;220Id. at 345. it is a speed bump against over-criminalization in the United States;221See Stephen F. Smith, Proportionality and Federalization, 91 Va. L. Rev. 879, 939 (2005). and it protects the (relatively) politically powerless citizens who would have a hard time organizing to change the criminal code.222William N. Eskridge, Jr., Philip P. Frickey & Elizabeth Garrett, Legislation and Statutory Interpretation 357 (2d ed. 2006); William N. Eskridge, Jr., Overriding Supreme Court Statutory Interpretation Decisions, 101 Yale L.J. 331, 413 (1991). Since the excuse of lenity likewise works to restrict the scope of criminalization by offering a functional near-equivalent of the rule of lenity in the criminal context,223Although the excuse of lenity, like the semantic rule of lenity, ultimately results in absolving defendants of culpability when statutes did not unambiguously criminalize their behavior, the excuse of lenity is only “near-equivalent” because it actually provides greater protections to criminal defendants when it comes to issues of lexical ambiguity in statutes. See supra Section IV.B. all of these purposes are also carried out by the excuse of lenity.

Another category of reasons in favor of the rule of lenity involves the notion that criminal law is solely the province of the legislature, the non-delegation principle.224Hickman, supra note 10, at 912, 912 n.27. Again, the functional near-equivalence between the semantic rule of lenity and the excuse of lenity within the criminal context will explain why the excuse of lenity can do much of the work that the semantic rule of lenity currently does. Whenever the excuse of lenity applies, because the excuse will be dispositive of the case, the courts need not resolve the indeterminacy of the criminal statute at hand. Courts will need to resolve penumbral issues in dual-purpose statutes, but this will not make a difference for criminal liability since the excuse of lenity will be available when defendants fall into the penumbra. Since defendants can leverage the excuse against vague statutes in court, it will, like the semantic rule of lenity, put the impetus on Congress to draft clearer statutes.225This argument in favor of the rule of lenity is provided in William N. Eskridge, Jr. & Philip P. Frickey, Quasi-Constitutional Law: Clear Statement Rules as Constitutional Lawmaking, 45 Vand. L. Rev. 593, 600 (1992).

There is one reason in favor of the semantic rule of lenity that does not apply to the excuse of lenity: the semantic rule of lenity has a long history.226Scalia, supra note 64. The rule of lenity originated in sixteenth-century England227Livingston Hall, Strict or Liberal Construction of Penal Statutes, 48 Harv. L. Rev. 748, 749–50 (1935). and has survived in application to the present day. This is indeed a value lost if we were to do away with the semantic rule of lenity, but its importance ought to be put in proper perspective. Though the semantic rule of lenity’s history is long, canons of statutory interpretation are not law and do not have precedential effect.228Kisor v. Wilkie, 139 S. Ct. 2400, 2444 (2019) (Gorsuch, J., concurring); Abbe R. Gluck, Intersystemic Statutory Interpretation: Methodology as “Law” and the Erie Doctrine, 120 Yale L.J. 1898, 1902, 1909–10 (2011) (“The U.S. Supreme Court generally does not treat its statements about statutory interpretation methodology as law.”).

V. COUNTERARGUMENTS AND RESPONSES

In this Part, I consider some arguments specifically against the existence of the too much lenity problem, the higher-order vagueness problem, and the excuse of lenity. The central counterarguments are (1) the tax law is best construed narrowly in civil contexts, so the “too much lenity problem” is actually a feature, not a bug, of the semantic rule of lenity, and (2) if the legislature were to announce that there is no rule of lenity, then the higher-order vagueness problem dissipates due to the fact that individuals are now on notice that statutes will be construed according to the intent of the legislature. Both arguments are important because they go to the theoretical foundations of this Article.

A. Tax Law Would Be Better Off If the Rule of Lenity Applied

The first counterargument puts forth that the problem of too much lenity is no problem at all since the tax code ought to be subject to strict construction, resolving any indeterminacy in favor of the taxpayer. On this view, it is unfair to tax a citizen without clear say-so by statute. The application of the rule of lenity to the tax law is to be celebrated, not decried. Some European nations, for instance, have strict-construction tax systems favoring taxpayers.229See Dean et al., supra note 153, at 139, 148–53 (detailing the more taxpayer-friendly approaches taken in the United Kingdom and France). Such a response, I contend, fails to comport with the differential attitude citizens should have with regard to the administration of distributive justice and retributive justice.230There is another, more technical argument against applying the rule of lenity to matters of determining civil tax liability. Namely, the various inclusion, exclusion, deduction, and credit rules that determine tax liability do not have a single interpretation that is uniformly good or bad for all taxpayers. Take as one example what may seem like a clear case: rules assigning taxable income. In most situations, we may think that assigning taxable income is a negative consequence to the taxpayer, so we might think it appropriate to apply the rule of lenity in a way that minimizes a taxpayer’s taxable income. But this can be disadvantageous to a taxpayer who wants to meet an income floor to receive a health insurance premium assistance tax credit under I.R.C. § 36B. In such a situation, additional tax liability can be outweighed by the benefit of meeting the income floor and getting the credit. Grewal, supra note 22 (laying out this technical argument in further detail).

First, tax law is the government’s most important lever in carrying out principles of distributive justice.231See Nam, supra note 43. Distributive justice concerns how institutions should be designed to fairly distribute the benefits and burdens of societal cooperation.232Jeesoo Nam, Biomedical Enhancements as Justice, 29 Bioethics 126, 126 (2015). Our progressive income tax system carries out a democratically determined vision of distributive justice under which tax obligations directly correspond to one’s income earned in the marketplace. The statutes provide the skeletal structure for this vision, the corpus of which is fleshed out by the judicial and administrative authority. To undo the interstitial authority is to partly undo the very aims of the tax code.233See also supra Section III.B.2 (discussing the importance of agency deference in carrying out tax policy aims).

On this picture of tax justice, to deviate from the best interpretation of a statute in favor of a narrow interpretation of a statute not only undoes what distributive justice would require, but thereby also partly undoes the provision of a valuable moral service by the government. The tax system provides valuable coordination between citizens to hire an expert to tally up what justice requires of them and hold each other to that tally. Since taxpayers have moral reason to pay what justice requires, following the best interpretation of the tax law helps their aims rather than impeding them.234For the purpose of this argument, that some individuals do not think that such moral reasons apply to them does not entail that those reasons do not apply to them. What reasons are provided by morality is one question, whether people rightly recognize such reasons is another.

Second, though related to the first point, the purpose of tax law is distinct from the purpose of criminal law in that the imposition of tax does not typically aim to serve a deterrence function. After all, a tax on income is not meant to discourage the earning of income.235Quite the contrary, an important goal of tax law design is to minimize distortions to market behavior because such distortions lead to economic inefficiency. See Jonathan Gruber, Public Finance and Public Policy 620–33 (5th ed. 2016). There is no implicit public moral rebuke attached to civil tax liability as there is for criminal liability.236United States v. Bass, 404 U.S. 336, 348 (1971) (noting the moral condemnation attached to criminal punishment). Although there are exceptions,237For instance, the home mortgage interest deduction of I.R.C. § 163(h) appears to be provided principally to encourage home ownership over renting. the principal purpose of the tax law is to collect (and sometimes distribute) revenue in a just and efficient manner. Notice is most critical when the statutes are intended to guide citizens’ behavior since ambiguously drafted statutes cannot properly serve this guiding function.238Gardner, supra note 24, at xlii–xliii. A critic of this premise may nevertheless contend that even if vague statutes fail to serve as suitable reference points for decision-making, a legal regime of unclear laws still affects the behavior of decision-makers. Anticipating such a response, H.L.A. Hart and John Gardner helpfully distinguish between the law serving merely as a goad and the law serving as a guide. Though unclear laws cannot serve as a guide, they may nevertheless be successful as a goad. “Isn’t it arguable that the most effective legal systems (those most successful in securing their policy objectives) have been those operated as reigns of terror, revelling in arbitrariness, exploiting human weaknesses, and triggering conditioned responses?” Id. at xlii. Presumably, we should prefer that our criminal law system guide rather than terrorize our community, so the premise that notice is most important when statutes intend to guide still stands. After all, a citizen cannot use a statute to guide their behavior if they cannot figure out what the statute means.

To bring out this point, we can think of the perspective of a hypothetical idealized taxpayer with regard to the tax law. The taxpayer understands that they have a moral obligation to contribute a certain amount to the common pool of resources by which we fund the various functions of government. However, it is quite unlikely that the taxpayer could even estimate how much they should contribute if they were to reason purely from philosophical first principles or that they would know much about the content of such first principles. Even if the taxpayer resolves the coarse-grained question regarding their obligation to pay taxes, it is unlikely that they will even be able to approximate an answer to the fine-grained question of how much taxes they are morally obligated to contribute as a matter of justice.239Nam, supra note 43.

One way for the taxpayer to resolve the fine-grained question is to defer the calculations to appointed experts in the legislature and the Treasury. On this account, the taxpayer can carry out their ordinary business without worrying about what constitutes their fair share contribution and, at the end of the year, rely on the tax law and the aid of administrative officials to figure out what that fair share is given the activities they engaged in and their results. Instead of having to think through how the tenets of John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau apply to him as a citizen, the taxpayer can just fill out an IRS Form 1040-EZ. This sort of division of labor is critical due to the difficulty of answering the fine-grained questions of political morality and the limited resources that citizens have to put towards such inquiry.240Id.

For these taxpayers, notice is only relevant insofar as they need the information to pay what they owe. Since the taxpayer is not treating tax liability as a cost or benefit of such-and-such action, clarity in laws is actually more important for the administration of such laws rather than being governed by them.241See Solan, supra note 53, at 134–35. This is also why the tax law can bear such enormous complexity. Whereas conduct rules primarily meant to dictate citizens’ behavior must be drafted simply so that citizens can understand the conduct rules, tax laws can be drafted with greater complexity because they are primarily addressed to administrators and judges who have expertise in tax law.242See Robinson, supra note 75, at 378 (“For example, a high degree of specificity might be desirable even if it created a degree of complexity that would be unreasonable to expect the public to master. The special training of decision makers . . . means that greater complexity can be tolerated.”). Though idealized for purposes of exposition, this sort of narrative is consistent with both the theoretical work in political philosophy243Nam, supra note 43 (detailing the work in political philosophy and the implications for how taxpayers ought to view the tax law). and the empirical research that often, though notably not always, finds that tax rates have no effects or very small effects on taxpayer behavior.244E.g., Gruber, supra note 235, at 688–90, 707; Joel Slemrod & Jon Bakija, Taxing Ourselves 112–13 (2d ed. 2000).

None of this is to deny the proposition that there would be something good provided by having a tax law system where taxpayers can more easily figure out their tax liability. For instance, if a taxpayer does not know how much taxes they will have to pay at the end of the year because the tax laws are too vague, it may lead to the taxpayer over- or under-saving for the forthcoming tax liability. Instead, my argument is merely that the civil tax law lacks many of the features that make fair notice far more important in criminal law. Given these differences—for civil tax law, there is no moral condemnation, no punishment, and no intended deterrence effect—we have good reason to think that tax law ought not follow the stringent fair notice requirements of criminal law.

B. Statutory Notice That Fair Notice Laws Have Been Repealed

The second counterargument contends that if courts were to get rid of the rule of lenity altogether in conjunction with notice of such at the legislative level, then the problem of higher-order vagueness would not arise. Here, the central idea is that the legislation stating that the rule of lenity does not apply to the criminal code would itself stop citizens from forming any expectations about the rule of lenity.

Such an approach has a fundamental problem. A notice that there would be no lenity provided would amount to notice that there is no fair notice. This becomes plain if we recall the fictive story underlying the fair notice doctrine. The reason a citizen needs fair notice is that they may think they are following the law when they are not. To put the point another way, citizens would simply be on notice that they cannot find comfort in their natural understanding of a criminal statute. That fair notice has been abrogated still stands.

The critic might then respond that the legislature ought to impose a statutory single rule of lenity. Given my argument for the higher-order vagueness problem, having just one rule of lenity would be arbitrary—what reason do we have to stop at one rather than two?—but such violations are forgivable. The law is in the business of line drawing and, since the hair-width difference between what is inside the line and outside the line can hardly be a difference-maker,245When this notion is applied to vague predicates, it is referred to as “the principle of tolerance.” Crispin Wright, Language Mastery and the Sorites Paradox, in Truth and Meaning 223, 229 (Gareth Evans & John McDowell eds., 1976). Put more formally, for vague predicates, if there is an object a to which the vague predicate applies and another object b that is qualitatively identical to a but for a miniscule difference, then the vague predicate will also apply to b. line drawing is often an arbitrary matter.

The bigger issue is that having one rule of lenity does not resolve the fair notice problem so long as the rule of lenity remains semantic in nature. The same conclusion about having no rule of lenity applies to the single rule of lenity. So long as individuals understand that the meaning of a statute has changed from an application of the rule of lenity, then to announce by statute that there will be no more higher-order rules of lenity will only violate individuals’ expectations that their actions are within the bounds of legally permissible behavior. The selection of any n-tuple rule of lenity cutoff is arbitrary and will disrupt fair notice for the n+1th order reader of the statute.246For any natural number n.

CONCLUSION

This Article has argued that the semantic nature of the rule of lenity leads to three problems in which the rule breaks away from its purpose of providing fair notice in criminal law. The rule of lenity cannot deal with linguistic ambiguity. Some criminal statutes also play civil functions, thereby transferring the strict construction of the rule of lenity from criminal contexts to the civil context. Once the courts construe the meaning of a statute to include just the clear cases, it then creates a fair notice burden regarding the question of what counts as the clear cases, which is itself a vague matter.

To resolve these issues, we ought to replace the semantic rule of lenity with an excuse of lenity. Excuses and fair notice share the common denominator of providing ordinary citizens the safety of choosing to avoid punishment, so having lenity provided as an excuse would more closely align the rule with its purpose. An excuse of lenity would provide the same benefits as the semantic rule of lenity, restricting the scope of criminalization and maintaining criminal law within the province of the legislature, without the drawbacks of having a semantic rule.

 

96 S. Cal. L. Rev. 397

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Assistant Professor of Law and Philosophy, University of Southern California. Thank you to Scott Altman, Jody David Armour, Jordan Barry, Thomas Bennett, Jonathan Choi, Robin Craig, Noël Cunningham, William Eskridge, Felipe Jiménez, Mitchell Kane, Gregory Keating, Adam Kern, Daniel Klerman, Yao Lin, Erin Miller, Michael Moore, Clare Pastore, Marcela Prieto, Robert Rasmussen, Emily Ryo, Daniel Sokol, Kevin Tobia, Gideon Yaffe, Yuan Yuan, Jack Whiteley, participants of the New York University School of Law–Lawyering Scholarship Colloquium, participants of the University of Pittsburgh–Law and Language Group, and participants of the University of Southern California Gould School of Law–Faculty Workshop for their invaluable help. Any errors are mine and mine alone.

Seeing and Serving Students with Substance Use Disorders Through Disability Law

The opioid epidemic has brought the immense harms of substance abuse to the fore of national attention. Despite a growing bipartisan consensus that substance use disorders are best addressed through treatment and community support, rather than punitive deterrence measures, policymakers have yet to allocate the necessary resources for a comprehensive and evidence-based national drug policy. Until that occurs, advocates for individuals with substance use disorders must search for reform opportunities within existing law and policy.

To that end, this Article explores whether, and to what degree, the federal disability statutes that are applicable to public schools—the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, and the Americans with Disabilities Act—can “see” and serve adolescents with substance use disorders within the public school system. It argues that substance use disorders can be education-impacting disabilities, that the general failure to recognize and address substance use disorders in school settings is due to widespread misperception of substance-involved students, and that a novel-but-reasonable interpretation of existing law could provide a meaningful degree of support for certain students with substance use disorders.

This Article has three objectives: (1) to instigate a debate in an uncharted area of education law and policy; (2) to provide a comprehensive survey of current medical research and special education case law for advocates of students with substance use disorders; and (3) to direct further attention to the broader inadequacies of special education law and policy for students with mental health challenges. The implications of this debate, upon the lives of the estimated 1.6 million adolescents with substance use disorders and upon education policy generally, are profound.

INTRODUCTION

Tom Murphy attended the 2015 Prescription Drug Abuse and Heroin Summit in his professional capacity as a Senior Special Agent in the Virginia State Police.1See Remarks at the Rx Drug Abuse and Heroin Summit in Atlanta, Georgia, 2019 Daily Comp. Pres. Doc. 237 (Apr. 24, 2019) (referring to Tom Murphy, Senior Special Agent in the Virginia State Police). But the topic of the summit was of great personal interest to him: his teenage son Jason was struggling with a substance use disorder.2Id. Jason’s substance abuse, and its attendant consequences, deepened in the months following the conference.3Id.

In 2017, Jason died from an overdose of fentanyl and heroin.4Id.

Addressing the Prescription Drug Abuse and Heroin Summit in 2019, Special Agent Murphy implored those touched by substance use disorders to share their experiences with others in order to fight stigma.5Id. He concluded his remarks by placing his family’s tragedy within the grim national context: “There are 70,000 different stories that happened in 2017. You heard my son’s.”6Id. He paused, choking back tears. “His name was Matthew Jason Murphy.”7Id.

It is difficult to fathom the harms caused by substance abuse. For the past several years, the rate of fatal overdoses has exceeded the highest-ever annual death tolls from car accidents, the AIDS epidemic, and gun violence.8See Josh Katz, Abby Goodnough & Margot Sanger-Katz, In Shadow of Pandemic, U.S. Drug Overdose Deaths Resurge to Record, N.Y. Times (July 15, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/
2020/07/15/upshot/drug-overdose-deaths.html [https://perma.cc/W6XR-6RBU]. The total overdose rate includes non-opiate overdoses, but opiates such as fentanyl are involved in the large majority of overdose deaths. See Drug Overdose Death Rate Maps & Graphs, Ctrs. for Disease Control & Prevention (June 2, 2022), https://www.cdc.gov/drugoverdose/deaths/index.html [https://perma.cc/KZ8N-Z2SZ].
There were 70,237 overdose deaths in the United States in 2017,9Holly Hedegaard, Arialdi M. Miniño & Margaret Warner, NCHS Data Brief No. 329: Drug Overdose Deaths in the United States, 1999–2017 (2018), https://www.cdc.gov/
nchs/data/databriefs/db329-h.pdf [https://perma.cc/4ARB-D5DG].
67,367 overdose deaths in 2018,10Holly Hedegaard, Arialdi M. Miniño & Margaret Warner, NCHS Data Brief No. 356: Drug Overdose Deaths in the United States, 1999–2018 (2020), https://www.cdc.gov/
nchs/data/databriefs/db356-h.pdf [https://perma.cc/N7UV-JMVP].
70,630 overdose deaths in 2019,11Holly Hedegaard, Arialdi M. Miniño & Margaret Warner, NCHS Data Brief No. 394: Drug Overdose Deaths in the United States, 1999–2019 (2020), https://www.cdc.gov/
nchs/data/databriefs/db394-H.pdf [https://perma.cc/4REQ-XT63].
91,799 overdose deaths in 2020,12Holly Hedegaard, Arialdi M. Miniño, Merianne Rose Spencer & Margaret Warner, NCHS Data Brief No. 428: Drug Overdose Deaths in the United States, 1999–2020 (2021), https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/databriefs/db428.pdf [https://perma.cc/B5C5-RUQN]. and a stunning 107,573 overdose deaths in 2021.13Nat’l Ctr. for Health Stat., Provisional Drug Overdose Death Counts (2021), https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nvss/vsrr/drug-overdose-data.htm [https://perma.cc/2JF9-PZ7M]. The substantial increase in overdose deaths between 2019 and 2021 was likely fueled in part by the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused widespread misery and inhibited access to treatment.14See William Wan & Heather Long, ‘Cries for Help’: Drug Overdoses Are Soaring During the Coronavirus Pandemic, Wash. Post (July 1, 2020), https://www.washingtonpost.com/health/2020/07/
01/coronavirus-drug-overdose [https://perma.cc/6NLC-PAPU]; Zoe Rohrich, Opioid Deaths Are Surging in the Pandemic. Here’s How Treatment Is Adapting, PBS (Aug. 7, 2020), https://www.pbs.org/
newshour/health/opioid-deaths-are-surging-in-the-pandemic-heres-how-treatment-is-adapting [https://
perma.cc/83AT-JAAY].

For a frame of reference, Special Agent Murphy’s tribute to his son lasted four minutes;15President and First Lady Deliver Remarks at Drug Abuse Summit, C-SPAN (Apr. 24, 2019), https://www.c-span.org/video/?460100-1/president-lady-deliver-remarks-drug-abuse-summit [https://
perma.cc/6FPK-JFF9].
if a family member of every person who died from a drug overdose in 2017 shared their story for four minutes, back to back, it would last over 195 days. If family members of those who lost loved ones to overdoses in 2021 did the same thing, it would last over 298 days.

At the same conference, politicians and policymakers touted their efforts to combat the opioid epidemic, including the designation of a national public health emergency the previous year; the issuing of billions of dollars in state grants “[t]o expand access to treatment, recovery, and other crucial activities and services”; and the signing of the Substance Use-Disorder Prevention that Promotes Opioid Recovery and Treatment (“SUPPORT”) for Patients and Communities Act,16See Remarks at the Rx Drug Abuse and Heroin Summit in Atlanta, Georgia, supra note 1. which reduced regulatory hurdles concerning “opioid use disorder prevention, recovery, and treatment” the previous October.17Substance Use-Disorder Prevention that Promotes Opioid Recovery and Treatment (SUPPORT) for Patients and Communities Act, Pub. L. No. 115-271, 132 Stat. 3894 (2018). These and similar policy responses have received widespread praise.18See What They Are Saying: Support for President Trump’s Initiative to Fight the Opioid Epidemic, Trump White House (Mar. 20, 2018), https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefings-statements/saying-support-president-trumps-initiative-fight-opioid-epidemic [https://perma.cc/5767-LBSF].

Unfortunately, such policy responses—while generally welcomed by experts in the field of addiction studies19See German Lopez, Trump Just Signed a Bipartisan Bill to Confront the Opioid Epidemic, Vox (Oct. 24, 2018, 3:13 PM), https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2018/9/28/17913938/trump-opioid-epidemic-congress-support-act-bill-law [https://perma.cc/DAU2-8HJU].—have not come close to creating the “Cascade of Care” required to serve the roughly forty million Americans with substance use disorders.20Arthur Robin Williams, Edward V. Nunes, Adam Bisaga, Frances R. Levin & Mark Olfson, Development of a Cascade of Care for Responding to the Opioid Epidemic, 45 Am. J. Drug & Alcohol Abuse 2 (2019); Substance Abuse & Mental Health Servs. Admin., Key Substance Use and Mental Health Indicators in the United States: Results from the 2020 National Survey on Drug Use and Health 3 (2021) [hereinafter SAMHSA Report], https://www.samhsa.gov/
data/sites/default/files/reports/rpt35325/NSDUHFFRPDFWHTMLFiles2020/2020NSDUHFFR1PDFW102121.pdf [https://perma.cc/KN2S-RYEU].
Until the political will exists for such comprehensive policy initiatives, advocates for individuals with substance use disorders must contemplate ways in which existing law and policy can be marshaled to serve that population.

This Article offers such a solution: using the federal disability-discrimination laws applicable to public schools as a new way to “see” and serve individuals who—like Jason Murphy—develop debilitating substance use disorders as adolescents. This Article proposes that students with substance use disorders who meet the eligibility criteria of federal disability laws should be recognized as individuals with disabilities (and receive appropriate accommodations) from their schools, just as adults with substance use disorders who meet such diagnostic criteria have received appropriate accommodations from their employers since the 1970s.

The argument that substance use disorders should be recognized and addressed as legal disabilities under special education law is a novel one. While several scholars have powerfully addressed the need to recognize mental health conditions under special education law,21See infra note 114. no court opinion or piece of scholarship has yet engaged with the matter of applying such laws to students with substance use disorders specifically. It is not that the matter has been studied and rejected, but rather that this particular conversation has not yet begun.

This Article offers a possible explanation for this silence: that students with substance use disorders are rarely perceived within their schools to be afflicted with “medical” conditions, which is the necessary predicate for recognition of “legal” disabilities. To that end, this Article provides a survey of current medical research regarding substance use disorders and how such disorders affect adolescents’ academic development. It also discusses the power of social perception in this space; the manner in which adolescents face unique barriers to the identification of, and appropriate responses to, substance use disorders; and how students with substance use disorders are therefore largely invisible within schools’ current drug and alcohol policies.

Jason Murphy began “self-medicating” with marijuana while he was in high school and moved out of his parents’ home the day he turned eighteen.22See Remarks at the Rx Drug Abuse and Heroin Summit in Atlanta, Georgia, supra note 1. If his school had recognized substance use disorders not as a propensity towards deviant behavior, but rather an addressable education-impacting disability, perhaps his story would not have been one of the 70,237—every one of whom, to some degree, representing a failure of policy—told in 2017. Radical as it may initially appear, the possibility that an avenue exists by which students like Jason can be seen and served in their schools is worth exploring.

I. SUBSTANCE USE DISORDERS AND CURRENT EDUCATION POLICY

Part I of this Article presents the case for the recognition of substance use disorders in federal special education law: Section I.A examines substance use disorders as “medical” conditions and “legal” disabilities; and Section I.B explores why schools are resistant to interpreting drug abuse by adolescents through these medical and legal constructs.

A. Substance Use Disorders in Medicine and Law

The term “substance use disorder” will be used frequently throughout this Article. This is in part because (as discussed below) the term “substance use disorder” is preferable to terms such as “addiction” and “alcoholism.”23See infra Section I.B.2. But more importantly, using such “medical” terminology when discussing drug abuse by adolescents reinforces a central argument of this Article: that seeing substance-involved adolescents as having medical conditions (as opposed to merely engaging in criminal behaviors) opens the door to recognition of and support for those adolescents under federal disability laws. Accordingly, a brief framing of “substance use disorders” within medicine and law is in order.

1. Substance Use Disorders as Medical Conditions

According to the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (“DSM-5”), the “essential feature” of substance use disorders—regardless of the particular substance being abused—is a “cluster of cognitive, behavioral, and physiological symptoms indicating that the individual continues using the substance despite significant substance-related problems.”24Am. Psychiatric Ass’n, Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 483 (5th ed. 2013) [hereinafter DSM-V]. In other words, individuals with substance use disorders continue to abuse substances despite the consequences stemming from that abuse, even when such individuals no longer desire to use drugs or obtain much pleasure from doing so.25See Gary Wenk, James C. Anthony, Hui Cheng, Brian Fairman & Dan Romer, The Neurobiology, Characteristics, and Prevalence of Substance Use, in Treating and Preventing Adolescent Mental Health Disorders 373, 376 (Dwight L. Evans, Edna B. Foa, Raquel E. Gur, Herbert Hendin, Charles P. O’Brien, Daniel Romer, Martin E. P. Seligman & B. Timothy Walsh eds., 2nd ed. 2017).

Ten separate classes of drugs are discussed in the DSM-5: “alcohol; caffeine; cannabis; hallucinogens (with separate categories for phencyclidine [or similarly acting arylcyclohexylamines] and other hallucinogens); inhalants; opioids; sedatives, hypnotics, and anxiolytics; stimulants (amphetamine-type substances, cocaine, and other stimulants); tobacco; and other (or unknown) substances.”26DSM-V, supra note 24, at 481. Misuse of any of these drugs, with the exception of caffeine,27See id. at 483. can result in an individual meeting the diagnostic criteria of a substance use disorder.28The symptoms that are assessed to determine a use disorder are as follows:

     A problematic pattern of [substance] use leading to clinically significant impairment or distress, as manifested by at least two of the following, occurring within a 12-month period:

[Substance] is often taken in larger amounts or over a longer period than was intended.

There is a persistent desire or unsuccessful efforts to cut down or control [substance] use.

A great deal of time is spent in activities necessary to obtain [substance], use [substance], or recover from its effects.

Craving, or a strong desire or urge to use [substance].

Recurrent [substance] use resulting in a failure to fulfill major role obligations at work, school, or home.

Continued [substance] use despite having persistent or recurrent social or interpersonal problems caused or exacerbated by the effects of [substance].

Important social, occupational, or recreational activities are given up or reduced because of [substance] use.

Recurrent [substance] use in situations in which it is physically hazardous.

[Substance] use is continued despite knowledge of having a persistent or recurrent physical or psychological problem that is likely to have been caused or exacerbated by [substance].

Tolerance, as defined by either of the following:

   A need for markedly increased amounts of [substance] to achieve intoxication or desired effect.

A markedly diminished effect with continued use of the same amount of [substance].

Id. at 490–91. Specific indicators of the remaining criteria, “withdrawal,” differ depending upon the substance involved. See id. at 490–578.

The absence of symptoms (with the exception of cravings) for one year or longer indicates that the substance use disorder is in “sustained remission.”29Id. at 491. Establishing and prolonging remission from an active substance use disorder, which is achieved by preventing relapses of the previously abused substance or the transitioning to another drug, is a primary goal of substance use disorder treatment.30See Tammy Chung & Stephen A. Maisto, Relapse to Alcohol and Other Drug Use in Treated Adolescents: Review and Reconsideration of Relapse as a Change Point in Clinical Course, 26 Clinical Psych. Rev. 149, 149 (2006).

Although relapse is a common part of the recovery process, a variety of therapeutic approaches can be employed to promote relapse prevention and increase the likelihood of long-term remission from substance use disorders.31See Sean Estaban McCabe, Brady T. West, Stephen Strobbe & Carol J. Boyd, Persistence/Recurrence and Remission from DSM-5 Substance Use Disorders in the United States: Substance-Specific and Substance-Aggregated Correlates, 93 J. Substance Abuse Treatment 38, 49 (2018). Compare Lori A. Quigley & G. Alan Marlatt, Relapse Prevention: Maintenance of Change After Initial Treatment, in Addictions: A Comprehensive Guidebook 370, 371 (Barbara S. McCrady & Elizabeth E. Epstein eds., 1999) (describing a relapse prevention model that employs cognitive behavioral therapy), with Brenna L. Greenfield, Corey Roos, Kylee J. Hagler, Elena Stein, Sarah Bowen & Katie A. Witkiewitz, Race/Ethnicity and Racial Group Composition Moderate the Effectiveness of Mindfulness-Based Relapse Prevention for Substance Use Disorder, 81 Addictive Behav. 96, 97 (2018) (describing an application of cognitive-behavioral relapse prevention principles using mindfulness techniques). Critically, all approaches require a degree of intentionality and effort on the part of the individual with the substance use disorder and, ideally, their family or other support network.32See Chung, supra note 30, at 150. See generally Quigley, supra note 31 (describing a relapse prevention model that requires ongoing therapeutic intervention). Establishing sustained remission from a substance use disorder is a long-term process that, for some, involves a personal commitment to lifelong abstinence from all mind-altering substances.33Alcoholics Anonymous 58–60 (4th ed. 2001).

In 2020, the most recent year for which data is available, approximately 40.3 million people aged twelve and older met the diagnostic criteria for a substance use disorder.34SAMHSA Report, supra note 20, at 3. A significant gap exists between the number of individuals who need treatment for substance use disorders and the number of individuals who receive such treatment.35Id. at 4. Many individuals with substance use disorders have co-occurring mental health issues.36Id.

2. Substance Use Disorders as Legal Disabilities

As reflected by policymakers’ remarks to the 2019 Prescription Drug Abuse and Heroin Summit, there has been a notable, if incomplete, movement toward recognizing substance use disorders as “medical” conditions most efficaciously addressed through treatment and community support.37Donald J. Trump, Remarks at the Rx Drug Abuse and Heroin Summit in Atlanta, Georgia, Am. Presidency Project (April 24, 2019), https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/remarks-the-rx-drug-abuse-and-heroin-summit-atlanta-georgia [https://perma.cc/6HV7-7PAB]. Even now, however, the idea that substance use disorders can be recognized within, and addressed by, federal disability laws may strike some as odd—if not wrongheaded.

Indeed, when presented with the argument that adolescents with substance use disorders should be seen and served by federal disability laws, many will likely find it more difficult to accept the premise that such laws should recognize substance use disorders in the first place than to accept the premise that such recognition should be extended to adolescents. But the first premise above has been in effect since the mid-1970s.38Rehabilitation Act of 1973—Coverage of Alcoholics & Drug Addicts, 43 Op. Att’y Gen. 75, 80 (1977) (“For the foregoing reasons, we believe that alcoholics and drug addicts were within the scope of the definition of ‘handicapped individuals’ in the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 as originally enacted.”).

The first major piece of federal disability-rights legislation was the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. The following language, contained in Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act (“Section 504”) represents “the first explicit Congressional statement recognizing ‘discrimination’ against people with disabilities.”39Peter Blanck, Eve Hill, Charles D. Siegal & Michael Waterstone, Disability Civil Rights Law and Policy 31 (3d ed. 2004).

No otherwise qualified individual with a disability in the United States, as defined in section 705(20) of this title, shall, solely by reason of her or his disability, be excluded from the participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance.4029 U.S.C. § 794(a).

The Americans with Disabilities Act (“ADA”), which was passed in 1990, extends the Rehabilitation Act’s discrimination prohibitions to private companies,4142 U.S.C. §§ 12111–12117. local and state governments,42Id. §§ 12131–12165. and public accommodations.43Id. §§ 12181–12189.

During the initial drafting and subsequent revisions of the Rehabilitation Act and the ADA, lawmakers directly confronted the possibility of adults with substance use disorders seeking workplace accommodations.44See Rehabilitation Act of 1973—Coverage of Alcoholics & Drug Addicts, 43 Op. Att’y Gen. 75, 80 (1977). Regulations under both statutes acknowledge addiction and alcoholism as disabilities deserving of certain protections45See 28 C.F.R. § 35.108(b)(2) (2022) (“Physical or mental impairment includes . . . drug addiction and alcoholism.”). and clarify the obligations of employers of individuals with substance use disorders.46See 29 U.S.C. § 705(20)(C)(v) (“For purposes of . . . employment, the term ‘individual with a disability’ does not include any individual who is an alcoholic whose current use of alcohol prevents such individual from performing the duties of the job in question or whose employment, by reason of such current alcohol abuse, would constitute a direct threat to property or the safety of others.”); see also 29 C.F.R. § 1630.3(b)(1)–(3) (2022) (“However, the terms disability and qualified individual with a disability may not exclude an individual who: (1) Has successfully completed a supervised drug rehabilitation program and is no longer engaging in the illegal use of drugs, or has otherwise been rehabilitated successfully and is no longer engaging in the illegal use of drugs; or (2) Is participating in a supervised rehabilitation program and is no longer engaging in such use; or (3) Is erroneously regarded as engaging in such use, but is not engaging in such use.”). A body of case law and legal scholarship further articulates those boundaries.47See generally Dustin Riddle & Richard Bales, Disability Claims for Alcohol-Related Misconduct, 82 St. John L. Rev. 699 (2008) (containing accounts of how workplace-focused nondiscrimination law protects individuals with substance use disorders); Reese John Henderson, Jr., Addiction as Disability: The Protection of Alcoholics and Drug Addicts Under the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, 44 Vand. L. Rev. 713 (1991); Judith J. Johnson, Rescue the Americans with Disabilities Act from Restrictive Interpretations: Alcoholism as an Illustration, 27 N. Ill. U. L. Rev. 169 (2007); Renee Parsons & Thomas J. Speiss III, Does the Americans with Disabilities Act Really Protect Alcoholism?, 20 Lab. Law. 17 (2004); Amy L. Hennen, Protecting Addicts in the Employment Arena: Charting a Course Toward Tolerance, 15 L. & Ineq. 157 (1997).

The Rehabilitation Act and ADA’s statutory language, regulatory guidance, and case law uniformly discharge any obligation on the part of employers to accommodate active drug use (or alcohol abuse that interferes with work obligations) by individuals with substance use disorders.48See Henderson, Jr., supra note 47. Employees who are “currently engaging in the illegal use of drugs” are not considered “qualified individual[s] with a disability” under the ADA and are therefore not entitled to workplace accommodations, reasonable or otherwise.4929 C.F.R. § 1630.3(a) (2022). However, employees with substance use disorders who have maintained sobriety beyond a minimum period of abstinence—the necessary length of which is determined on a case-by-case basis50See U.S. Equal Emp. Opportunity Comm’n, EEOCM1A, A Technical Assistance Manual on the Employment Provisions (Title I) of the Americans with Disabilities Act § 8.3 (1992) (“ ‘Current’ drug use means that the illegal use of drugs occurred recently enough to justify an employer’s reasonable belief that involvement with drugs is an on-going problem. It is not limited to the day of use, or recent weeks or days, in terms of an employment action. It is determined on a case-by-case basis.”). This protection for individuals in remission from substance use disorders is sometimes referred to as the ADA’s “safe harbor” provision. See Shafer v. Preston Mem’l Hosp. Corp., 107 F.3d 274, 276 (4th Cir. 1997) (“While expressly excluding current drug users from statutory protection [in the workplace], the statutes provide a ‘safe harbor’ for recovering addicts . . . .”); Mauerhan v. Wagner Corp., 649 F.3d 1180, 1185 (10th Cir. 2011) (“[T]he ADA also creates a ‘safe harbor’ for those who are not currently engaging in the illegal use of drugs.”).—are entitled to reasonable accommodations for their continued recovery-support needs.51See Samuel Brown Petsonk & Anne Marie Lofaso, Working for Recovery: How the Americans with Disabilities Act and State Human Rights Laws Can Facilitate Successful Rehabilitation for Alcoholics and Drug Addicts, 120 W. Va. L. Rev. 891, 906 (2018) (“Reasonable accommodations for recovering addicts may include part-time schedules to support inpatient or outpatient behavioral therapy, and may also include flex time or intermittent leave to participate in random drug screenings, rehab sessions, Alcoholics or Narcotics Anonymous meetings, physical activity, medically-assisted treatment (combining behavioral therapy with medications, such as Suboxone, to treat substance abuse disorders), or other recovery-related appointments.”).

The fact that these regulations cannot be neatly transferred to the school environment—which, obviously, has significant implications for the project of extending coverage under the Rehabilitation Act and ADA to students with substance use disorders—will be discussed in Section II.B.

B. Substance Use Disorders Among Adolescents

Substance use disorders are diagnosable, treatable, “medical” conditions that can, under certain conditions, be recognized as “legal” disabilities. But if an individual’s drug abuse is interpreted not as evidence of such a “medical” condition, and is instead interpreted only as maladaptive, dangerous, and unlawful behavior, then there is no possibility of such drug abuse being recognized and addressed as a “legal” disability. As discussed below, adolescents are especially vulnerable to such incomplete interpretations of their substance abuse, which perhaps is why a discussion regarding the inclusion of substance use disorders within special education laws has not yet occurred. Section B.1 discusses the prevalence of substance use disorders among adolescents and the education-related consequences of such disorders; Section B.2 discusses certain perceptual errors that prevent widespread recognition of substance use disorders among adolescents; and Section B.3 discusses the harms caused by schools’ resistance to recognizing substance use disorders among adolescents.

1. The Educational Impact of Substance Use Disorders

Substance use disorders among adolescents are considered to be a major public health challenge that presents certain difficulties distinct from the challenges presented by substance use disorders among adults.52See Danielle E. Ramo, Mark A. Prince, Scott C. Roesch & Sandra A. Brown, Variation in Substance Use Relapse Episodes Among Adolescents: A Longitudinal Investigation, 43 J. Substance Abuse Treatment 44, 44 (2012); Pilar M. Sanjuan & James W. Langenbucher, Age-Limited Populations: Youth, Adolescents, and Older Adults, in Addictions: A Comprehensive Guidebook 477, 477, 479 (Barbara S. McCrady & Elizabeth E. Epstein eds., 1999). See generally William L. White, Michael Dennis & Frank M. Tims, Adolescent Treatment: Its History and Current Renaissance, 3 Couns. 20 (2002), for a particularly insightful summation of the history of adolescent substance use disorder treatment. According to the most recent Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (“SAMHSA”) National Survey on Drug Use and Health, an estimated 6.3% of adolescents—1.6 million individuals—met the diagnostic criteria for substance use disorder.53SAMHSA Report, supra note 20, at 28. Given that the average class size in secondary schools is approximately twenty-seven students, one could visualize this prevalence by imagining that every middle and high school class in the country has one or two students with a substance use disorder.54See Nat’l Ctr. for Educ. Stat., U.S. Dep’t of Educ., NCES 2105-011, Digest of Education Statistics 2013, at 138 tbl.209.30 (2015).

The same “treatment gap” that exists for individuals with substance use disorders generally also exists for adolescents with substance use disorders. Only 0.7% of adolescents—169,000 individuals—received any substance abuse treatment in 2020, which is slightly over 10% of the total number of adolescents who needed such treatment.55SAMHSA Report, supra note 20, at 38.

While more research is needed to further understand the nature and mechanisms of substance use disorders among adolescents,56See H.W. Andersson, Merethe Wenaas & Trond Nordfjærn, Relapse After Inpatient Substance Use Treatment: A Prospective Cohort Study Among Users of Illicit Substances, 90 Addictive Behav. 222, 225–26 (2019); David G. Weissman, Roberta A. Schriber, Catherine Fassbender, Olivia Atherton, Cynthia Krafft, Richard W. Robins, Paul D. Hastings & Amanda E. Guyer, Earlier Adolescent Substance Use Onset Predicts Stronger Connectivity Between Reward and Cognitive Control Brain Networks, 16  Dev. Cognitive Neuroscience 121, 127 (2015); Margot Peeters, Tim Janssen, Karin Monshouwer, Wouter Boendermaker, Thomas Pronk, Reinout Wiers & Wilma Vollebergh, Weaknesses in Executive Functioning Predict the Initiating of Adolescents’ Alcohol Use, 16 Dev. Cognitive Neuroscience 139, 144 (2015); Tammy Chung, David J. Paulsen, Charles F. Geier, Beatriz Luna & Duncan B. Clark, Regional Brain Activation Supporting Cognitive Control in the Context of Reward Is Associated with Treated Adolescents’ Marijuana Problem Severity at Follow-Up: A Preliminary Study, 16 Dev. Cognitive Neuroscience 93, 99 (2015). and debates over certain aspects of the condition are ongoing within the medical community,57See Ramo et al., supra note 52, at 46; Hollis C. Karoly, Angela D. Bryan, Barbara J. Weiland, Andrew Mayer, Andrew Dodd & Sarah W. Feldstein Ewing, Does Incentive-Elicited Nucleus Accumbens Activation Differ by Substance of Abuse? An Examination with Adolescents, 16 Dev. Cognitive Neuroscience 5, 13 (2015). the notion that adolescents can and do have substance use disorders is uncontroversial among medical professionals.58See supra notes 52–57 and accompanying text. See generally Monica Luciana & Sarah W. Feldstein Ewing, Introduction to the Special Issue: Substance Use and the Adolescent Brain: Developmental Impacts, Interventions, and Longitudinal Outcomes, 16 Dev. Cognitive Neuroscience 1, 2 (2015) (presenting findings from an array of medical studies and scholarship focused upon substance use disorders among adolescents).

And naturally, because adolescents spend a significant percentage of their waking hours in school,59See Table 5.14: Number of Instructional Days and Hours in the School Year, by State: 2018, Nat’l Ctr. for Educ. Stat., U.S. Dep’t of Educ. (Jun. 6, 2018), https://nces.ed.gov/programs/
statereform/tab5_14.asp [https://perma.cc/HLT7-92UU]; Table 1: Enrollment Status of the Population 3 Years Old and Over, by Sex, Age, Race, Hispanic Origin, Foreign Born, and Foreign-Born Parentage: October 2016, U.S. Census Bureau (Aug. 23, 2017), https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2016/demo/
school-enrollment/2016-cps.html [https://perma.cc/3U7Q-XLSF] (showing that 98% of individuals aged 14 and 15 and 93% of individuals aged 16 and 17 attend school).
many of the harms posed by substance use disorders among adolescents manifest within the school environment. While the concept that substance use disorders are likely to negatively impact school performance is intuitive, the specific manners in which they can do so—and how the effects of substance use disorders may resemble other, recognized disabilities—are deserving of review, if only to clarify the manners in which schools can serve affected students.

The purpose and objectives of schooling extend beyond the academic learning process; schools play a critical role in students’ social development and the fostering of time- and task-management skills critical to future achievement.60See Brown v. Bd. of Educ., 347 U.S. 483, 493 (1954) (“[School] is a principal instrument in awakening the child to cultural values, in preparing him for later professional training, and in helping him to adjust normally to his environment.”); see also Margareth Etienne, Education, Violence, and Re-Wiring Our Schools, 2018 U. Chi. Legal F. 89, 115 (2018) (“Schools can play a formidable role in the academic and social development of children in both positive and negative ways.”). This holds for students receiving special education services as well: the concept of “education” as encompassing more than academic instruction is reinforced by the stated purpose of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (“IDEA”),61See 20 U.S.C. § 1400(d)(1)(A) (“The purposes of [the IDEA statute is to] . . . prepare [children with disabilities] for further education, employment, and independent living . . . .”). guidance from the U.S. Department of Education’s Office of Special Education Programs,62See Letter to Pawlisch, 24 Individuals with Disabilities Educ. L. Rep. 959 (Mar. 6, 1996) (“In determining whether a child’s impairment adversely affects educational performance, the multidisciplinary team must consider non-academic as well as academic areas.”); Letter to Lybarger, 17 Individuals with Disabilities Educ. L. Rep. 54 (Sept. 14, 1990) (“[A] child’s educational performance must be determined on an individual basis and should include non-academic as well as academic areas.”). and judicial interpretation of special education law.63See Robert A. Garda, Jr., Untangling Eligibility Requirements Under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, 69 Mo. L. Rev. 441, 473 (2004) (“[A] majority of courts hold that a child must progress in more than just graded areas in order to be provided educational benefit and a free appropriate public education.”). For the purposes of this analysis, the objectives of school can be roughly bifurcated into those that are academic—both classroom learning itself and the process of learning how to learn and retain information—and those connected with the socialization process. The emergence of a substance use disorder in adolescence can significantly impede progress in both spheres.

Substance abuse by adolescents has been shown to impair verbal memory, memory retrieval, executive function, and learning performance.64See Michael Takagi, Murat Yücel, Susan M. Cotton, Yasmin Baliz, Alan Tucker, Kathryn Elkins & Dan I. Lubman, Verbal Memory, Learning, and Executive Functioning Among Adolescent Inhalant and Cannabis Users, 72 J. Stud. Alcohol & Drugs 96, 103 (2010). Frequent substance use can cause “measurable and long-lasting cognitive impairments.”65Nora D. Volkow, Ruben D. Baler, Wilson M. Compton & Susan R.B. Weiss, Adverse Health Effects of Marijuana Use, 370 New Eng. J. Med. 2219, 2221 (2014). For additional examples of the manners in which substance abuse can have a lasting impact upon cognition, see also Nat’l Inst. on Drug Abuse, Principles of Adolescent Substance Use Disorder Treatment: A Research-Based Guide 4 (2014), https://nida.nih.gov/sites/default/files/podat-guide-adolescents-508.pdf [https://
perma.cc/SN5N-H7M8]; Weissman et al., supra note 56, at 127; Catherine Orr, Rowen Morioka, Brendan Behan, Sameer Datwani, Marika Doucet, Jelena Ivanovic, Clare Kelly, Karen Weierstall, Richard Watts, Bobby Smyth & Hugh Garavan, Altered Resting-State Connectivity in Adolescent Cannabis Users, 39 Am. J. Drug & Alcohol Abuse 372, 372 (2013); Anita Cservenka, Scott A. Jones & Bonnie J. Nagel, Reduced Cerebellar Brain Activity During Reward Processing in Adolescent Binge Drinkers, 16 Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience 110, 118 (2015); Francesca M. Filbey, Tim McQueeny, Samuel J. DeWitt & Virendra Mishra, Preliminary Findings Demonstrating Latent Effects of Early Adolescent Marijuana Use Onset on Cortical Architecture, 16 Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience 16, 16 (2015); Kerry M. Green, Elaine E. Doherty & Margaret E. Ensminger, Long-Term Consequences of Adolescent Cannabis Use: Examining Intermediary Processes, 43 Am. J. Drug & Alcohol Abuse 561, 567–68 (2017); Luciana & Feldstein Ewing, supra note 58, at 2; Sanjuan & Langenbucher, supra note 52, at 483, 487; Melissa Patricia Lopez-Larson, Jadwiga Rogowska & Deborah Yurgelun-Todd, Aberrant Orbitofrontal Connectivity in Marijuana Smoking Adolescents, 16 Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience 54, 61 (2015).
While the most acute cognitive effects of substance abuse are present during periods of frequent use, the scaffolded nature of secondary education can extend the consequences of failing to learn critical foundational information well into the future.66See Volkow et al., supra note 65. The academic impact of substance abuse is also reflected in the lower grades consistently found among students with substance use disorders.67See Ana I. Balsa, Laura M. Giuliano & Michael T. French, The Effects of Alcohol Use on Academic Achievement in High School, 30 Econ. Educ. Rev. 1, 8–10 (2010); Brittany A. Bugbee, Kenneth H. Beck, Craig S. Fryer & Amelia M. Arria, Substance Use, Academic Performance, and Academic Engagement Among High School Seniors, 89 J. Sch. Health 145, 145–46 (2019); Michael L. Dennis, Westley Clark & Larke N. Huang, The Need and Opportunity to Expand Substance Use Disorder Treatment in School-Based Settings, 7 Advances Sch. Mental Health Promotion 75, 82 (2014); Andrew J. Finch, Emily Tanner-Smith, Emily Hennessy & D. Paul Moberg, Recovery High Schools: Effect of Schools Supporting Recovery from Substance Use Disorders, 44 Am. J. Drug & Alcohol Abuse 175, 175 (2018); see also Robert L. DuPont, Kimberly M. Caldeira, Helen S. DuPont, Kathryn B. Vincent, Corinne L. Shea & Amelia M. Arria, Inst. for Behav. & Health, Inc., America’s Dropout Crisis: The Unrecognized Connection to Adolescent Substance Use 26–29 (2013), https://www.cls.umd.edu/docs/AmerDropoutCrisis.pdf [https://perma.cc/2Q28-NWC8].

Substance use disorders also hinder adolescents’ social development. The illegality of substance use can result in criminal charges and involvement with the juvenile justice system; a significant percentage of adolescents in juvenile detention meet the criteria for substance use disorders.68See Laurie Chassin, Juvenile Justice and Substance Use, Future Child., Fall 2008, at 165, 167. Adolescents who abuse substances are also at a higher risk of dropping out of school, which in turn can produce a myriad of social and economic harms.69See generally DuPont et al., supra note 67 (providing a thorough review of studies indicating an increased dropout risk for substance-involved students).

Given the prevalence of substance use disorders among adolescents, and the fact that substance use disorders are highly likely to negatively impact the education of adolescents, it is striking that the argument that substance use disorders should be recognized under special education law remains a novel one. A reason for this, as argued below, is that substance abuse by adolescents is too infrequently assessed through a clinical, “medicalized” lens and is instead too frequently assessed through a punitive, “disciplinary” lens.

2. Perceptual Barriers for Adolescents with Substance Use Disorders

Sociologists have long examined the role played by social constructs and labeling in assigning meaning to human behavior.70See Allan V. Hortitz, Creating Mental Illness 7–8 (2002). These methods of categorization are not “constant, but [instead] change according to the dominant modes of thinking.”71Id.; see also Paul S. Graubard, Children with Behavioral Disabilities, in Exceptional Children in the Schools: Special Education in Transition 245–46 (2d ed. 1973). These processes have had a significant impact upon drug policy insofar as they heavily influence the manners in which individuals with substance use disorders are perceived by society.72See infra notes 73–75 and accompanying text.

Indeed, over a century of policy responses to drug and alcohol abuse have been significantly influenced by the dominant social constructions of substance-abusing individuals.73See Lisa N. Sacco, Cong. Rsch. Serv., R43749, Drug Enforcement in the United States: History, Policy, and Trends 2–10 (2014); Katharine A. Neill, Tough on Drugs: Law and Order Dominance and the Neglect of Public Health in U.S. Drug Policy, 6 World Med. & Health Pol’y 375, 379–81 (2012). For example, an “alcoholic-as-sinner” construct undergirded the temperance movement;74Geoffrey R. Stone, The Second Great Awakening: A Christian Nation, 26 Ga. St. U. L. Rev. 1305, 1322 (2010). an “addict-as-criminal” construct inspired the “War on Drugs.”75See Neill, supra note 73, at 383–84. The degree to which racial animus contributed to the addict-as-criminal construct cannot be overstated. See John P. Hoffmann, The Historical Shift in the Perception of Opiates: From Medicine to Social Menace, 22 J. Psychoactive Drugs 53, 57 (1990); Kenneth B. Nunn, Race, Crime and the Pool of Surplus Criminality: Or Why the “War on Drugs” Was a “War on Blacks,” 6 J. Gender Race & Just. 381, 383 (2002); Michael L. Rosino & Matthew W. Hughey, Speaking Through Silence: Racial Discourse and Identity Construction in Mass-Mediated Debates on the “War on Drugs,” 4 Soc. Currents 246, 246 (2017); Michael Tonry, Race and the War on Drugs, 1994 U. Chi. Legal F. 25, 27 (1994).

The heavy influence of social constructs in this space is apparent when considering one’s own responses to various labels associated with substance-involved individuals. Terms such as “addict” and “alcoholic” are not used in the DSM-V to describe individuals with substance use disorders, nor is the term “addiction.”76See DSM-V, supra note 24, at 485. While some individuals, such as those participating in Twelve Step recovery fellowships, choose to use such language—or more-graphic terms such as “junkie” and “dope fiend”—to describe themselves, the use of such terms to describe individuals with substance use disorders is discouraged due to their negative connotations.77See Alcoholics Anonymous, supra note 33, at 60; Narcotics Anonymous 3 (6th ed. 2008). See generally Lauren M. Broyles, Confronting Inadvertent Stigma and Pejorative Language in Addiction Scholarship: A Recognition and Response, 35 Substance Abuse 217 (2014) (describing the potential negative ramifications of the use of various colloquialisms relating to substance use disorders).

Such terminology has the secondary effect of erasing substance-involved adolescents altogether. To give an example, while a twelve-year-old child can meet the diagnostic criteria for an alcohol use disorder—the adolescents with alcohol use disorders in the aforementioned SAMHSA study included twelve-year-old respondents78See SAMHSA Report, supra note 20, at 36.—describing a twelve-year-old child as an “alcoholic” reflexively appears to be misguided, if not outright impossible. Such dissonance surely stems from the notion that “alcoholism” requires years of problematic drinking to develop. But, as discussed in Section I.A. above, the diagnostic criteria for substance use disorders does not require a minimum age of onset or duration of symptoms. The notion that it requires years of drinking “alcoholically” before an individual can meet the criteria of an alcohol use disorder is simply wrong.

The logical extension of that incorrect belief is that problematic, harm-causing substance abuse by an adolescent is attributable not to a substance use disorder but rather to less-sympathetic causes such as youthful experimentation or simple defiance. Such a belief can prevent adolescents with substance use disorders from obtaining needed medical intervention and likely provides a tacit justification for punitive disciplinary policies.

Describing adolescents as “addicts” is perhaps easier to accept, insofar as a certain percentage of adolescents abuse drugs such as opiates that create an obvious physical dependence and precipitate rapid physical withdrawal symptoms.79An estimated 0.3% of all adolescents aged 12 to 17—approximately 80,000 individuals—had an opioid use disorder in 2020. See SAMHSA Report, supra note 20, at 30. In other words, the abuse of certain drugs can cause symptoms that do align with our conceptions of “addiction” regardless of the age of the drug abuser.

But other drugs, such as marijuana, can cause physical withdrawal symptoms that last for weeks and are often mistaken for general irritability or depression.80Elena M. Kouri & Harrison G. Pope Jr., Abstinence Symptoms During Withdrawal from Chronic Marijuana Use, 8 Experimental & Clinical Psychopharmacology 483, 484 (2000). So despite the fact that marijuana use disorder is the most prevalent of all substance use disorders among adolescents,81See SAMHSA Report, supra note 20, at 30. marijuana abuse does not align as neatly within the social construct of “addiction,” which requires physical tolerance to and withdrawal from a drug. When drug and alcohol abuse by adolescents often does not align with our constructs of “addiction” or “alcoholism,” such behavior is vastly more likely to be addressed within a punitive, “disciplinary” framework. Nowhere is this more evident than in schools.

3. Schools’ Outdated and Ineffective Responses to Substance-Involved Students

While a particular construct can achieve a measure of dominance on a societal level, various entities within society operate under their own dominant modes of thinking.82See Graubard, supra note 71, at 245–46. See generally Lois A. Weithorn, Envisioning Second-Order Change in America’s Responses to Troubled and Troublesome Youth, 33 Hofstra L. Rev. 1305 (2005) (providing a brilliant and thorough analysis of the various intervention systems for youth exhibiting maladaptive behavior). Imagine, for example, a father who finds illicitly obtained opiate painkillers in his teenage daughter’s room and decides to take bold action in response. The nature of the response will depend significantly, if not entirely, upon the entity he contacts; the local police would likely address the situation differently from a substance abuse treatment center or a priest. If the painkillers were discovered in the girl’s school locker, however, the available responses would be limited by district-level or statewide disciplinary policies.83See School Discipline Laws & Regulations by Category, Nat’l Ctr. on Safe & Supportive Learning Env’ts, https://safesupportivelearning.ed.gov/discipline-compendium/choose=state?field_
sub_category_value=Substance+use [https://perma.cc/4F5B-35Y2] (select “Discipline Addressing Specific Code of Conduct Violations,” then “Substance Use,” then each state individually and click “Apply”).

In a 2012 study of the drug- and alcohol-related policies of the one hundred largest school districts in the country, disciplinary responses to incidents of drug possession, use, sales, and distribution (including referral to law enforcement) were far more prevalent than interventions intended to detect and address possible substance use disorders.84See Nat’l Ctr. on Educ. & Econ., What Are Districts’ Written Policies Regarding Student Substance-Related Incidents? 1–2 (2012), https://ies.ed.gov/ncee/pubs/20124022/pdf/
20124022.pdf [https://perma.cc/BH2Y-5JBU].
Though only 15% of districts’ policies referenced obtaining written assessments for potential substance dependence and 55% allowed for referrals to substance abuse counseling, intervention, and treatment programs following possession or use offenses, 98% referenced the imposition of principal-determined suspensions, 90% recommended expulsion hearings, 86% allowed for reporting to law enforcement, and 80% referenced placement in alternative schools or programs.85Id. at 3. Only 26% of districts referenced prevention education in their drug or alcohol policies, and only 44% referenced school-based interventions or remediations.86Id. at 4.

So-called “zero tolerance” policies towards drug- and alcohol-related infractions have been criticized for being ineffective,87See S. Patrick Wynne, Zero-Tolerance Policies in U.S. Schools Are Ineffective and Unaffordable, Juv. Just. Info. Exch. (Jan. 14, 2013), https://jjie.org/2013/01/14/zerotolerance-policies-schools-ineffective-unaffordable-2 [https://perma.cc/K45L-MEY5]; Catherine Winter, Spare the Rod: Amid Evidence Zero Tolerance Doesn’t Work, Schools Reverse Themselves, APM Reps. (Aug. 25, 2016), https://www.apmreports.org/episode/2016/08/25/reforming-school-discipline [https://perma.cc/WV89-5HPS]. punitive,88See Christopher Boccanfuso & Megan Kuhfeld, Multiple Responses, Promising Results: Evidence-Based, Nonpunitive Alternatives to Zero Tolerance 2–3
(2011), http://www.childtrends.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/Child_Trends-2011_03_01_RB_AltTo
ZeroTolerance.pdf [https://perma.cc/N3CT-LL2F]; Karen Dolan, Punitive, Zero Tolerance Policies
Are Endangering Our Students, Inst. Pol’y Stud. (Aug. 31, 2018), https://ips-dc.org/punitive-zero-tolerance-policies-are-endangering-our-students [https://perma.cc/ZRU9-KKVA].
and overbroad.89See Kevin P. Brady, Zero Tolerance or (In)Tolerance Policies? Weaponless School Violence, Due Process, and the Law of Student Suspensions and Expulsions: An Examination of Fuller v. Decatur Public School Board of Education School District, 2002 BYU Educ. & L.J. 159, 177 (2002); Kathy Koch, Zero Tolerance for School Violence: Is Mandatory Punishment in Schools Unfair?, 10 CQ Researcher 185, 191 (2000). There is also a degree to which such policies are too narrow, insofar as their focus—and therefore utility—extends only to the boundaries of active drug possession and use. Put another way, current methods of addressing adolescent drug abuse in schools focus more on the drugs being used than on the adolescents using them. When drugs are removed from a situation, through successful policy initiatives or carceral force, the particular “drug problem” ceases to exist: no laws are broken, and the threat to school safety disappears.

This framing of the problem of student drug use fails to recognize the fundamental nature of substance use disorders insofar as it presumes that the unwanted behavior of student drug use can be deterred through consequences, when continued use in spite of consequences is one of the indicators of substance use disorders.90See supra notes 20–23 and accompanying text. Furthermore, achievement of such policies’ primary objective—the cessation of drug possession and use—would not fully address students’ substance use disorders, as achieving long-term recovery is an active endeavor that persists far beyond the cessation of substance use.91See supra notes 41–47 and accompanying text.

Recognizing substance use disorders as diagnosable and treatable medical conditions, as well as education-impacting disabilities, provides a clearer lens through which to view adolescent substance abuse, albeit one with profoundly complicated implications. What were once considered merely to be willful acts of defiance could instead be interpreted to be ineffective and destructive attempts of self-medication.92Rudolf H. Moos, Theory-Based Processes That Promote the Remission of Substance Use Disorders, 27 Clinical Psych. Rev. 537, 539 (2007). The value of deterrence mechanisms, absent attempts to address the underlying motivations for substance abuse, diminishes if not vanishes.93See supra notes 87–90 and accompanying text. In short, when substance use disorders are cognizable conditions in schools, the problematic activity of adolescent drug abuse necessitates a far greater degree of interpretative complexity.

The challenge this presents, its implications on the allocation of limited resources such as time and funding, and a reasonable desire to avoid controversial decision-making all serve as likely resistance points to the recognition of substance use disorders under special education law. That is why this Article seeks to instigate a new conversation among educators, policymakers, and scholars regarding how to best see and serve substance-involved students. To that end, Part II below will place substance use disorders within the two spheres of special education laws under which public schools operate, which will highlight current impediments to the recognition of substance-involved students and the areas of the law where recognition and accommodations could plausibly be obtained.

II. SITUATING SUBSTANCE USE DISORDERS WITHIN SPECIAL EDUCATION LAW

Two of the three major disability-rights statutes under which public schools operate—Section 5049429 U.S.C. § 794; 34 C.F.R. pt. 104 (2022). and Title II of the ADA9542 U.S.C. §§ 12131–12134; 28 C.F.R. pt. 35 (2022). —currently offer sufficient tools to procure recognition of, and a degree of support for, certain students with substance use disorders. As discussed below, however, such students can neither be seen nor served under the other statute—the IDEA.9620 U.S.C. §§ 1400–1420; 34 C.F.R. §§ 300.1–304.32 (2022).

A. The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act

      The first federal law to mandate that states receiving federal education funding provide “all handicapped children [with] a free appropriate public education” was the Education for All Handicapped Children Act of 1975 (“EAHCA”).97Education for All Handicapped Children Act of 1975, Pub. L. No. 94–142, 89 Stat. 775 (1975) (codified as amended at 20 U.S.C. § 1232). The EAHCA was the product of many years of congressional lobbying from parents and advocates for children with disabilities.98See Wendy F. Hensel, Symposium, Sharing the Short Bus: Eligibility and Identity Under the IDEA, 58 Hastings L.J. 1147, 1148 (2006); Mark C. Weber, The IDEA Eligibility Mess, 57 Buff. L. Rev. 83, 88 (2009). It was also influenced by two federal cases that upheld procedural due process and equal protection claims in favor of students with disabilities who had been excluded or otherwise denied services from their public schools.99See id.; Mills v. Bd. of Educ., 348 F. Supp. 866, 878–79 (D.D.C. 1972); Pa. Ass’n for Retarded Child. v. Pennsylvania, 343 F. Supp. 279, 302–03 (E.D. Pa. 1972). The EAHCA was reauthorized in 1990, at which time its name was changed to the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act.100See Weber, supra note 98, at 88.

The IDEA seeks to ensure that all students with qualifying disabilities and corresponding educational needs receive a “free appropriate public education.”10120 U.S.C. § 1401(9); 34 C.F.R. § 300.17 (2022). The manners in which schools provide a free appropriate public education to IDEA-qualified students are articulated in students’ Individualized Education Programs (“IEPs”).10220 U.S.C. § 1401(4); 34 C.F.R. § 300.22 (2022). Each student’s IEP must articulate which “special education and related services” the child is entitled to receive in order to meet their specific educational goals.10320 U.S.C. § 1414(d)(1)(A)(i); 34 C.F.R. § 300.320(a)–(c) (2022). Furthermore, the free appropriate public education offered to each child, codified by their IEP, must be provided in the least restrictive environment in which they can attain their individualized educational objectives.10420 U.S.C. § 1412(a)(5)(A); see 34 C.F.R. § 300.114(a)(2) (2022). These entitlements are provided to children who meet the IDEA’s disability criteria105See infra notes 115–17 and accompanying text. and whose disability also “adversely affects [the] child’s educational performance”106See infra notes 141, 143–44 and accompanying text. in a manner that creates the need for “special education and related services.”10734 C.F.R. § 300.8(a)(1) (2022). Each of these eligibility prongs will be analyzed in more detail below.108See infra Section II.A.1.

In addition to the substantive right to a free appropriate public education, the IDEA provides certain procedural rights in disputes between parents or otherwise interested third parties and schools.10920 U.S.C. § 1415(a); 34 C.F.R. § 300.500 (2022). Parents or public agencies may file a “due process complaint” on any matter relating to the “identification, evaluation or educational placement” of a child with a disability.11020 U.S.C. § 1415(b)(6)(A); 34 C.F.R. § 300.507(a)(1) (2022). Parties to disputes are afforded access to a timely mediation process conducted by a “qualified and impartial mediator.”11120 U.S.C. § 1415(e)(2)(A)–(E); 34 C.F.R. § 300.506(b)(1)–(5)) (2022). The mediator’s decision in due process disputes can subsequently be challenged in a civil court action; in certain cases, such an action can be filed prior to full exhaustion of the administrative process.112See 20 U.S.C. § 1415(i)(2)(A); 34 C.F.R. § 300.516 (2022); see also Lewis M. Wasserman, Delineating Administrative Exhaustion Requirements and Establishing Federal Courts’ Jurisdiction Under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act: Lessons from the Case Law and Proposals for Congressional Action, 29 J. Nat’l Ass’n Admin. L. Judiciary 349, 384–412 (2009).

The IDEA, and the EAHCA before it, have made a positive impact on public education and the lives of millions of children with disabilities.113See Office Special Educ. Programs, U.S. Dep’t of Educ., History: Twenty-Five Years of Progress in Educating Children With Disabilities Through IDEA 2–4 (2007), https://files.
eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED556111.pdf [https://perma.cc/9HXT-CUJF].
That said, many scholars have noted that the IDEA’s overly restrictive eligibility criteria appear to conflict with its stated objective of “ensur[ing] that all children with disabilities have available to them a free appropriate public education.”11420 U.S.C. § 1400(d) (emphasis added); 34 C.F.R. § 300.1 (2022) (emphasis added); see also Ellen A. Callegary, The IDEA’s Promise Unfulfilled: A Second Look at Special Education & Related Services for Children with Mental Health Needs After Garret F., 5 J. Health Care L. & Pol’y 164, 183–87 (2002); Kevin Golembiewski, Disparate Treatment and Lost Opportunity: Courts’ Approach to Students with Mental Health Disabilities Under the IDEA, 88 Temp. L. Rev. 473, 484–92 (2016); L. Kate Mitchell, “We Can’t Tolerate That Behavior in This School!”: The Consequences of Excluding Children with Behavioral Health Conditions and the Limits of the Law, 41 N.Y.U. Rev. L. & Soc. Change 407, 415–16 (2017); Weber, supra note 98, at 89–102; Julia C. Dimoff, The Inadequacy of the IDEA in Assessing Mental Health for Adolescents: A Call for School-Based Mental Health, 6 DePaul J. Health Care L. 319, 330–32 (2003). Indeed, students with substance use disorders are functionally invisible under the IDEA.

1. Eligibility Barriers for Students with Substance Use Disorders

a. “Child with a Disability”

In order to receive services under the IDEA, a student must first qualify as a “child with a disability.”11520 U.S.C. § 1401(3)(A)(i); 34 C.F.R. § 300.8(a)(1) (2022). The following disabilities—and only the following disabilities—are recognized under the IDEA: “intellectual disabilities, hearing impairments (including deafness), speech or language impairments, visual impairments (including blindness), serious emotional disturbance, . . . orthopedic impairments, autism, traumatic brain injury, other health impairments, or specific learning disabilities.”116Id. The IDEA’s regulatory guidance provides further clarification regarding the requisite components of each disability.117See 34 C.F.R. § 300.8(c) (2022). Failure to meet the criteria for a “child with a disability” precludes a student from receiving services under the IDEA.11820 U.S.C. § 1401(3)(A)(i); 34 C.F.R. § 300.8(a)(1) (2022). While two of the IDEA’s qualifying disabilities—emotional disturbance11920 U.S.C. § 1401(3)(A)(i); 34 C.F.R. § 300.8(c)(4) (2022). and other health impairments12020 U.S.C. § 1401(3)(A)(i); 34 C.F.R. § 300.8(c)(9) (2022).—may initially appear to encompass students with substance use disorders, the conditions for the disabilities that are articulated in the IDEA’s regulations would make such recognition difficult to obtain.

i. Emotional Disturbance

In order to obtain recognition under the IDEA as a child with an emotional disturbance, a student must, “over a long period of time and to a marked degree that adversely affects [the student’s] educational performance,”12134 C.F.R. § 300.8(c)(4)(i) (2022). exhibit one or more of the following characteristics:

(A) An inability to learn that cannot be explained by intellectual, sensory, or health factors.

(B) An inability to build or maintain satisfactory interpersonal relationships with peers and teachers.

(C) Inappropriate types of behavior or feelings under normal circumstances.

(D) A general pervasive mood of unhappiness or depression.

(E) A tendency to develop physical symptoms or fears associated with personal or school problems.122Id.

The regulations further state that emotional disturbance “includes schizophrenia” but does not apply to children who are “socially maladjusted” unless they exhibit one of the criteria provided above.123Id. § 300.8(c)(4)(ii) (2022).

The general deficiencies in this regulatory language have been catalogued at length.12420 U.S.C. § 1400(d); 34 C.F.R. § 300.1 (2022); see also Callegary, supra note 114, at 183–87; Golembiewski, supra note 114, at 484–92; Mitchell, supra note 114, at 415–16; Weber, supra note 98, at 89–102; Dimoff, supra note 114, at 330–32. Insofar as students with substance use disorders are concerned, it should be noted that the criteria for emotional disturbances do not align with the DSM-V’s criteria for substance use disorders;125See supra note 28. some students would exhibit sufficient criteria under both conditions to obtain classification as a student with a substance use disorder and an emotional disturbance, but other students with substance use disorders would fail to meet the emotional disturbance criteria entirely. Nor does the requirement that qualifying behavior be exhibited “over a long period of time”12634 C.F.R. § 300.8(c)(4)(i) (2022). reflect the DSM-V’s relative lack of emphasis upon the amount of time symptoms of substance use disorders must be present prior to a diagnosis.127See supra note 28. Furthermore, the clause referencing “socially maladjusted”12834 C.F.R. § 300.8(c)(4)(ii) (2022). students—a term used to describe juvenile delinquency at the time the IDEA’s precursor was drafted129See Weber, supra note 98, at 111.—appears to serve little purpose other than to bias decisionmakers against classifying certain types of maladaptive behavior as evidence of emotional disturbance.130This assessment of the social maladjustment clause is informed by its curious placement in the regulatory definition of emotional disturbance: evidence of social maladjustment does not disqualify a student from receiving a disability classification of emotionally disturbed if one or more of the other five factors are present. 34 C.F.R. § 300.8(c)(4)(ii) (2022). As this would be a requirement regardless of the social maladjustment clause, the clause’s purpose—other than to present the false implication that emotional disturbance criteria resulting from social maladjustment does not qualify a student for an emotional disturbance classification—is unclear. For scholarly critiques of the social maladjustment clause, see Virginia Costenbader & Roberta Buntaine, Diagnostic Discrimination Between Social Maladjustment and Emotional Disturbance: An Empirical Study, 7 J. Emotional & Behav. Disorders 2, 3–4 (1999); Callegary, supra note 114, at 189; Cynthia A. Dieterich, Nicole D. Snyder & Christine J. Villane, A Legal Study of Children with Emotional Disturbance and Mental Health Needs and Implications for Practice, 45 J.L. & Educ. 39, 46–48 (2016); Weithorn, supra note 82, at 1357–59; Lucy W. Shum, Note, Educationally Related Mental Health Services for Children with Serious Emotional Disturbance: Addressing Barriers to Access Through the IDEA, 5 J. Health Care L. & Pol’y 233, 244–46 (2002); and Felicia Winder, Note, Childhood Trauma and Special Education: Why the “IDEA” Is Failing Today’s Impacted Youth, 44 Hofstra L. Rev. 601, 623–24 (2015).

Evidence of student drug use in the records of IDEA-based civil actions appears to dissuade reviewing judges from attributing student behavior to an underlying emotional disturbance in IDEA-based appeals.131This matter was directly addressed in Springer v. Fairfax City School Board, 134 F.3d 659 (4th Cir. 1998), wherein a student’s “use of illegal substances . . . and reckless and risk-taking acts” was attributed to a “conduct disorder” that triggered the social maladjustment clause and precluded a finding of emotional disturbance under the IDEA. Id. at 664 (internal quotation marks omitted). For additional examples of the social maladjustment clause precluding a finding of emotional disturbance for students with a history of substance abuse, see Dale M. v. Bd. of Educ. of Bradley-Bourbonnais High Sch. Dist. No. 307, 237 F.3d 813, 817 (7th Cir. 2001); and Tracy v. Beaufort Cty. Bd. of Educ., 335 F. Supp. 2d 675, 688–89 (D.S.C. 2004). In denying a student eligibility under the emotionally disturbed category, Judge Richard Posner attributed the child’s drug use and criminal record to “a lack of proper socialization” and noted that while the child’s substance abuse “interferes with his schooling . . . it interferes with much else besides, such as [his] ability to conform to the law and avoid jail.”132Dale M., 237 F.3d at 817. A district court opinion, also denying eligibility, noted that “[t]eenagers . . . can be a wild and unruly bunch. Adolescence is, almost by definition, a time of social maladjustment for many people.”133Springer, 134 F.3d at 664. Some courts consider substance abuse to be a de facto indicator of social maladjustment.134W.G. v. N.Y.C. Dep’t of Educ., 801 F. Supp. 2d 142, 155 (S.D.N.Y. 2011) (supporting a denial of emotional disturbance finding with a student’s psychologist’s assessment that “under the IDEA students who are socially maladjusted or have a history of substance abuse [do] not qualify for the disability classification of emotional disturbance”). The student under review had a diagnosis of cannabis dependence under DSM-IV criteria, which delineated between “abuse” and “dependence” in a manner that was not continued in the DSM-V. See id. at 153; see also Substance Abuse & Mental Health Servs. Admin., Impact of the DSM-IV to DSM-V Changes on the National Survey on Drug Use and Health 10 (2016), https://www.samhsa.gov/data/sites/default/files/NSDUH-DSM5Impact
AdultMI-2016.pdf [https://perma.cc/D5BM-HYHT].
Given the barriers to receiving an emotional disturbance disability classification faced by all students with maladaptive school behaviors, and the particular barrier of the social maladjustment clause for students with a history of substance abuse, widespread acknowledgement of student substance use disorders via the emotionally disturbed category of IDEA-eligible disabilities is unlikely.

ii. Other Health Impairment

To qualify for IDEA services under the “other health impairment” category, a student must have “limited strength, vitality, or alertness, including a heightened alertness to environmental stimuli, that results in limited alertness with respect to the educational environment” due to a “chronic or acute health problem[] such as asthma, attention deficit disorder or attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, diabetes, epilepsy, a heart condition, hemophilia, lead poisoning, leukemia, nephritis, rheumatic fever, sickle cell anemia, and Tourette syndrome [that] adversely affects a child’s educational performance.”13534 C.F.R. §  300.8(c)(9) (2022). The requirement that the health condition create a “limited alertness with respect to the educational environment” is far easier to demonstrate than the emotional disturbance criteria;136See Hensel, supra note 98, at 1164. it also more closely aligns with the typical manifestations of substance use disorders.137See supra Section I.A. Other obstacles exist, however, for individuals seeking recognition of substance use disorders as an “other health impairment.”

While the category’s list of “chronic or acute health problems” that are considered “other health impairments” is non-exhaustive,13834 C.F.R. § 300.8(c)(9) (2022) (stating “chronic or acute health problems such as [list of OHI-recognized disabilities]” (emphasis added)). the absence of substance use disorders leaves the decision of whether to acknowledge a particular student’s disorder to the special education team at the student’s school, subject to review of a mediator and, if appealed, a state or federal judge.139The overwhelming majority of IDEA-based causes of action are filed in federal courts. See James R. Newcomer & Perry A. Zirkel, An Analysis of Judicial Outcomes of Special Education Cases, 65 Exceptional Child. 469, 474 (1999) (finding that 85% of IDEA-based civil suits were filed in federal court as of 1999). This figure has remained consistent twenty years after this initial finding. See Laura J. Granelli & Beth L. Sims, Special Education Disputes: Litigate or Settle: That Is the Question 6–7 (2018), https://www.nyssba.org/clientuploads/nyssba_pdf/Events/precon-law-2018/06-special-ed-disputes-outline.pdf [https://perma.cc/RR3H-Y57D]. Though such a finding would not be outside the realm of possibility, two factors diminish its likelihood. One, the lack of precedent for a substance use disorder being classified as an “other health impairment” compromises advocates’ ability to effectively argue for such a classification and would likely give reviewing authorities pause before making such a determination. Furthermore, the fact that other conditions (such as attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder and Tourette syndrome) have been added to the original list of “other health impairments” in formal amendments to the IDEA’s regulations140 See IDEA-Part B Final Regulations: Children With ADD/ADHD—Topic Brief, U.S. Dep’t
of Educ., https://fbaum.unc.edu/lobby/063_IDEA/Agency_Activities/Education/ED_Children_With_
ADD_ADHAD_0399.htm (Apr. 14, 1999) [https://perma.cc/6SHH-9JSD]; Dixie Snow Huefner, Commentary, The Final Regulations for the Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act (IDEA ‘04), 217 Educ. L. Rep. 1, 3 (2007). For additional analysis regarding attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder, see infra Section II.A.1.c.
might dissuade school personnel or reviewing authorities from recognizing a condition absent from the regulations that has not been subjected to a similar degree of review and approval.

Another significant barrier impeding the classification of substance use disorders as an “other health impairment” is the secondary requirement—which also applies to findings of emotional disturbance and all other qualifying disabilities under the IDEA—that the impairment “adversely affects a child’s educational performance.”14134 C.F.R. § 300.8(c)(1)–(9) (2022). Indeed, most disputes over whether a student should receive IDEA services under the “other health impairment” classification focus not upon the existence of a disability but rather the degree to which that disability adversely affects the child’s educational performance.142See Hensel, supra note 98, at 1164, 1170.

b. “Adversely Affects Educational Performance”

Neither the IDEA statutory text nor its regulations clearly articulate the type and extent of adverse effect a disability must have upon a student’s educational performance in order for the child to qualify for IDEA services.143See 20 U.S.C. §§ 1401–1482; 34 C.F.R. § 300.8 (2022); see also Callegary, supra note 114, at 186. This element of the IDEA’s eligibility criteria has been a longstanding focus of scholarly critique.144See Garda, supra note 63, at 481–86 (2004); Theresa Glennon, Disabling Ambiguities: Confronting Barriers to the Education of Students with Emotional Disabilities, 60 Tenn. L. Rev. 295, 355–56 (1993); Jamie Lynne Thomas, Comment, Decoding Eligibility Under the IDEA: Interpretations of “Adversely Affect Educational Performance,” 38 Campbell L. Rev. 73, 97–104 (2016); Weber, supra note 98, at 116–18. For an astute critique of the most-common judicial interpretations of this clause, see generally Golembiewski, supra note 114. While students with substance use disorders who receive recognition of their disability as an “other health impairment” would face much of the same difficulty as other students with disabilities in demonstrating the adverse effect of their disability (and corresponding need for special education and related services), the unique nature of substance use disorders poses particular challenges in this space.

These challenges can be distinguished between those that would likely be faced by students who are actively using substances at the time of an eligibility determination or IEP meeting and those likely to be faced by students in remission145Here, “remission” does not need to align with the DSM-V’s requirement of a minimum of three months free from symptoms of substance use disorders; students who are not currently engaging in drug or alcohol use and are not in need of intensive medical intervention fall within this category. from a substance use disorder. While students in remission would likely face fewer barriers in this space than substance-involved students, demonstrating sufficient adverse effects upon their educational performance that can be attributable to their substance use disorder might nevertheless be difficult. For one, the educators and reviewing entities making the eligibility determination may not fully understand the unique profile of substance use disorders and the manner in which they can continue to symptomatically manifest—and, possibly, adversely affect the student’s educational performance—even when a student is in remission from active drug use.146See supra Section I.A. Additionally, the existence of alternative vehicles of support for students with disabilities that do not feature as-stringent eligibility criteria—Section 504 and the ADA—might diminish the perceived significance of recognizing a substance use disorder in remission under the IDEA.147See infra Section II.B. Finally, the delicate balance of being in remission from a substance use disorder, and that disorder concurrently being recognized as adversely affecting the student’s educational performance to a degree that warrants special education and related services, is ever-vulnerable to disruption by the common occurrence of relapses.148See supra note 31 and accompanying text.

Students who do not use or possess drugs at school but instead manifest the adverse effects of substance use disorders primarily at home can also “fall[] without” the “outer boundaries of IDEA eligibility.”149R.C. v. York Sch. Dep’t, Civil No. 07-177-P-S, 2008 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 75538, at *72 (D. Me. Sept. 25, 2008) (finding that a “deeply troubled young woman who suffered serious adverse effects from [depression], but displayed virtually none in school” was ineligible for IDEA services), aff’d, 2008 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 98762 (D. Me. Dec. 5, 2008). The “inappropriate behaviors” catalogued by the court, however, included “being drunk or high . . . in school.” Id. According to the Department of Education’s Office of Special Education Programs, because the IDEA’s provisions “relate to the educational environment . . . for eligibility purposes, the student must meet the [adverse effect requirement] within the educational environment.”150Letter to Anonymous, 213 Educ. for Handicapped L. Rep. 247, 249 (Aug. 11, 1989); see also Garda, supra note 63, at 479. Unfortunately, such policies fail to acknowledge the degrees to which the consequences of substance use disorders extend beyond periods of active drug use.151See supra Section I.A.

The remaining category of students, those with substance use disorders who commit drug-related offenses at school, would likely have the most-obvious claim that their disability is adversely affecting their educational performance. The significance of this finding, however, would be diminished by the disciplinary (and possibly legal) consequences the students would face following the infraction. Furthermore, the discovery of active substance abuse either at home or at school can result in parents seeking a degree of support for their students that schools are typically unwilling to fund.152See infra Section.II.A.2.b. While these particular elements are distinct from the inquiry concerning IDEA eligibility for students with substance use disorders, they would factor significantly into the manner in which such students would be served under the IDEA were they to meet the initial eligibility criteria.

c. “Needs Special Education”

One eligibility prong remains: students who meet the aforementioned criteria must also “need[] special education and related services.”15320 U.S.C. § 1401(3)(A)(ii); 34 C.F.R. § 300.8(c) (2022). The IDEA defines special education as “specially designed instruction, at no cost to parents, to meet the unique needs of a child with a disability.”15420 U.S.C. § 1401(29). The term “specially designed instruction” is defined as “adapting, as appropriate to the needs of an eligible child . . . the content, methodology, or delivery of instruction.”15534 C.F.R. § 300.39 (2022). The IDEA provides a list of “related services” that “may be required to assist a child with a disability to benefit from special education,” including “psychological services, . . . social work services, . . . counseling services, including rehabilitation counseling . . . and medical services . . . for diagnostic or evaluation purposes.”15620 U.S.C. § 1401(26)(A); see also 34 C.F.R. § 300.24(a) (2022). Whether a student needs “special education,” as opposed to accommodations such as preferential seating or mobility assistance, is often a determining factor in whether a student meets IDEA eligibility or the more-expansive Section 504 eligibility criteria.157See Garda, supra note 63, at 487 (“Section 504’s coverage is broader than IDEA’s because it does not consider the child’s need for special education.”). For an analysis of Section 504’s eligibility criteria as applied to students with substance use disorders, see infra Section II.B.

While the eligibility requirement that a student must “need[] special education” is logically “intertwined” with the requirement that a student’s IDEA-recognized disability “adversely affects” their educational performance, they are distinct inquires.158See Garda, supra note 63, at 490. Complicating this analysis is the fact that the statutory and regulatory language of the IDEA does not clarify (beyond the aforementioned definitions) which modifications constitute “special education” and which are simply best practices that address individual student needs.159See Hensel, supra note 98, at 1174 (“Despite the statute’s thirty[-]year existence, there is little agreement among courts and scholars as to what type of services fall under this umbrella.”); Weber, supra note 98, at 120 (“The reality is that there exists no precise definition for ‘need special education’ beyond the meaning of the words themselves.”); see also Garda, supra note 63, at 486–90.

The eligibility barriers discussed above are likely sufficient to preclude recognition of students with substance use disorders under the IDEA, rendering the discussion of whether such students need “special education” primarily theoretical at present. Nevertheless, advocates seeking IDEA reform must clearly establish that—if the statute were amended to recognize substance use disorders as education-impacting disabilities—there are available special education practices that could serve such students. Two foundations for this argument exist. One can first analogize the manner in which the students with substance use disorders could be served under the IDEA to the manner in which students with attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (“ADHD”) are currently being served under the IDEA.160See infra notes 162–66 and accompanying text. One can then glean examples of “specially designed instruction” from school-based programs that currently serve students with substance use disorders, such as recovery schools.161See infra notes 167–70 and accompanying text.

ADHD and substance use disorders are “inextricably intertwined.”162Elizabeth Harstad, Sharon Levy & Committee on Substance Abuse, Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder and Substance Abuse, 134 Pediatrics e293, e293 (2014). Children with ADHD are at a significantly higher risk of developing substance dependence than children without ADHD,163See Steve S. Lee, Kathryn L. Humphreys, Kate Flory, Rebecca Liu & Kerrie Colass, Prospective Association of Childhood Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) and Substance Use and Abuse/Dependence: A Meta-Analytic Review, 31 Clinical Psych. Rev. 328, 338 (2011). The same study also found that “early ADHD strongly predicts future substance abuse/dependence in adolescence/adulthood and that this association is largely impervious to demographic and methodological factors that varied across each study.” Id. at 337. and rates of ADHD among adolescents receiving treatment for substance use disorders are significantly higher than among the general population of their peers.164See Susan Merle Gordon, Frank Tulak & Joseph Troncale, Prevalence and Characteristics of Adolescent Patients with Co-Occurring ADHD and Substance Dependence, 23 J. Addictive Diseases 31, 31–32 (2004) (“Estimates of co-morbidity of SUD [substance use disorders] and ADHD in addiction treatment settings range from 30% to 50%, while community prevalence rates are approximately 3% to 5%.” (citations omitted)); Katelijne van Emmerik-van Oortmerssen, Geurt van de Glind, Wim van den Brink, Filip Smit, Cleo L. Crunelle, Marije Swets & Robert A. Schoerers, Prevalence of Attention-Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder in Substance Use Disorder Patients: A Meta-Analysis and Meta-Regression Analysis, 122 Drug & Alcohol Dependence 11, 12–13 (2012) (showing an overall ADHD prevalence of 25% among adolescent subjects of the meta-analysis, compared to 5% of the general child population). Like substance use disorders, ADHD is correlated with poor academic performance, higher risk of dropout, and an increased risk of involvement with the juvenile justice system.165See William J. Barbaresi, Slavica K. Katusic, Robert C. Colligan, Amy L. Weaver & Steven J. Jacobsen, Long-Term School Outcomes for Children with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder: A Population-Based Perspective, 28 J. Dev. & Behav. Pediatrics 265, 270 (2007); Regina Bussing, Dana M. Mason, Lindsay Bell, Phillip Porter & Cynthia Garvan, Adolescent Outcomes of Childhood Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in a Diverse Community Sample, 49 J. Am. Acad. of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry 595, 596, 601 (2010).

ADHD was not included in the examples of “other health impairments” in the IDEA’s original regulations; the condition was added following the IDEA Amendments of 1997.166See Paolo G. Annino, The New IDEA Regulations: The Next Step in Improving the Quality of Special Education, 23 Mental & Physical Disability L. Rep. 439, 439 (1999). In seeking similar recognition of substance use disorders, advocates need not entirely conflate such disorders with ADHD to nevertheless draw valid analogies between the two conditions. Both concern a medically grounded reassessment of maladaptive school behavior that, if left unaddressed, leaves students vulnerable to a higher risk of failure. Furthermore, to whatever degree the common symptoms of ADHD mirror the school performance of students with substance use disorders, similar special education and related services can be provided to the latter population.

Advocates can also look to programs that currently serve students with substance use disorders for examples of academic modifications and supportive services that allow such students to fully access their educational opportunities. Recovery schools, which provide integrated therapeutic support for students in remission from substance use disorders, are a valuable source of such knowledge and experience.167See D. Paul Moberg, Andrew J. Finch & Stephanie M. Lindsley, Recovery High Schools: Students and Responsive Academic and Therapeutic Services, 89 Peabody J. Educ. 165, 165 (2014) (“RHS [Recovery High School] programs are designed to meet both academic and therapeutic needs of adolescents who have received treatment for substance use disorders.”). See generally Approaches to Substance Abuse and Addiction in Education Communities: A Guide to Practices that Support Recovery in Adolescents and Young Adults (Jeffery D. Roth & Andrew J. Finch, eds., 2010) (describing recovery high schools from the perspectives of students, teachers, and administrators). Recovery schools’ academic programming is typically more flexible than traditional schools, both to provide students the opportunity to learn foundational material that was not obtained prior to entering treatment and to allow time for supportive services throughout the day.168See Moberg, supra note 167, at 174. Recovery schools also have small class sizes, which allow for a greater amount of individual student attention.169See Andrew J. Finch, D. Paul Moberg & Amanda Lawton Krupp, Continuing Care in High Schools: A Descriptive Study of Recovery High School Programs, 23 J. Child & Adolescent Substance Abuse 116, 123 (2014). Incorporating the principles and practices of recovery schools into public school systems would substantially alleviate the most pressing challenges of recovery schools—maintaining sustainability and offering a diverse suite of academic and elective courses170See Moberg, supra note 167, at 172–80.—by leveraging economies of scale.

Despite the valuable insight recovery schools can provide, the manners in which “the content, methodology, or delivery of instruction”17134 C.F.R. § 300.39(b)(3) (2022). can most-efficaciously be adapted for students with substance use disorders remains a significant opportunity for further study and innovation. Much more is known regarding the “related services”17220 U.S.C. § 1401(26)(A). schools can provide—and in some cases are already providing—to support this population. Approaches such as resilience theory,173See Rebecca Kate Hodder, Megan Freund, Luke Wolfenden, Jenny Bowman, Smriti Nepal, Julia Dray, Melanie Kingsland, Sze Lin Yoong & John Wiggers, Systematic Review of Universal School-Based ‘Resilience’ Interventions Targeting Adolescent Tobacco, Alcohol or Illicit Substance Use: A Meta-Analysis, 100 Preventative Med. 248, 257 (2017) (“[U]niversal school-based interventions that address adolescent ‘resilience’ protective factors as part of any intervention approach are effective in reducing adolescent illicit substance use, supporting the implementation of such universal school-based interventions to reduce illicit substance use by adolescents.”). peer network counseling,174See Michael J. Mason, Nikola M. Zaharakis, Michael Russell & Victoria Childress, A Pilot Trial of Text-Delivered Peer Network Counseling to Treat Young Adults with Cannabis Use Disorder, J. Substance Abuse Treatment, June 2018, at 1, 8 (finding that, while the study’s sample size was small, Peer Network Counseling interventions using text messages “may be efficacious in reducing cannabis related problems for those with moderate and high levels of CUD [Cannabis Use Disorder] severity, in reducing cannabis craving, and in reducing positive cannabis metabolites specimen results among young adults”). motivational interviewing,175See Elizabeth Barnett, Steve Sussman, Caitlin Smith, Louise A. Rohrbach & Donna Sprujit-Metz, Motivational Interviewing for Adolescent Substance Use: A Review of the Literature, 37 Addictive Behavs. 1325, 1327 (2012) (“Twenty-six trials (67%) showed significant reductions in some type of substance use.”). and cognitive-behavioral therapy176See Susan G. Forman & Laura Sharp, Substance-Abuse Prevention: School-Based Cognitive-Behavioral Approaches, in Cognitive-Behavioral Interventions in Educational Settings: A Handbook for Practice 557, 567–75 (Rosemary B. Mennuti, Ray W. Christner & Arthur Freeman eds., 2d ed. 2012) (offering examples of studies supporting the assertion that “cognitive-behavioral school-based prevention programs can have a positive impact on the prevalence of substance abuse among youth”). have all been demonstrated to improve outcomes for adolescents with substance use disorders.177For additional examples of adolescent substance abuse treatment practices, see Nat’l Inst. On Drug Abuse, supra note 65, at 22–29. School-based interventions can strengthen “social resistance skills,”178See Kenneth W. Griffin & Gilbert J. Botvin, Evidence-Based Interventions for Preventing Substance Use Disorders in Adolescents, 19 Child & Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics N. Am. 505, 510 (2010). provide “normative education” regarding the dangers of substance abuse,179See id. and focus on “competence-enhancement” that addresses other social needs.180See id. at 511.

It should also be noted that the provision of “special education and related services” to students with substance use disorders aligns with the value of inclusion underlying the policy that students are to be educated in the “least restrictive environment” in which their needs can be met.18120 U.S.C. § 1414(d)(1)(A)(i); 34 C.F.R. § 300.320(a)–(c) (2022). This is especially the case if such interventions can be performed at the outset of the disorder’s manifestation. Providing early, effective, and evidence-based interventions can allow students to remain integrated in their schools and home environments and forestall, or ideally preempt altogether, a need for residential placement or the threat of juvenile justice involvement.

In summary, the IDEA’s eligibility criteria currently present barriers to the recognition of students with substance use disorders that would likely require statutory or regulatory amendments to overcome. In addition to amending the IDEA’s eligibility criteria, there are two important policy considerations that are deserving of attention, debate, and a similarly tailored response: (1) the balance between schools’ non-negotiable need to maintain safe and drug-free campuses and students’ protections against disciplinary actions that are “manifestations” of their disabilities;18220 U.S.C. § 1415(k)(1)(F); 34 C.F.R. § 300.530(f) (2022). and (2) schools’ obligations to provide tuition reimbursement for residential treatment programs.

2. Further Policy Considerations: Manifestation Determinations and Residential Placements

a. Manifestation Determinations

If a student’s IEP team determines that a particular incident of school misbehavior is a manifestation of the child’s disability, the school, rather than levying punitive discipline, will conduct a “functional behavioral assessment, . . . implement a behavioral intervention plan[, and] . . . return the child to the placement from which the child was removed.”183Id. However, drug-related offenses trigger an exception to the IDEA’s standard protocol of determining whether a student’s misbehavior can be considered a “manifestation” of the student’s disability.18420 U.S.C. § 1415(k)(1)(G); 34 C.F.R. § 300.530(g) (2022). Students who are caught using or possessing drugs at school are thus subject to disciplinary action, referral to law enforcement, and removal to an alternative educational setting for up to forty-five days “without regard to whether the behavior is determined to be a manifestation of the child’s disability.”185Id. Under the IDEA, schools still have the discretion to hold manifestation determination hearings following drug-related infractions by students with disabilities, but they are not required to do so as they are with other infractions.186Id.

The fact that substance use disorders are functionally invisible within special education law has resulted in inconsistent outcomes of manifestation determinations involving drug-related offenses for students with IDEA-recognized disabilities.187For examples of findings that drug-related offenses were manifestations of IDEA-recognized disabilities, see School Bd. of Prince William Cnty., Va. v. Malone, 762 F.2d 1210, 1212 (4th Cir. 1985) (applying similar criteria from IDEA’s precursor, the Education for All Handicapped Children Act); Maple Heights City Sch. Bd. of Educ. v. A.C., No. 14CV1033, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 83100, at *25 (N.D. Ohio June 27, 2016); Edwin K. v. Jackson, No. 01 C 7115, 2002 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 11913, at *13–14 (N.D. Ill. July 1, 2002); Breen ex rel. Breen v. St. Charles R-IV Sch. Dist., 2 F. Supp. 2d 1214, 1218 (E.D. Mo. 1997), aff’d, No. 97-2788, 1998 U.S. App. LEXIS 7504 (8th Cir. Apr.15, 1998). For examples of findings that drug-related offenses were not manifestations of IDEA-recognized disabilities, see Bd. of Educ of Oak Park v. Nathan R. ex rel. Richard R., 199 F.3d 377, 379 (7th Cir. 2000); Bd. of Educ. of Vandalia Cmty. Unit Sch. Dist. No. 203 v. K.S., No. 15-CV-1048-DGW, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 131466, at *2 (S.D. Ill. Sept. 23, 2016); Fisher v. Friendship Pub. Charter Sch., 10-cv-886, 2012 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 59510, at *6–7 (D.D.C. Jan. 26, 2012); S.C. ex rel. Poland v. Union Twp. Sch. Corp., No. 09-CV-167, 2010 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 53562, at *2 (N.D. Ind. June 1, 2010); Y.B. ex rel. A.B. v. Williamson Cnty. Bd. of Educ., No. 08-0999, 2009 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 108701, at *3–4 (M.D. Tenn. Nov. 20, 2009); Gutin v. Wash. Twp. Bd. of Educ., 467 F. Supp. 2d 414, 420 (D.N.J. 2006); A.P. v. Pemberton Twp. Bd. of Educ., No. 05-3780, 2006 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 32542, at *2 (D.N.J. May 15, 2006); Farrin v. Me. Sch. Admin. Dist. No. 59, 165 F. Supp. 2d 37, 47 (D. Me. 2001). If a student with a substance disorder who is deemed to have met the aforementioned IDEA eligibility criteria—by, again, meeting the criteria for emotional disturbance or being recognized as having an “other health impairment,” either of which must adversely affect the student’s educational performance to a degree that requires special education—committed a drug-related offense at school, it would almost certainly be considered a manifestation of their disability. Nevertheless, absent an amendment to the current guidelines, the aforementioned exception would apply, and the student’s school district would still have the ability to discipline the student, refer the student to law enforcement, and remove the student to an alternative placement for up to forty-five days.18820 U.S.C. § 1415(k)(1)(G); 34 C.F.R. § 300.530(g) (2022).

Any legislative response that adheres to the value of school safety would ensure that schools maintain the flexibility to adequately respond to all drug-related offenses, including, if necessary, the temporary removal of students from campus. Such responses, however, should initiate, rather than foreclose, a dialogue regarding the “special education and related services” students are to be provided in their new placement. Without such support, the value of safety—both for the individual student and the school community—would be compromised upon the student’s return.

b. Residential Placements

The school’s response could be rendered moot, however, if the student is first withdrawn from the district by their parents and placed in a residential drug-treatment program. Under the IDEA’s regulations, parents of children who have previously received special education services and are dissatisfied by a school’s current provision of services can enroll their child in a private school program and file a due process action seeking reimbursement.18920 U.S.C. § 1412(a)(10)(C)(ii); 34 C.F.R. § 300.148(c) (2022). Such reimbursement is justified only if “the public placement violated IDEA and the private [here, residential] school placement was proper under the Act.”190Forest Grove Sch. Dist. v. T.A., 557 U.S. 230, 246 (2009) (citing Florence Cnty. Sch. Dist. Four v. Carter ex rel. Carter, 510 U.S. 7, 15 (1993)).

Federal circuits employ different tests for determining whether a particular student’s residential placement is proper (and therefore reimbursable).191See Ralph D. Mawdsley, Commentary, Applying the Forest Grove Balancing Test to Parent Reimbursement for Placement in Residential Medical Facilities, 253 West’s Educ. L. Rep. 521, 528–32 (2010). Under the oldest, most lenient, and most widely employed standard, courts assess “whether full-time placement may be considered necessary for educational purposes, or whether the residential placement is a response to medical, social or emotional problems that are segregable from the learning process.”192Kruelle v. New Castle Cnty. Sch. Dist., 642 F.2d 687, 693 (3d. Cir. 1981); see Mawdsley, supra note 191, at 528. The Seventh Circuit modified the above test to focus more directly upon the primary purpose of the chosen residential facility; reimbursement is not provided for placements that are “oriented more toward enabling the child to engage in noneducational activities.”193Dale M. ex rel. Alice M. v. Bd. of Educ. of Bradley-Bourbonnais High Sch. Dist., 237 F.3d 813, 817; see Mawdsley, supra note 191, at 528–29. The Fifth Circuit adopted elements of the aforementioned tests to create a two-part standard for proper residential placements: such placements “must be 1) essential in order for the disabled child to receive a meaningful educational benefit, and 2) primarily oriented toward enabling the child to obtain an education.”194Richardson Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Michael Z. ex rel. Leah Z., 580 F.3d 286, 299 (5th Cir. 2009); see Mawdsley, supra note 191, at 529–30. The second prong of this test is a “fact-intensive inquiry” that involves “weed[ing] out inappropriate treatments from the appropriate (and therefore reimbursable) ones.”195Michael Z., 580 F.3d at 301.

In practice, courts are reluctant to order reimbursement for programs designed to address substance use disorders for students with disabilities currently recognized under the IDEA.196For examples of courts denying parental reimbursement for substance use disorder or other mental health treatment programs in cases that involved students with IDEA-recognized disabilities and at least some history of substance use, see Fort Bend Indep. School Dist. v. Douglas A. ex rel. Z.A., 601 F. App’x 250, 253 (5th Cir. 2015); Forest Grove Sch. Dist. v. T.A., 638 F.3d 1234, 1239–40 (9th Cir. 2011); Mary T. v. Sch. Dist. of Phila., 575 F.3d 235, 248–49 (3d. Cir. 2009); C.T. ex rel. M.T. v. Croton-Harmon Union Free Sch. Dist., 812 F. Supp. 2d 420, 423 (S.D.N.Y. 2011); P.C. ex rel. K.C. v. Oceanside Union Free Sch. Dist., 818 F. Supp. 2d 516, 531–32 (E.D.N.Y. 2011); J.P. v. Enid Pub. Schs., No. CIV-08-0937-HE, 2009 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 87813, at *2 (W.D. Okla. Sept. 23, 2009); Rodriguez v. San Mateo Union High Sch. Dist., No. C 07-2360, 2008 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 111376, at *43 (N.D. Cal. July 3, 2008), aff’d, 357 F. App’x 752 (9th Cir. 2009); Green v. N.Y.C. Dep’t of Educ., No. 07 Civ. 1259 2008 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 32118, at *23 (S.D.N.Y. Mar. 31, 2008); Lauren V. v. Colonial Sch. Dist., No. 07-308, 2007 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 7836, at *34–35 (E.D. Pa. Oct. 22, 2007); Windsor-Plainsboro Reg’l Sch. Dist. Bd. of Educ. v. J.S. ex rel. M.S., No. 04-3459, 2005 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 25855, at *70–71 (D.N.J. Oct. 28, 2005); J.S. v. Shoreline Sch. Dist., 220 F. Supp. 2d 1175, 1191 (W.D. Wash. 2002). For examples of courts approving some degree of reimbursement for substance use disorder or other mental health treatment programs in cases that involved students with IDEA-recognized disabilities and at least some history of substance use, see Edmonds Sch. Dist. v. A.T., 299 F. Supp. 3d 1135, 1144 (W.D. Wash. 2017), aff’d, 780 F. App’x 491 (9th Cir. 2019) (approving reimbursement for a highly structured residential program for a student with a diagnosis of prodromal schizophrenia and a history of substance abuse); Sacramento City Unified Sch. Dist. v. R.H. ex rel J.H., No. 14-cv-01549-DB, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 140065, at *62–63 (E.D. Cal. Oct. 6, 2016) (holding a district responsible for placement that provided academic and mental health support due to the district’s failure to provide a free appropriate public education); Bd. of Educ. of City of Chi. v. Ill. Bd. of Educ., 13 C 2782, 2013 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 142134, at *12 (N.D. Ill. Oct. 1, 2013) (upholding reimbursement for a residential program that provided “drug treatment services [that were] incidental to, and enabled [the student] to benefit from, their academic programs”); Lauren G. ex rel. Scott G. v. W. Chester Area Sch. Dist., 906 F. Supp. 2d 375, 395 (E.D. Pa. 2012) (finding a placement that included substance abuse treatment services provided a “necessary ingredient for learning”); J.S. ex rel. R.S. v. S. Orange/Maplewood Bd. of Educ., No. 06-3494, 2008 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 24031, at *26–27 (D.N.J. Mar. 15, 2008) (awarding partial tuition reimbursement for a student with a history of substance abuse due to procedural violations on the part of the school district); New Paltz Cent. Sch. Dist. v. St. Pierre ex rel. M.S., 307 F. Supp. 2d 394, 401–02 (N.D.N.Y. 2004) (finding that a residential program, “[i]n addition to providing a drug-free environment . . . offered group and individual psychological counseling and cognitive-behavioral and confrontational therapies necessary to attain social and emotional stability”); Dep’t of Educ. v. Cari Rae S., 158 F. Supp. 2d 1190, 1200 (D. Haw. 2001) (classifying a short-term stay in a psychiatric hospital for a student with a history of substance abuse and mental health disabilities as falling within the IDEA’s “diagnostic and evaluative” exception to the general prohibition against reimbursement for medical services). A valid concern exists, however, that broadening the IDEA’s eligibility standards to encompass more students with mental health disorders would place a significant burden upon school districts to underwrite treatment costs.197Compare David S. Doty, A Desperate Grab for Free Rehab: Unilateral Placements Under IDEA for Students with Drug and Alcohol Addictions, 2004 BYU Educ. & L.J. 249, 267 (2004) (arguing that using the IDEA as a vehicle for providing substance use disorder treatment for students with other recognized disabilities would represent a waste of taxpayer dollars), with Erin M. Heidrich, Note, Expanding Access to Residential Treatments for Mentally Ill Youth Through the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, 41 N. Ky. L. Rev. 295, 311 (2014) (arguing that early investment in mental health support ultimately saves taxpayer dollars).

In conclusion, students with substance use disorders will likely remain invisible under the IDEA. Fortunately, another mechanism exists by which this population can be seen and served in their schools: the prohibitions against disability-based discrimination by public entities contained in Section 504 and further contextualized by the ADA.

B. Section 504 and the Americans with Disabilities Act

Compared to the IDEA, Section 504 and the ADA appear to impose altogether different obligations upon schools: the IDEA imposes an affirmative duty to provide students that meet its exclusive eligibility criteria with a free appropriate public education198See 20 U.S.C. § 1401(9); 34 C.F.R. § 300.17 (2022). while Section 504 and the ADA contain strong prohibitions against disability-based discrimination.199See 34 C.F.R. § 104.1 (2022) (“The purpose of this part [of the Code of Federal Regulations] is to effectuate section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, which is designed to eliminate discrimination on the basis of handicap in any program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance.”); 42 U.S.C. § 12101(b)(2) (“It is the purpose of [the ADA statute] . . . to provide clear, strong, consistent, enforceable standards addressing discrimination against individuals with disabilities.”). Functionally, however, Section 504 and the ADA stand alongside the IDEA as powerful mechanisms by which students with disabilities can be seen and served in their schools.200See Christopher J. Walker, Note, Adequate Access or Equal Treatment: Looking Beyond the IDEA to Section 504 in a Post-Schaffer Public School, 58 Stan. L. Rev. 1563, 1588 (2006) (“Once [its] regulations were in place, Section 504 became a powerful tool for combating disability discrimination in employment, as well as in preschool, elementary, secondary, and postsecondary education.”).

1. Section 504 and the ADA’s Eligibility Requirements and Protections

Unlike the IDEA, Section 504 and the ADA’s current eligibility standards provide sufficient opportunity to recognize and serve certain students with substance use disorders. While the IDEA only recognizes particular enumerated disabilities,201See supra Section II.A.1.a. Section 504 and the ADA prohibit discrimination against—and provide needed protections for—all students for whom “a physical or mental impairment . . . substantially limits one or more major life activities.”20234 C.F.R. § 104.3 (2022); 42 U.S.C. § 12102(1)(A).

According to Section 504’s school-specific regulations, schools must provide each “qualified handicapped person” with a “free appropriate public education.”20334 C.F.R. § 104.33 (2022). To be considered “handicapped” under Section 504 and the ADA, students must have “any physiological disorder or condition . . . affecting one or more” of a broad list of bodily systems,204Of the bodily systems listed, “neurological” is most directly relevant to substance use disorders. See 34 C.F.R. § 103 (2022); 29 U.S.C. § 794. or “any mental or psychological impairment,”20534 C.F.R. § 104.3(j)(2)(i)(B) (2021). that substantially limits one or more “major life activities,” including learning, reading, and concentrating.20642 U.S.C. § 12102(2). The non-exhaustive list of major life activities also includes “caring for oneself, performing manual tasks, seeing, hearing, eating, sleeping, walking, standing, lifting, bending, speaking, breathing . . . , thinking, communicating, and working.” Id. An individual who exhibits a sufficient number of DSM-V symptoms to qualify for diagnosis of a substance use disorder would likely meet the initial eligibility criteria for Section 504 protections. Subsequent ADA regulatory language—particularly its requirement that “the definition of disability . . . shall be construed in favor of broad coverage of individuals”20742 U.S.C. § 12102(4)(A); see also 29 C.F.R. § 1630.2(j)(1)(i) (2022) (explaining that the ADA Amendments Act of 2008 is to be “construed broadly in favor of expansive coverage”).—informs the manner in which Section 504 eligibility is to be determined by educators.

Because Section 504 and the ADA’s disability-based eligibility criteria are far less restrictive than the IDEA’s,208See supra notes 112–15. virtually all students with IDEA-recognized disabilities receive concurrent recognition and protections under Section 504 and the ADA, while some students who are eligible for “Section 504 Plans”209Although Section 504 and the ADA operate in tandem in defining eligibility and general protections for students with disabilities, Section 504 alone articulates the substantive right to a “free appropriate public education.” 34 C.F.R. § 104.33 (2022); see also K.M. ex rel. Bright v. Tustin Unified Sch. Dist., 725 F.3d 1088, 1099 (9th Cir. 2013) (“[I]ndeed, Title II does not impose any FAPE [free appropriate public education] requirement.”). Accordingly, individual student accommodations are generally referred to as “Section 504 Plans” or simply “504 Plans.” See Perry A. Zirkel, Comparison of IDEA IEP’s and Sec. 504 Accommodations Plans, 191 Educ. L. Rep. 563, 563 (2004). are ineligible for accommodations under the IDEA.210See Perry A. Zirkel & Tiedan Huang, State Rates of 504-Only Students in K-12 Public Schools: An Update, 354 Educ. L. Rep. 621, 624–25 (2018) (discussing prevalence rates of students receiving Section 504, but not IDEA, accommodations). Nevertheless, the IDEA and Section 504 both require the provision of a “free appropriate public education” to students who meet their separate eligibility criteria.211Courts have held that there are “few differences, if any” between the IDEA’s “free appropriate public education” (“FAPE”) standard and the same standard under Section 504. See Lauren G. ex rel. Scott G. v. W. Chester Area Sch. Dist., 906 F. Supp. 2d. 375, 377 (E.D. Pa. 2012) (quoting Ridgewood Bd. of Educ. v. N.E. ex rel. M.E., 172 F.3d 238, 253 (3d Cir. 1999)). The Ninth Circuit described the “overlapping but different” standards as follows:

In sum, the IDEA contains a statutory FAPE provision and allows private causes of action only for prospective relief. Section 504 contains a broadly-worded prohibition on discrimination against, exclusion of and denial of benefits for disabled individuals, under which the U.S. DOE has promulgated regulations containing a FAPE requirement worded somewhat differently from the IDEA FAPE requirement.

Mark H. v. Lemahieu, 513 F.3d 922, 925, 930 (9th Cir. 2008). Scholars have argued that Section 504’s FAPE standard, while technically different, is equally robust to the IDEA’s FAPE standard. See Walker, supra note 200, at 1598–1603.

Providing a “free appropriate public education” under Section 504 requires the “provision of regular or special education and related aids and services that . . . are designed to meet individual educational needs of handicapped persons as adequately as the needs of nonhandicapped persons are met.”21234 C.F.R. § 104.33(b)(1) (2022). While it is “noncontroversial” that Section 504 and the ADA prohibit certain actions such as “unnecessary segregation, unjustified disparate-impact discrimination, refusal to furnish comparable academic and nonacademic facilities and settings, and failure to provide reasonable accommodation,”213Mark C. Weber, A New Look at Section 504 and the ADA in Special Education Cases, 16 Tex. J. on C.L. & C.R. 1, 10–11 (2010). the nature of services schools must provide in order to meet the needs of students with disabilities “as adequately” as their nonhandicapped peers (and thus provide an “appropriate” education) is a matter of debate.214See id. at 11; Walker, supra note 200, at 1593 (“The final condition—that of the level of accommodation required—is perhaps the most controversial and widely debated Section 504 concept among practitioners, policymakers, and academics.”). If a disagreement occurs as to whether students with disabilities are receiving a free appropriate public education, Section 504 regulations provide for “a system of procedural safeguards that includes notice, an opportunity . . . to examine relevant records, an impartial hearing with opportunity for participation by the person’s parents or guardian and representation by counsel, and a review procedure.”21534 C.F.R. § 104.36 (2022).

With the growing recognition of substance use disorders as complex, “biopsychosocial” conditions that often begin in adolescence, advocates for substance-involved students are better positioned than ever to seek Section 504 accommodations for students with substance use disorders. While this project would break new ground in the education context, a separate area of disability-nondiscrimination doctrine under Section 504 and the ADA can provide an initial (though incomplete) framework for such advocacy—the manners in which qualifying adults with substance use disorders have, for decades, been accommodated in their workplaces.216See Benedict v. Cent. Cath. High Sch., 511 F. Supp. 2d 854, 858 (N.D. Ohio 2007) (“[T]he decisional principles of the disability discrimination in employment cases are analogous to those in education cases, and much of the support for education cases will come from employment cases.”); see also supra Section I.A.2.

2. The Challenge of Substance-Involved Students

As discussed in Section 1.A.2, substance use disorders have long been considered “impairment[s] [that] substantially limit[] one or more major life activities” under Section 504 and the ADA.21734 C.F.R. § 104.3 (2022); 42 U.S.C. § 12102(1)(a); see supra note 44. Advocates for students with substance use disorders can thus stand upon decades of scholarship and case law addressing the recognition and protection of employees with substance use disorders in their workplaces. But the school context presents a challenging issue that is not present in the workplace context: what, if any, obligations are owed to substance-involved students.

The standards for qualifying for Section 504 and ADA protections differ in key ways within the employment and education contexts. In the employment context, “qualified” individuals are only those who, “with or without reasonable accommodation, can perform the essential functions of the employment position that such individual holds or desires.”21842 U.S.C. § 12111(8). Those who are “currently engaging in the illegal use of drugs” are not considered “qualified individual[s] with a disability.”21929 C.F.R. § 1630.3 (2022). In the school context, however, students can only lose their status as a “qualified individual” for Section 504 accommodations in schools by no longer being “of an age during which nonhandicapped persons are provided” public education.22034 C.F.R. § 104.3(l)(2) (2022). Students even maintain their status as a “qualified individual” following disciplinary proceedings for drug infractions that require the student to leave a particular campus. See Benedict, 511 F. Supp. 2d at 859 (finding that, even following a drug-related infraction resulting in a school expulsion, “[t]he parties do not dispute that the identification of [the student’s] specific learning disability qualifies him as a disabled person under section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act [and that the student] . . . is an ‘otherwise qualified’ handicapped person”).

Furthermore, while Section 504’s procedural protections do not preclude schools from issuing “legitimate, non-discriminatory”221Benedict, 511 F. Supp. 2d at 859. consequences for school misbehavior,222See 29 U.S.C. § 705(20)(C)(iv) (“For purposes of programs and activities providing educational services, local educational agencies may take disciplinary action pertaining to the use or possession of illegal drugs or alcohol against any student who is an individual with a disability and who currently is engaging in the illegal use of drugs or in the use of alcohol to the same extent that such disciplinary action is taken against students who are not individuals with disabilities.”). and some students can therefore face expulsion following drug-related offenses, the student’s relationship with the public school system—through an alternative school within their local school district, or perhaps a school program within a treatment or carceral setting—typically continues after such disciplinary measures have been taken.223See U.S. Dep’t of Educ. Off. Civ. Rts, Civil Rights Data Collection, Data Snapshot: School Discipline 2 (2014), https://ocrdata.ed.gov/assets/downloads/CRDC-School-Discipline-Snapshot.pdf [https://perma.cc/B4BQ-D8HY] (finding that 130,000 students, out of 49 million nationwide, were expelled in 2011–2012—the last school year for which national data is available). Put another way, while adults with substance use disorders are not entitled to any particular job (or to employment generally), students with substance use disorders are entitled, and indeed obligated, to attend school in some capacity.224The free, appropriate public education afforded to students with Section 504-recognized disabilities alone provides this entitlement, in addition to the general entitlement to a public education afforded to all children. The obligation to attend school derives from individual states’ truancy laws. Furthermore, every state constitution contains an affirmative right to an education. See Eric Blumenson & Eva S. Nilsen, One Strike and You’re Out? Constitutional Constraints on Zero Tolerance in Public Education, 81 Wash. U. L.Q. 65, 103 n.161 (2003) (cataloging the state constitutional provisions that provide a right to an education).

These distinctions expose a critical gap in special education law. Students with substance use disorders can meet the eligibility criteria of Section 504 and the ADA,225See supra note 206. and, unlike adult employees, students (1) cannot lose their status as a “qualified individual” deserving of Section 504 accommodations on the basis of active substance abuse,226See supra notes 218–20 and accompanying text. and (2) typically remain in an ongoing relationship with the public school system following the discovery of active substance abuse. What, then, are schools’ “free appropriate public education” duties under Section 504 to these students? Specifically, what manner and extent of academic and behavioral supports are legally necessary to provide an appropriate education for students in all stages of substance use disorders?227The analysis regarding the “special education and related services” that could be provided to students with substance use disorders (were such disorders to be recognized under the IDEA) can contribute to this important conversation. See supra Section II.A.1.c.

For now, these queries must be addressed on an individual basis and subjected to review by individuals who may be unaware of, or actively resistant to, the needs of adolescents with substance use disorders.228See supra Section I.A. Until the public school system’s obligations to students with substance use disorders are determined and articulated to schools, obtaining services or accommodations for substance-involved students will be challenging.229The analysis regarding the challenges substance-involved students would face with regards to meeting the IDEA’s “adversely affects educational performance” eligibility prong broadly applies here as well. See supra notes 149–52 and accompanying text. But even if formal Section 504 accommodations are not obtained, there may nevertheless be value in recognizing a substance-involved student as a child with a disability. The simple act of incorporating the vocabulary of a medicalized construct of substance use disorders into schools could have a significant effect on parents, educators, and the students themselves. A meeting convened to discuss a student’s “relapse,” for example, would likely have a different tone, and possibly outcome, than one discussing a student’s continued rule- and law-violations. And ideally all parties would recognize that any mandatory punitive responses on the part of the school will, absent concurrent therapeutic support, almost certainly fail to incentivize the student to cease drug use.230See supra notes 87–91 and accompanying text.

Furthermore, if such district-level drug policies prove to be consistently illogical and counterproductive over time, perhaps district-level policymakers would then be motivated to reform their policies in a manner that acknowledges the complexity of substance use disorders. Section 504’s affirmative obligation for schools to identify disabled students might also impact district-level behavior through increased screening for substance use disorders and timely communication with parents regarding warning signs and symptoms.231See 34 C.F.R. § 104.35(b) (2022) (“[Public schools] shall establish standards and procedures for the evaluation and placement of persons who, because of handicap, need or are believed to need special education or related services . . . .”). In fulfilling their evaluative obligations under Section 504, schools can play an invaluable role in the education of families and implementation of proactive responses to budding substance use disorders. Meeting this requirement might also entail increasing training opportunities for teachers and counselors to identify and initially address evidence of substance abuse.

3. Existing Space to Serve Students with Substance Use Disorders

There is, however, a class of individuals who could immediately obtain formal recognition and accommodations under Section 504: non-using students in recovery from substance use disorders. This population stands to benefit from decades of precedent on the matter without triggering the complex questions raised by substance-involved students.

Though the effort-intensive nature of maintaining remission from substance use disorders arguably justifies a robust provision of “regular or special education and related aids and services”23234 C.F.R. § 104.33 (2022). for students in recovery, there are also several practical—and relatively easy to provide—accommodations that advocates can and should seek for that population. Examples of such accommodations include the coordination of communication between school personnel, parents, and, upon consent, outside treatment providers to ensure that aberrations in students’ academic performance or behavior are addressed quickly and strategically; giving students the opportunity to call their sponsors or therapists during school hours without judgment or consequence; and excusing absences to attend outpatient treatment programs. Schools can also be more sensitive to the scheduling needs of students in recovery and, where possible, provide opportunities to transfer out of classes containing students from whom they should maintain distance.

Such interventions, if proven effective for a particular student, should remain available as long as the student attends school. This argument finds support in the ADA Amendments Act of 2008, which proscribes factoring the “ameliorative effects of mitigating measures” when assessing an individual’s impairment.23342 U.S.C. § 12101; 28 C.F.R. § 36.105 (2022). In other words, the impact of a student’s disability must be assessed insofar as how it would manifest absent any mitigating measures (such as school-based recovery supports).234See 42 U.S.C. § 12101; 28 C.F.R. § 36.105 (2022). Students in recovery are entitled to support under Section 504 and the ADA regardless of the length of their sobriety.

In any event, advocates for students with substance use disorders can and should initiate this conversation by seeking support and protections for this population under Section 504 and the ADA. Reasonable applications of the statutes as they currently stand can make a significant impact upon the lives of students in various stages of substance use disorders, as well as upon the school systems that serve them.

Nevertheless, the primary impact of broadly acknowledging and addressing substance use disorders in schools may lay outside the strict bounds of statutory obligations. Important as specific accommodations are, the greatest value in extending Section 504 protections to students in recovery may be simple recognition: for them to be seen, celebrated, and supported in their schools.

CONCLUSION

Substance use disorders are incredibly challenging to address. Initial instincts, on a personal and policy level, are often to mistake substance use disorders for problems that are seemingly easier to solve, if not to ignore them altogether. It is no surprise, then, that the primary policy framework for serving students with disabilities—the IDEA—fails to acknowledge and address students with substance use disorders. That said, certain students (particularly students in recovery) are entitled to recognition and accommodations under Section 504 and the ADA. Seeing and serving students with substance use disorders would be a complex and controversial project, but such students—like all other students with disabilities—are deserving of support.

 

96 S. Cal. L. Rev. 355

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* Judicial Law Clerk, Southern District of Texas. All views expressed are my own. I could not have written this Article without the education, encouragement, and feedback I received from Tara Ford, Bill Koski, Ticien Sassoubre, Rabia Belt, Jasmine Miller, Thomas Butterfoss, and Max Etchemendy. I am also grateful beyond words to my family, my friends, and the recovery school community for their support over the years. Finally, I am indebted to the kind and thoughtful editors of the Southern California Law Review who worked on this article: Daniel Willey, Celine Ang, Jessica Block, and Christopher LoCascio.

Analyzing the Circuit Split Over CDA Section 230(E)(2): Whether State Protections for the Right of Publicity Should be Barred

INTRODUCTION

In 2018, coworkers notified Karen Hepp, a newscaster and co-anchor for the local Fox affiliate’s morning news program Good Day Philadelphia, that a screenshot of her smiling at a hidden security camera taken about fifteen years ago was being used in various online advertisements for erectile dysfunction and dating apps.1Victor Fiorillo, Now It Can Be Told: Karen Hepp Opens Up About Her Battle With Facebook, Phila. Mag. (Sept. 24, 2021), https://www.phillymag.com/news/2021/09/24/karen-hepp-facebook-lawsuit/ [https://perma.cc/QC8Q-DQ7X]; Eriq Gardner, Is a Famous Face a Form of Intellectual Property?, Hollywood Rep. (June 18, 2021, 8:15 PM), https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/
business/business-news/news-anchors-fight-facebook-sag-aftra-1234968110/ [https://perma.cc/R6AN-VUU6].
Hepp was not previously aware that her photo had been taken or that her photo was posted and shared online on platforms such as Facebook, Reddit and Imgur.2Hepp v. Facebook, 465 F.Supp.3d 491, 495 (E.D. Pa. 2020), aff’d in part, 14 F.4th 204 (3d Cir. 2021). Hepp’s photo was used to solicit Facebook users to “meet and chat with single women.”3Id. The photo was also featured on Imgur under the heading “milf,” a derogatory and degrading term that refers to a sexually attractive woman with young children, and a Reddit user under the handle “pepsi_next” posted Hepp’s photo to a Reddit subgroup “r/obsf,” which is a repository for risqué photos of older women.4Id. Though Hepp did not allege that Facebook, Imgur, or Reddit had any role in creating or directly publishing this content, she argued that the platforms’ actions have caused “serious, permanent and irreparable harm” to her reputation brand, and image.5Id. Hepp filed claims against Facebook, Imgur, and Reddit for violations of a Pennsylvania state statute that codifies a right of publicity through causes of action for an unauthorized use of one’s name or likeness and the Pennsylvania common law right of publicity.6Id. at 495–96; see also 42 Pa. Cons. Stat. § 8316 (2022).

Because there is no federal law protecting a right of publicity, states that have adopted the right of publicity have done so by statute, judicial decision, or both.7Dustin Marlon, Unmasking the Right of Publicity, 71 Hastings L.J. 419, 426 (2020). The right of publicity is the right to control the commercial use and value of one’s persona, but the right significantly varies from state to state. Generally, a claim “requires three elements to be actionable: (1) the use of an individual’s persona; (2) for commercial purposes; and (3) without plaintiff’s consent.”8Id. The Pennsylvania statute creates a cause of action for “any natural person whose name or likeness has commercial value and is used for any commercial or advertising purpose without the written consent of such natural person.”942 Pa. Cons. Stat. § 8316(a) (2022). In Hepp v. Facebook, Facebook, Reddit, and Imgur filed a motion to dismiss the suit under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6), and the District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania granted the motion, holding that Hepp’s statutory and common law right of publicity claims were barred by the section 230(c) of the Communications Decency Act (“CDA”).10Hepp, 465 F.Supp.3d at 496, 501.

Section 230 of the CDA states, “[n]o provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider,” and it expressly preempts any state law to the contrary.1147 U.S.C. § 230(c)(1), (e)(3). Essentially, this means interactive service providers are generally immune from liability related to content posted or shared by third parties. Therefore, section 230 “creates a federal immunity to any cause of action that would make service providers liable for information originating with a third-party user of the service.”12Zeran v. Am. Online, Inc., 129 F.3d 327, 330 (4th Cir. 1997); see also Green v. Am. Online, 318 F.3d 465, 470–71 (3d Cir. 2003). However, there are some exceptions to this immunity, including causes of action under “any law pertaining to intellectual property.”1347 U.S.C. § 230(e)(2).

In granting the motion to dismiss, the district court in Hepp followed the Ninth Circuit’s interpretation of section 230(e)(2) in holding that only federal intellectual property claims are excluded from the scope of CDA section 230 immunity, so state rights of publicity claims are barred by section 230(c).14Hepp, 465 F. Supp. 3d. at 501; see Perfect 10, Inc. v. CCBill LLC, 488 F.3d 1102, 1118–19 (9th Cir. 2007). Hepp argued that the District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania should instead follow other district courts in New Hampshire and New York in holding that section 230(e)(2) includes state intellectual property claims, such as a state right of publicity claim.15      Hepp, 465 F. Supp. 3d. at 497; see Doe v. Friendfinder Network, Inc., 540 F. Supp. 2d 288, 302 (D.N.H. 2008) (holding that the CDA did not preempt plaintiff’s right of publicity claim); Atl. Recording Corp. v. Project Playlist, Inc., 603 F. Supp. 2d 690, 704 (S.D.N.Y. 2009) (“Section 230(c)(1) does not provide immunity for either federal or state intellectual property claims.”). Hepp subsequently appealed her case to the Third Circuit, which held that it would “adhere to the most natural reading of section 230(e)(2)’s text” so that “a state law can be a ‘law pertaining to intellectual property,’ too.”16Hepp v. Facebook, 14 F.4th 204, 209–12 (3d Cir. 2021). This created a circuit split between the Ninth and Third Circuits with regard to subsection (e)(2).

The argument to limit interpretation of the intellectual property exemption in section 230(e)(2) to federal law is most strongly supported by the broader congressional intent to create a broad liability shield for interactive computer service users and providers in enacting section 230. Federal laws are well-established with clear scopes of application, but state laws protecting intellectual property are far from uniform, so state laws are much less predictable and could lead to significantly different outcomes between jurisdictions. State laws may cover different causes of action rooted in different legal theories, have varying purposes and policy goals, and provide for different remedies, all assuming that a state legislature has decided to enact a law at all. Consequently, if varying state laws are exempt from section 230 immunity, the integrity of section 230 would be severely compromised. Policy-wise, the Ninth Circuit’s interpretation to exclude state intellectual property laws could very likely prevent individuals harmed by infringing content from having any redress as third-party users who typically post such content are generally very difficult to identify. On the other hand, we must also defer to Congress’s express statutory language and assume that the literal language of the statute accurately reflects Congress’s intent. Therefore, because subsection (e)(2) states that “any law pertaining to intellectual property” is not included within section 230 immunity, and Congress explicitly named federal and state law multiple times within subsection (e), we must conclude that Congress did not actually intend to limit the intellectual property exemption, which should apply its most literal meaning.

There is also a potential argument that the right of publicity is not even an intellectual property right at all, in which case the exception to immunity for claims related to intellectual property laws would not even apply. Furthermore, there has been intense controversy over section 230 coming from both sides of the political aisle, so the statute may be amended or even repealed entirely in the relatively near future. Also, the entire landscape of the internet and the public’s relationship with the internet have been shaped by section 230, so changes to the law or differing applications of the law could compromise our understanding of the right and the internet.17See Casey Newton, Everything You Need to Know About Section 230, Verge (Dec. 29, 2020, 1:50 PM), https://www.theverge.com/21273768/section-230-explained-internet-speech-law-definition-guide-free-moderation [https://perma.cc/LUD9-9RZR]. However, the current proposed changes to section 230 do not directly address the issue over how subsection (e)(2) should be interpreted with regard to state intellectual property laws, so the circuit split described in this Note will likely still be relevant.18Meghan Anand, Kiran Jeevanjee, Daniel Johnson, Quinta Jurecic, Brian Lim, Irene Ly, Matt Perault, Etta Reed, Jenna Ruddock, Tim Schmeling, Niharika Vattikonda, Brady Worthington, Noelle Wilson & Joyce Zhou, All the Ways Congress Wants to Change Section 230, Slate (Mar. 23, 2021,
5:45 AM), https://slate.com/technology/2021/03/section-230-reform-legislative-tracker.html [https:// perma.cc/2wff-mtxm].

In the absence of federal protection, whether claims regarding the right of publicity are actionable is increasingly important with the growth and expansion of the internet, particularly social media. The rise of “influencers,” individuals who essentially monetize and make a career out of their personas and relationships with branded or commercial content, and the rise of “deep fakes,” which utilize technology to synthesize fake pictures or videos that convincingly appear to depict specific individuals or celebrities, are deeply linked to the interest in one’s self, which is protected by the right of publicity. Though lawsuits over right of publicity have historically been brought almost exclusively by celebrities, the age of social media has created many more opportunities for members of the general public to have a commercial interest in their name, image, likeness, or persona. Social media has proven to be extremely lucrative, and content can generate significant value from a business standpoint. Companies and internet platforms will presumably adapt their own policies regarding allegedly infringing content depending on the prevailing interpretation of section 230(e)(2) in order to avoid as much liability as possible, which would create consequences for the millions of users that access those sites and platforms every day.

Part I of this Note will provide background and context to the right of publicity and how it developed in common law to provide a remedy
for individuals, typically celebrities, whose likenesses have been misappropriated without their consent. I will analyze the right of publicity as codified in individual state statutes with an emphasis on how these often significantly different statutes create unpredictability in enforcement and litigation. I will also distinguish the right of publicity from causes of action regarding copyright and compare the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (“DMCA”) to section 230 of the CDA. Part II will provide an overview of section 230 and discuss legislative history and intent. Within Part II, I will also examine both sides of the circuit split from the Ninth and Third Circuits’ contrary interpretations of CDA section 230(e)(2) and each side’s underlying tradeoffs involving the lack of uniformity in state intellectual property laws and the potential effects of precluding claims from such laws as compared to potentially refraining from expanding beyond the congressional purpose of CDA section 230. Finally, I will address the arguments over whether section 230 should still exist in its current form and proposed reforms.

I. THE RIGHT OF PUBLICITY

Hepp sued Facebook, Reddit, and Imgur for allegedly violating her right of publicity as granted by Pennsylvania state statute and common law. The right of publicity is defined as “the inherent right of every human being to control the commercial use of his or her identity.”19J. Thomas McCarthy, The Rights of Publicity and Privacy § 1:3 (2d ed. 2009). The right of publicity is generally regarded as an intellectual property right, though interactive service providers such as the defendants in Hepp have argued to the contrary. The right of publicity allows all individuals, celebrity or not, to recover for unpermitted uses of their likeness or persona for commercial gain.20Id. §§ 1:3, 4:16. The right is valuable in that it provides individuals the opportunity to protect the commercial use of their identities as many people, especially celebrities, generate significant income by authorizing others to use their identities in exchange for payment.21Dylan M. Spaduzzi, Note, Publicity Enemy Number One: Federal Immunity for a Virtual World, 40 U. Mem. L. Rev. 603, 612 (2010).

 A. Origins and Development

The right of publicity originally developed as the other side of the coin of the laws and theories surrounding the right of privacy.22McCarthy, supra note 19, at §§ 1:3–4. Samuel D. Warren and Louis Brandeis first recognized the right of privacy as a right potentially rooted in common law in a law review article in 1890.23Samuel D. Warren & Louis D. Brandeis, The Right to Privacy, 4 Harv. L. Rev. 193, 194–197 (1890). The right of privacy was designed to protect people from uninvited public attention and create a cause of action for people who suffered emotional harm from unwanted publicity.24William L. Prosser, Privacy, 48 Cal. L. Rev. 383, 384 (1960). However, because the right to privacy is generally a right “to be let alone,”25Id. at 389. there was difficulty in enforcing and applying this right to cases involving individuals who were already in the public spotlight. Some courts held that individuals who sought out publicity through their career choices must waive any right of privacy, while others concluded that while celebrities may be the subject of news stories, they maintain a right of privacy that allows them a shield from unwanted, non-newsworthy publicity.26Compare O’Brien v. Pabst Sales Co., 124 F.2d 167, 170 (5th Cir. 1941) (holding that a football player who sought out publicity had no right of privacy to allow him to recover for an unauthorized publication of his name and likeness in a brewing company’s football calendar), and Martin v. F.I.Y. Theatre Co., 10 Ohio Op. 338, 338–39 (Cuyahoga Cnty. Ct. C.P. 1938) (holding that an individual’s choice to pursue acting as a career and her pursuit for publicity deprived her of a right of privacy), with Birmingham Broadcasting Co. v. Bell, 68 So. 2d 314, 319 (Ala. 1953) (holding that a picture may be published for legitimate news-related purposes but not for commercial purposes), and Wilk v. Andrea Radio Corp., 200 N.Y.S.2d 522, 524 (Sup. Ct. 1960) (concluding that waiver applies only to newsworthy stories and not to advertising), modified on other grounds, 216 N.Y.S.2d 662 (App. Div. 1961). Therefore, the term “right of publicity” was first coined by Judge Jerome Frank in Haelan Laboratories, Inc. v. Topps Chewing Gum, Inc. in order to address “the economic potential of a celebrity’s identity.”27Linda J. Stack, White v. Samsung Electronics America, Inc.’s Expansion of the Right of Publicity: Enriching Celebrities at the Expense of Free Speech, 89 Nw. U.L. Rev. 1189, 1193 (1995); Haelan Lab’ys, Inc. v. Topps Chewing Gum, Inc., 202 F.2d 866, 868 (2d Cir. 1953).

In Haelan, a chewing-gum manufacturer made a contract with a baseball player for the exclusive right to use the player’s photograph in connection with sales of its gum.28Haelan, 202 F.2d at 867. However, a rival chewing gum manufacturer knew of the contract and deliberately induced the player to authorize the rival manufacturer to use the player’s photograph in connection with the sales of the rival’s gum.29Id. The Second Circuit held that an individual has a right in the publicity value of their photograph—that is, the right to grant the exclusive privilege of publishing their picture—and that this right, which is particularly relevant for prominent figures in the public eye, “might be called a ‘right of publicity.’ ”30Id. at 868. Haelan distinguished itself from prior case law due to the opinion’s emphasis on the economic interest at stake as the plaintiffs, rather than not wanting their photographs to be withheld from public viewing entirely, simply did not want their photographs to be sold for profit by third parties.31Id. The right of publicity is significantly distinct from the right of privacy because the right of privacy is not assignable, and as such, the two rights are independent from each other.32Id. at 867.

Though the right of publicity has clear roots in privacy rights, Professor Melville Nimmer associated the right of publicity with unfair competition and property law.33Melville B. Nimmer, The Right of Publicity, 19 Law & Contemp. Probs. 203, 203–04 (1954) (“[The right of privacy] is not adequate to meet the demands of the second half of the twentieth Century . . . . Public personality has found that the use of his name, photograph, and likeness has taken on a pecuniary value undreamt of at the turn of the century.”). Nimmer stated an individual is entitled to “the fruit of his labors unless there are important countervailing public policy considerations . . . [and] persons who have long and laboriously nurtured the fruit of publicity values may be deprived of them, unless judicial recognition is given to what is here referred to as the right of publicity.”34Id. at 215–16. Thus, Nimmer linked the right of publicity to the commercial aspects of a public figure’s “personality.”35Id. In contrast, in 1960, William Prosser advocated for the recognition of the tort of privacy appropriation and suggested that an individual could have the right to control the use of their identity from the appropriation of others.36Prosser, supra note 24, at 389. Unlike Nimmer’s analysis of the right of publicity, the tort of misappropriation is not a property right. This analysis lends support to the minority view that the right of publicity should not be considered an intellectual property right.

B. Federal Influences

In 1977, the U.S. Supreme Court recognized the right of publicity in Zacchini v. Scripps-Howard Broadcasting Co.,37Zacchini v. Scripps-Howard Broad. Co., 433 U.S. 562, 573–78 (1977). the first and only Supreme Court case to address the right of publicity. In Zacchini, an entertainer performed a fifteen-second human cannonball act and sued a local television station after the station taped and broadcast the entire act on the news without the entertainer’s permission.38Id. at 563–64. The Court considered whether the station was immunized from damages by the First and Fourteenth Amendments of the Constitution and ultimately held that Ohio could grant a state law remedy against the station or give immunity to the press but was not required to do so either by the First and Fourteenth Amendments.39See id. The rationale behind protecting the right of publicity, according to the Court, was simple: to prevent unjust enrichment by the theft of good will as broadcasting an entertainer’s entire act “poses a substantial threat to the economic value of that performance.”40Id. at 575. The Court clearly emphasized the proprietary interest of the individual and compared the purpose of the right of publicity to the economic philosophy behind granting patent and copyright ownership, which is to encourage individuals to produce inventions and creative works in order to foster innovation and benefit the public.41See Andrew Beckerman-Rodau, Toward a Limited Right of Publicity: An Argument for the Convergence of the Right of Publicity, Unfair Competition and Trademark Law, 23 Fordham Intell. Prop. Media & Ent. L.J. 132, 151 (2012); U.S. Const. art. 1, § 8, cl. 8.

Zacchini, as the only Supreme Court case on the subject, provided some federal influence on the right of publicity, and another source of federal influence is section 43(a)(1) of the Lanham Act, the federal unfair competition act.42Stack, supra note 27, at 1196–97; 15 U.S.C. § 1125 (2021). Rights of publicity cases also regularly implicate the Lanham Act because unauthorized appropriations of celebrities’ identities often involve issues of confusion over sponsorship. Congress amended the Lanham Act in 1988 to codify judicial decisions that had interpreted the Act to allow for false endorsement claims, and the amendment provides celebrities with a clearer statutory foundation for alleging the applicability of the Lanham Act in right of publicity actions.43Stack, supra note 27, at 1197; S. Rep. No. 515, 100th Cong., 2d Sess., at 40, reprinted in 1988 U.S.C.C.A.N. 5577, 5603. The relevant section of the Act now reads:

Any person who, on or in connection with any goods or services . . . uses in commerce any word, term, name, symbol, or device, or any combination thereof, or any false designation of origin, false or misleading description of fact, or false or misleading representation of fact, which—(A) is likely to cause confusion, or to cause mistake, or to deceive as to the affiliation, connection, or association of such person with another person, or as to the origin, sponsorship, or approval of his or her goods, services, or commercial activities by another person . . . shall be liable in a civil action by any person who believes that he or she is likely to be damaged by such act.

15 U.S.C. § 1125(a) (1988 & Supp. IV 1992). The Lanham Act is also important as a federal law because the CDA has a preemption clause that preserves federal claims of false endorsement, so hypothetical plaintiffs could potentially still have an avenue for redress under this federal law even if causes of action under the state right of publicity are barred. Thus, in order to attempt to avoid being barred, some types of cases are now more likely to also be rooted in the Lanham Act for the nationwide coverage, clear remedy, and wide scope of damages.44Stack, supra note 27, at 1197; see also infra, Section II.B (discussing White v. Samsung Elecs. Am. Inc., 971 F.2d 1395, 1399–1401 (9th Cir. 1992) and the difference between confusion-based and association-based relationships).

C. Incongruence Among States

Currently, twenty-five states have passed statutory protections for the right of publicity, and many other states have held that their respective common law would protect the right.45Jennifer E. Rothman, Rothman’s Roadmap to the Right of Publicity, Right of Publicity State-by-State, Univ. of Pa. L. Sch., https://rightofpublicityroadmap.com/ [https://perma.cc/4NZS-UJZF]; see Ala. Code §§ 6-5-771, 6-5-772 (2022); Ariz. Rev. Stat. §§ 12-761, 13-3726 (2022); Ark. Code Ann. §§ 4-75-1101 to 4-75-1113 (2022); Cal. Civ. Code § 3344 (West 2022); Fla. Stat. Ann. § 540.08 (2022); Haw. Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 482P-1 to 482P-8 (2022); 765 Ill. Comp. Stat. Ann. §§ 1075/1–1075/60 (2022); Ind. Code Ann. §§ 32-36-1-1 to 32-36-1-20 (2022); Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 391.170 (West 2022); La. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 14:102.21 (2022); Mass. Ann. Laws ch. 214, § 3A (2022); Neb. Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 20-201 to 20-211 (2022); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 597.770–597.810 (2022); N.Y. Civ. Rights Law §§ 50–51 (McKinney 2022); Ohio Rev. Code §§ 2741.01–2741.99 (West 2022); Okla. Stat. tit. 12 §§ 1448–1449 (2022); 42 Pa. Cons. Stat. § 8316 (2022); 9 R.I. Gen. Laws § 9-1-28 (2022); S.D. Codified Laws §§ 21-64-1 to 21-64-12 (2022); Tenn. Code Ann. §§ 47-25-1101 to 47-25-1108 (2022); Tex. Prop. Code Ann. §§ 26.001–26.015 (West 2021); Utah Code Ann. §§ 45-3-1 to 45-3-6, 76-9-407 (LexisNexis 2022); Va. Code Ann. §§ 8.01-40, 18.2-216.1 (2022); Wash. Rev. Code Ann. §§ 63.60.010–63.60.080 (2022); Wis. Stat. § 995.50 (2022). Of the courts that have directly addressed the issue, some states have recognized a distinct right of publicity and distinguished it from a right from misappropriation while others treat the right of publicity as synonymous with the tort of appropriation as expressed in the Restatement (Second) of Torts.46See, e.g., N.Y. Civ. Rights Law § 51 (McKinney 2022). Compare Allison v. Vintage Sports Plaques, 136 F.3d 1443, 1446–57 (11th Cir. 1998), with Jackson v. Roberts (In re Jackson), 972 F.3d 25, 38 (2d Cir. 2020), and Restatement (Second) of Torts § 652C (Am. L. Inst. 1977). As previously stated, Prosser wrote about the right to privacy in 1960 and argued it is composed of four subparts, one of which being the right to protection against misappropriation of one’s likeness.47Prosser, supra note 24, at 389. Later, the American Law Institute adopted these four subcategories in the Restatement (Second) of Torts.48Restatement (Second) of Torts § 652(B)–(E) (Am. L. Inst. 1977). The tort of misappropriation protects the “interest of the individual in the exclusive use of his own identity, in so far as it is represented by his name or likeness, and in so far as the use may be of benefit to him or to others.”49Restatement (Second) of Torts § 652C cmt. a (Am. L. Inst. 1977). Though this right is in the nature of a property right, misappropriation is rooted in the common form of invasion of privacy.50Id. § 652C cmts. a–b.

The scope of the right of publicity varies from state to state, so the extent that a right of publicity might be protected greatly depends on the state in which a person is attempting to assert that right, as well as the state in which that person is domiciled. For example, individuals in most states, such as California,51See, e.g., Cal. Civ. Code § 3344 (West 2022). can assert their right of publicity during their lifetimes, while individuals in Texas cannot, as their statutory right is protected only post-mortem.52Tex. Prop. Code Ann. § 26.002 (West 2022). Further, there is a wide range of duration periods within state statutes that provide for the right of publicity to survive after an individual’s death.53See Ark. Code Ann. § 4-75-1107 (2022) (50 years); Fla. Stat. § 540.08 (2022) (40 years); Ind. Code § 32-36-1-8 (2022) (100 years); 42 Pa. Cons. Stat. § 8316 (2022) (30 years); S.D. Codified Laws § 21-64-2 (2022) (70 years); Tenn. Code Ann. § 47-25-1104 (2022) (10 years); VA. Code Ann. § 8.01-40 (2022) (20 years). Moreover, some state statutes only protect the right of publicity for certain types of people, such as soldiers54Ariz. Rev. Stat. §§ 12-761, 13-3716 (2022); La. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 14:102.21 (2022). or “public figures.”55     Ky. Rev. Stat. § 391.170 (West 2022). Perhaps most notably, what exactly is protected under the right of publicity varies greatly among states. For example, in Virginia, the statutory right of publicity is limited to a person’s name, portrait, or picture,56Va. Code Ann. § 8.01-40 (2022). whereas in New York, the right protects a person’s “name, portrait, picture or voice”57N.Y. Civ. Rights Law §§ 50, 51 (McKinney 2022). but does not extend to that person’s likeness. In contrast, the California statute is much broader and protects against unauthorized use of an individual’s “name, voice, signature, photograph, or likeness, in any manner.”58Cal. Civ. Code § 3344 (West 2022). Even further, Indiana’s statute grants a property interest in an individual’s name, voice, signature, photograph, image, likeness, distinctive appearance, gestures, or mannerisms.59Ind. Code § 2-36-1-6 (2022).

Significantly, there is currently no federal statute to protect the right of publicity or otherwise provide a uniform approach to the right. Due to the reach of social media and other technological advancements, and the fact that those most likely to assert their right of publicity are celebrities and public figures whose identities could be recognized across the entire country, litigation is unpredictable.60Brittany A. Adkins, Comment, Crying Out for Uniformity: Eliminating State Inconsistencies in Right of Publicity Protection Through a Uniform Right of Publicity Act, 40 Cumb. L. Rev. 499, 501–02 (2009–2010). Generally speaking, a right of publicity claim involves (1) the use of an individual’s “persona,” (2) for commercial purposes, and (3) without the individual’s consent.61Marlin, supra note 7, at 426. For the purposes of this Note and to determine whether a state’s right of publicity statute might fit into the carve-out of CDA section 230 immunity, I will largely limit the discussion to statutory protections and judicial applications of such protections.

D. Application

Each state’s statutory differences in turn lead to very different judicial outcomes in application that do not necessarily strictly adhere to the statutory language. In Midler v. Ford Motor Co., for example, actress and singer Bette Midler sued for an alleged violation of her right of publicity when Ford and its advertising agency used a sound-alike of Midler, but neither her name nor her picture, in a television commercial.62Midler v. Ford Motor Co., 849 F.2d 460, 461–62 (9th Cir. 1988). Though the advertising agency had properly licensed Midler’s song from the copyright holder, the sound-alike was directed to “sound as much as possible like the Bette Midler record” after Midler herself refused the gig.63Id. at 461. Thus, the only issue in the case was whether Midler’s voice was protected.64Id. The lower court granted summary judgment in favor of the agency due to the fact that although California’s statute would have protected Midler’s voice if it were used without her consent, the audio in the commercial was not actually Midler’s voice.65Id. at 462–63. Ultimately, the Ninth Circuit reversed and held that “to impersonate her voice is to pirate her identity,” so the defendants committed a tort of misappropriation by intentionally seeking an attribute of Midler’s identity, valued at what the market would have paid for Midler to have actually sung the commercial.66Id. at 463. However, there was no statutory violation of Midler’s right of publicity as the term “likeness” refers to a visual image rather than a vocal imitation.67Id.

Similarly, in White v. Samsung Electronics, plaintiff Vanna White, the co-host of Wheel of Fortune—“one of the most popular game shows in television history” to which an estimated forty million people tune in daily— sued after Samsung ran an advertisement without consent from or payment to White.68White v. Samsung Elecs. Am., Inc., 971 F.2d 1395, 1396 (9th Cir. 1992). Samsung referred to the advertisement as the “Vanna White” advertisement, which depicted a robot outfitted to specifically resemble White in her famed stance next to the “instantly recognizable” Wheel of Fortune game show set.69Id. White argued that the advertisement used her “likeness” in violation of section 3344 of the California Civil Code, but because the advertisement featured a robot with mechanical features and not White’s “precise features,” the Ninth Circuit held that the robot did not constitute White’s “likeness” within the statutory meaning and affirmed the dismissal of White’s claim.70Id. at 1397. However, the common law right of publicity has a broader umbrella of protection as it “does not require that appropriations of identity be accomplished through particular means to be actionable,” and in this case, the aspects of the advertisement leave “little doubt about the celebrity the ad is meant to depict,” so the district court erred in rejecting White’s common law right of publicity claim on summary judgment.71Id. at 1398–99.

Furthermore, White also brought a claim under the Lanham Act, for which she was required to show that the defendants created a likelihood of confusion as to whether White was endorsing the products in the advertisement.72Id. at 1399–1400. The Ninth Circuit applied an eight-factor test from the trademark case AMF Inc. v. Sleekcraft Boats.73Id. at 1400. The eight factors are as follows: “(1) strength of the plaintiff’s mark; (2) relatedness of the goods; (3) similarity of the marks; (4) evidence of actual confusion; (5) marketing channels used; (6) likely degree of purchaser care; (7) defendant’s intent in selecting the mark; [and] (8) likelihood of expansion of the product lines.”74Id. Based on the evidence White provided, the first, second, fifth, sixth, and seventh factors supported finding that there was a likelihood of confusion.75Id. at 1400–01. The Ninth Circuit found that a jury could reasonably conclude that there was an underlying intent to persuade consumers that White was endorsing the products, so White properly raised a genuine issue of material fact and the lower court erred in rejecting her claim at the summary judgment stage.76Id. at 1401. Thus, even if state right of publicity claims are barred by section 230, a potential plaintiff may be able to assert a similar but distinct claim.

E. Distinguishing the Right of Publicity from Causes of Action for Copyright Infringement

Copyright law and the right of publicity, though seemingly similar, are very different rights that are rooted in different textual and theoretical foundations, especially regarding copyright law’s constitutional basis.77Adkins, supra note 60, at 539–40. The federal Copyright Act grants authors of original works the exclusive rights to reproduce, distribute, display, and perform their work.78See 17 U.S.C. §§ 102, 106. Copyright law also gives rights to the public, such as the right to use ideas and the right to resell lawfully purchased works.79See 17 U.S.C. §§ 102(b), 109(a)–(c). In contrast, as previously stated in this section, the right of publicity is protected by state statutes and common law and allows an individual to recover for unauthorized use of a person’s name or likeness for a commercial purpose. The right of publicity is most often asserted by celebrities, but most state statutes grant all individuals this right. There is also “a critical distinction between a commercial transaction for a photograph, itself, and a commercial transaction where a photograph is used to promote or sell another product or service.”80Scott J. Sholder, Copyright Trumps Right of Publicity—Permitting Display and Download of Basketball Photographs (Maloney v. T3Media, Inc.), Cowan, DeBaets, Abrahams & Sheppard LLP (April 8, 2015), https://cdas.com/right-of-publicity/ [https://perma.cc/5EX6-CHW3].

Jennifer Rothman, a leading scholar on the right of publicity, has argued that though copyright and the right of publicity both strive to protect creative artists and to incentivize them to create works, the two rights seriously conflict.81Jennifer E. Rothman, Copyright Preemption and the Right of Publicity, 36 U.C. Davis L. Rev. 199, 204 (2002). Rothman argued that the right of publicity “conflicts not only with explicit provisions of the Copyright Act, but also with the implicit grant of affirmative rights to copyright holders and the public,” particularly because the right of publicity has grown to cover “persona,” so the scope of the right has expanded beyond just an individual’s name or likeness.82Id. at 204–205. One’s “persona” could be implicated in a use where a viewing audience is simply reminded of the person even when neither the person’s name nor likeness is used.83Id. at 205.

Section 301 of the Copyright Act sets out a test to determine whether copyright law preempts a state law claim, such as a right of publicity claim: the content of the protected right must fall within the subject matter of copyright as specified by sections 102 and 103 of the Copyright Act, and the right asserted under state law must be “equivalent to any of the exclusive rights within the general scope of copyright” as specified by section 106 of the Copyright Act.8417 U.S.C. § 301(a). Therefore, while causes of action under a state’s right of publicity can be brought concurrently with a cause of action for copyright infringement, copyright law does not necessarily preempt right of publicity claims. Though an argument that the state-based right of publicity is preempted by federal copyright law exists, most judicial decisions have rejected it.85McCarthy, supra note 19, § 11:50 (noting the majority rule is that federal copyright law does not preempt state-based right of publicity); see also Rothman, supra note 81, at 225–26 (noting that few courts have found right of publicity preempted by copyright law). The Sixth and Ninth Circuits, as well as some district courts, have concluded that section 301, the Copyright Act’s explicit preemption clause, never preempts the right of publicity because the right of publicity is generally not equivalent to the rights protected by the Copyright Act.86Rothman, supra note 81, at 225–29; see, e.g., Downing v. Abercrombie & Fitch, 265 F.3d 994, 1003–05 (9th Cir. 2001); Landham v. Lewis Galoob Toys, Inc., 227 F.3d 619, 623–24 (6th Cir. 2000); Wendt v. Host Int’l, 125 F.3d 806, 809 (9th Cir. 1997); Bi-Rite Enters., Inc. v. Button Master, 555 F. Supp. 1188, 1201 (S.D.N.Y. 1983); see also 1 Melville B. Nimmer & David Nimmer, Nimmer on Copyright § 1.13[B] (2021) (stating that courts should primarily focus on a 301 analysis of preemption). While there is no categorical preemption of right of publicity claims, there have been individual cases in which the right was preempted; for example, in Fleet v. CBS, Inc., an actor in a movie attempted to use his right of publicity to thwart a copyright owner from exploiting its property.87Fleet v. CBS, Inc., 58 Cal. Rptr. 2d 645, 646 (Ct. App. 1996); Nimmer & Nimmer, supra note 86, at § 1.17[A]. In Fleet, because the individuals only sought to block CBS from reproducing and distributing their performances in a film, their claims were preempted by federal copyright law since the film came within the subject matter of copyright protection and their claim was equivalent to an exclusive right within the general scope of copyright.88Fleet, 58 Cal. Rptr. 2d at 646, 650–51.

Many rights of publicity cases also involve causes of action for copyright infringement under the DMCA,89Digital Millennium Copyright Act of 1998, 112 Stat. 2860, Pub. L. 105-304. which is analogous to the CDA in that the DMCA immunizes providers from some lawsuits involving third-party content. In passing the DMCA, Congress “sought to provide a safe harbor against copyright liability for the normal operations of online service providers.”90Ryan Gerdes, Scaling Back Section 230 Immunity: Why the Communications Decency Act Should Take a Page from the Digital Millennium Copyright Act’s Service Provider Immunity Playbook, 60 Drake L. Rev. 653, 668 (2012). The DMCA established certain safe harbors to “provide protection from liability for: (1) transitory digital network communications; (2) system caching; (3) information residing on systems or networks at the direction of users; and (4) information location tools.”91Ellison v. Robertson, 357 F.3d 1072, 1076–77 (9th Cir. 2004) (citing 17 U.S.C. § 512(a)–(d)). The DMCA provides “safe harbors” to covered providers who remove content after being notified that the content may violate federal copyright law.92See generally Kevin J. Hickey, Cong. Rsch. Serv., IF11478, Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) Safe Harbor Provisions for Online Service Providers: A Legal Overview (2020), https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF11478 [https://web.archive.org/web/
20220417000239/https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF11478]; U.S. Copyright Off., Section 512 of Title 17: A Report of the Register of Copyrights (2020), https://
http://www.copyright.gov/policy/section512/section-512-full-report.pdf [https://perma.cc/2ZC6-B9W5].
To be protected from lawsuits premised on hosting potentially infringing content, the DMCA requires the person notifying a service provider of copyright infringement to submit a statement “under penalty of perjury identifying the allegedly infringing material and providing a good-faith assertion that the use of the material is unlawful.”93Valerie C. Brannon & Eric N. Holmes, Cong. Rsch. Serv., R46751, Section 230: An Overview 32 (2021), https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R46751 [https://web.archive.org/
web/20230322175737/https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R46751]; 17 U.S.C. § 512(c)(3).
Then, the provider hosting the allegedly infringing content must decide whether to accept the notice and remove the material or ignore the notice and risk liability.94Brannon & Holmes, supra note 93, at 32–33. The DMCA both incentivizes the provider to take down the material by granting immunity to providers that do so, which creates a risk that providers will take down lawful material in order to avoid liability, as well as provides a process for the user who posted the allegedly infringing content to challenge the initial notice, in which case the provider may be able to replace the initial post and retain immunity if there is sufficient “counter notification.”95Id. at 33; 17 U.S.C. § 512(g)(1)–(4); see also, e.g., Wendy Seltzer, Free Speech Unmoored in Copyright’s Safe Harbor: Chilling Effects of the DMCA on the First Amendment, 24 Harv. J. L. & Tech. 171, 175 (2010) (discussing the incentive structure and arguing that the DMCA results in removal of constitutionally protected speech).

The most significant difference between the CDA and the DMCA is the DMCA’s requirement that the provider lack knowledge of the infringing material to be protected. Section 230 of the CDA immunizes providers for hosting both lawful and unlawful third-party content regardless of whether the provider has notice of allegedly unlawful user-generated content.96Brannon & Holmes, supra note 93, at 33 (citing Barrett v. Rosenthal, 146 P.3d 510, 520 (Cal. 2006) (comparing the DMCA’s “limited liability” scheme to section 230 and concluding “that Congress did not intend to permit notice liability under the CDA”)). Nonetheless, section 230 immunity contains exceptions allowing liability for hosting certain types of unlawful content, including if a site violates federal criminal law. For example, Perfect 10, Inc. v. CCBill LLC, in which the owner of a subscription website for adult entertainment alleged interactive service providers violated copyright and right of publicity laws among others by providing services to websites that posted stolen images, involved both the safe harbors from DMCA and the question of whether a claim under the right of publicity was barred by section 230 of the CDA.97Perfect 10, Inc. v. CCBill LLC, 488 F.3d 1102, 1108 (9th Cir. 2007). Because the DMCA sets a significantly higher threshold for providers to qualify for immunity, the Ninth Circuit first analyzed whether the providers met the threshold conditions set out in section 512(i) and then determined whether the providers could qualify for any of the safe harbors established in subsections (a) through (d).98Id. at 1109–18. Ultimately, the provider was not eligible for immunity because it was not enforcing its DMCA policy.99Id. at 1120–21. The district court stated that “the DMCA’s protection of an innocent service provider disappears at the moment the service provider loses its innocence, i.e., at the moment it becomes aware that a third party is using its system to infringe.”100Perfect 10, Inc. v. CCBill, LLC, 340 F. Supp. 2d 1077, 1086 (C.D. Cal. 2004).

In contrast to the complex and thorough examination of the requirements set forth by the DMCA to be shielded from liability, the question of whether the right of publicity claim was barred by section 230 of the CDA was quickly and succinctly handled on its face as the Ninth Circuit held the claim did not fit within the intellectual property carve-out.101Perfect 10, 488 F.3d at 1118–19; see infra Section II.B. Perfect 10 clearly illustrates some of the significant differences in the liability shields granted through the DMCA and the CDA. Though the statutes are entirely distinct from one another, scholars have advocated for CDA reform, in part because as it is, section 230 allows interactive service providers to avoid liability even if they are aware of and profit from illegal content, so long as the provider itself is not the author of the material.102See John E.D. Larkin, Criminal and Civil Liability for User Generated Content: Craigslist, a Case Study, 15 J. Tech. L. & Pol’y 85, 105 (2010) (discussing Lerman v. Flynt Distrib. Co., 745 F.2d 123, 139 (2d Cir. 1984)); Gregory M. Dickinson, An Interpretive Framework for Narrower Immunity Under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, 33 Harv. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 863, 868 (2010).

II. SECTION 230 OF THE COMMUNICATIONS DECENCY ACT

A. Legislative History and Intent

Before Congress enacted section 230 of the Communications Decency Act,10347 U.S.C. § 230. it enacted a subsection of the Telecommunications Act of 1996104Telecommunications Act of 1996, Pub. L. No. 104-104, 110 Stat. 56 (codified as amended in scattered sections of 47 U.S.C.). in order to protect internet platforms from liability for third-party content. Common law had created a much different legal standard. In Stratton Oakmont v. Prodigy Services, a defamation case involving the “Wolf of Wall Street,” Jordan Belfort, in which an anonymous user wrote on Prodigy’s online message board that Belfort’s brokerage had engaged in criminal and fraudulent acts, the New York Supreme Court held that the message board was a “publisher” and moderating some posts and establishing guidelines for impermissible content meant that the message board was liable.105Stratton Oakmont v. Prodigy Servs. Co., No. 31063/94, 1995 N.Y. Misc. LEXIS 229 (Sup. Ct. May 24, 1995); Daisuke Wakabayashi, Legal Shield for Social Media Is Targeted by Lawmakers, N.Y. Times (Dec. 15, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/28/business/section-230-internet-speech.html [https://perma.cc/F2K5-74JR]. Thus, an internet platform would bear no liability for illegal context created by its users, but this protection did not extend to a platform that moderated user-created content.106 Christopher Cox, The Origins and Original Intent of Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, U. Richmond J.L. & Tech. (Aug. 27, 2020), https://jolt.richmond.edu/2020/08/27/the-origins-and-original-intent-of-section-230-of-the-communications-decency-act/ [https://perma.cc/KW22-
VQQZ].
This created a policy-poor incentive in that platforms could adopt an “anything goes” model for user-created content to avoid open-ended liability.107Id. In response, then-Representatives Ron Wyden, a Democrat from Oregon, and Christopher Cox, a Republican from California, were concerned that this precedent would disincentivize websites to block obscene content.108Wakabayashi, supra note 105.

Representatives Wyden and Cox were also concerned about another extreme: then-Senator James Exon (Democrat from Nebraska) proposed a bill in the summer of 1996 to ban “anything unsuitable for minors from the internet.”109Cox, supra note 106. Senator Exon’s bill, which passed in the Senate with eighty-four votes in favor and sixteen votes opposed, cast an extremely wide net as “anyone who posted any ‘indecent’ communication, including any ‘comment, request, suggestion, proposal [or] image’ that was viewable by ‘any person under 18 years of age,’ would become criminally liable, facing both jail and fines.”110Id. Moreover, the bill went so far as to criminalize the mere transmission of such content.111Id. Representatives Wyden and Cox responded and proposed their own bill that was intended to protect speech and privacy on the internet from government regulation and “incentivize blocking and filtering technologies that individuals could use to become their own censors in their own households.”112Id. Representative Wyden emphasized that “parents and families are better suited to guard the portals of cyberspace and protect our children than our Government bureaucrats,” and argued against federal censorship of the internet.113141 Cong. Rec. H8470 (daily ed. Aug. 4, 1995) (statement of Rep. Ron Wyden). This way, content creators would be liable for compliance with all civil and criminal laws relating to their content, but this responsibility would not shift to internet platforms, “for whom the burden of screening billions of digital messages, documents, images, and sounds would be unreasonable—not to mention a potential invasion of privacy.” Instead, platforms are permitted to review and moderate some content in the course of enforcing rules against obscene content while still maintaining a broad liability shield.114Cox, supra note 106. This measure received 420 yeas and four nays in the House of Representatives, and Congress ultimately passed its version of the Telecommunications Act—with both the contradicting Cox-Wyden amendment and Exon amendment.115Id. However, within a year of the statute’s enactment, the Exon amendment was struck down by the Supreme Court, which unanimously held that the Exon amendment created an unacceptable burden on adult speech because “[i]n order to deny minors access to potentially harmful speech, the CDA effectively suppresses a large amount of speech that adults have a constitutional right to receive and to address to one another.”116Reno v. ACLU, 521 U.S. 844, 874 (1997). Ironically, because Exon’s legislation and Cox-Wyden’s legislation were merged into the same legislative title, after Exon was declared unconstitutional, the Cox-Wyden amendment became section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, the exact name of the legislation that it was designed to rebuke.117Cox, supra note 106. When section 230 was enacted in 1996, less than half of Senators and only a quarter of House Representatives even had email addresses.118Id. Though people likely generally understood the burgeoning significance of the internet, it was probably hard to foresee exactly how important user-generated content would become to everyday lives and activities or even the sheer volume of internet traffic.119Id. As of 2020, more than 85% of American businesses with websites rely on user-generated content, making section 230 essential to ordinary commerce. Id. User-generated content has saved lives by allowing people to locate loved ones during deadly tornados, user-generated content is vital to law enforcement and social services, and during the COVID-19 crisis, online access to user-created educational resources was crucial to countless families. Id.

Overall, section 230 serves three core purposes. First, it “maintain[s] the robust nature of internet communication and, accordingly . . . keep[s] government interference in the medium to a minimum.”120Jones v. Dirty World Ent. Recordings LLC, 755 F.3d 398, 407 (6th Cir. 2014) (quoting Zeran v. AOL, 129 F.3d 327, 330 (4th Cir. 1997)). Second, the immunity provided by section 230 “protects against the ‘heckler’s veto’ that would chill free speech,” as without section 230, individuals could threaten litigation against interactive computer service providers, which would be forced to choose to either remove the content or face litigation costs and potential liability.121Id. at 407–08. Third, section 230 encourages interactive computer service providers to self-regulate “offensive” material as a response to the holding in Stratton Oakmont, in which the provider of an electronic message-board service was “potentially liable for its user’s defamatory message because it had engaged in voluntary self-policing of the third-party content.”122Id. at 408. However, the broad immunity shield granted to providers has arguably led to disincentivize providers from self-regulating.123See Doe v. GTE Corp., 347 F.3d 655, 660 (7th Cir. 2003) (discussing the inconsistency between section 230’s caption and its judicial interpretation); see also Andrew J. Crossett, Unfair Housing on the Internet: The Effect of the Communications Decency Act on the Fair Housing Act, 73 Mo. L. Rev. 195, 202 (2008) (“The title makes little sense when the effect of the section is ‘to induce ISPs to do nothing about the distribution of indecent and offensive materials via their services.’ ” (quoting GTE, 347 F.3d at 660)).

Judicial interpretation of section 230 is crucial to determine whether platforms such as Facebook, Reddit, Imgur, and others could be liable for the infringing actions of third-party users. Section 230 unambiguously provides immunity to providers and users of interactive computer services from liability for subject matter generated by third parties as (c)(1) states, “No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider.”12447 U.S.C. § 230(c)(1). Though “immunity” or a synonym is not explicitly included in section 230(c)(1), reviewing courts have recognized the provision to protect interactive service providers for the display of content created by someone else.125Seaton v. TripAdvisor LLC, 728 F.3d 592, 599 n.8 (6th Cir. 2013) (recognizing that section 230(c)(1) provides immunity); see also Almeida v. Amazon.com, Inc., 456 F.3d 1316, 1321 (11th Cir. 2006) (“The majority of federal circuits have interpreted the CDA to establish broad federal immunity to any cause of action that would make service providers liable for information originating with a third-party user of the service.” (citations and quotations omitted)). The main purpose of section 230 is to bar “lawsuits seeking to hold a service provider liable for its exercise of a publisher’s traditional editorial functions—such as deciding whether to publish, withdraw, postpone, or alter content.”126Zeran v. AOL, 129 F.3d 327, 330 (4th Cir. 1997). In Zeran v. AOL, which was decided shortly after the CDA was enacted, the Fourth Circuit heard a defamation claim against America Online (“AOL”) alleging “that AOL unreasonably delayed in removing defamatory messages posted by an unidentified third party, refused to post retractions of those messages, and failed to screen for similar postings thereafter,” but held that the CDA squarely barred the claim.127Id. at 328; see id. at 330–35.

 Section 230 defines an “interactive computer service” as “any information service, system, or access software provider that provides or enables computer access by multiple users to a computer server, including specifically a service or system that provides access to the Internet.”12847 U.S.C. § 230(f)(2). This broad definition covers many entities operating online, including broadband internet access providers (such as Verizon FIOS and Comcast Xfinity), internet hosting companies (such as DreamHost and GoDaddy), search engines (such as Google and Yahoo!), online messaging boards, and many varieties of online platforms.129Kathleen Ann Ruane, Cong. Rsch. Serv., LSB10082, How Broad A Shield? A Brief Overview of Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act 2 (2018), https://
digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1156941/m2/1/high_res_d/LSB10082_2018Feb21.pdf [https://
perma.cc/KBF6-B8UX].
An “information content provider” is “any person or entity that is responsible, in whole or in part, for the creation or development of information provided through the Internet or any other interactive computer service.”13047 U.S.C. § 230(f)(3). Thus, section 230 distinguishes those who create content from those who provide access to that content, providing a broad liability shield to the latter group.131Brannon & Holmes, supra note 93, at 3.

It is undisputed that section 230(c)(1) of the CDA is limited by section 230(e)(2), which requires courts to “construe Section 230(c)(1) in a manner that would neither ‘limit or expand any law pertaining to intellectual property.’ ”132Perfect 10, Inc. v. CCBill LLC, 488 F.3d 1102, 1118 (9th Cir. 2007) (quoting Gucci Am., Inc. v. Hall & Assocs., 135 F. Supp. 2d 409, 413 (S.D.N.Y. 2001) and 47 U.S.C. § 230(e)(2)). However, there are conflicting interpretations of section 230(e)(2) of the CDA. This discrepancy is the focus in many rights of publicity cases and other cases rooted in state causes of action, such as Hepp v. Facebook. In determining whether section 230(e)(2) applies, courts have sometimes looked not only to whether the plaintiff is suing under a law that generally involves intellectual property issues, but more specifically, whether the plaintiff’s claim actually involves an intellectual property right.133Enigma Software Grp. USA, LLC v. Malwarebytes, Inc., 946 F.3d 1040, 1052–53 (9th Cir. 2019); see also, e.g., Corker v. Costco Wholesale Corp., No. C19-0290RSL, 2019 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 51933, at *6 (W.D. Wash. Mar. 25, 2020) (concluding section 230(e)(2) did not apply to a false association claim because the claim did “not involve an intellectual property right or trademark”); Doe v. Friendfinder Network, Inc., 540 F. Supp. 2d 288, 302–03 (D.N.H. 2008) (holding that section 230(e)(2) did not apply to state right of privacy claims that involved personal rights). It is significant to note that protection of intellectual property rights on internet platforms is limited by federal protections, such as the safe harbor provisions of section 512 of the DMCA.134See supra Section I.E; 17 U.S.C. § 512; 47 U.S.C. § 230. These safe harbors give providers a broad liability shield from indirect liability for copyright infringement by third-party users, which is relevant here as these safe harbors could potentially be interpreted to indicate congressional intent to protect platforms against liability for intellectual property infringement by third-parties. Because both statutes were enacted in the late 1990s, there has been debate over whether they should still exist in their current form, as the internet is nearly unrecognizable as compared to the late 1990s.

B. Arguments that Subsection (E)(2) Should Be Interpreted to Be Limited to Federal Intellectual Property Laws

In three relatively short paragraphs, the Ninth Circuit directly addressed in 2009 whether the intellectual property carve-out in section 230(e)(2) should open up interactive computer service providers to liability for claims under state right of publicity statutes in Perfect 10, Inc. v. CCBill LLC and ultimately held that it should not.135Perfect 10, 488 F.3d at 1118. The Ninth Circuit revisited the issue in 2019 in Enigma Software Group USA, LLC v. Malwarebytes, Inc., and affirmed its prior conclusion.136Enigma Software, Grp. USA, LLC v. Malwarebytes, Inc., 946 F.3d 1040, 1053 (9th Cir. 2019) (“We have observed before that because Congress did not define the term ‘intellectual property law,’ it should be construed narrowly to advance the CDA’s express policy of providing broad immunity.”).

Section 230 states that “[n]o provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider,” and expressly preempts any state law to the contrary,13747 U.S.C. § 230(c)(1), (e)(3). so the majority of federal circuits have interpreted section 230 to establish “broad ‘federal immunity to any cause of action that would make service providers liable for information originating with a third-party user of the service.’ ”138Almeida v. Amazon.com, Inc., 456 F.3d 1316, 1321 (11th Cir. 2006) (quoting Zeran v. Am. Online, Inc., 129 F.3d 327, 330 (4th Cir. 1997)); see also Carafano v. Metrosplash.com, Inc., 339 F.3d 1119, 1122 (9th Cir. 2003) (citing Batzel v. Smith, 333 F.3d 1018, 1026-27 (9th Cir. 2003)). There is no express definition of “intellectual property” in the CDA, and there are many types of laws that could arguably be characterized as intellectual property claims.139Perfect 10, 448 F.3d at 1118. The Ninth Circuit reasoned that while the scope of federal intellectual property laws is “relatively well-established,” state laws governing intellectual property claims significantly differ and do not provide analogous uniformity. Therefore, construing “any law pertaining to intellectual property” in subsection (e)(2) to literally mean any intellectual property law, including state laws, would open up interactive computer service providers to a massive amount of liability with extremely unpredictable litigation.140Id. To avoid this, the Ninth Circuit held that the term “intellectual property” should instead mean “federal intellectual property” in order to protect Congress’s “expressed goal of insulating the development of the Internet from the various state-law regimes.”141Id.; see 47 U.S.C. § 230(a)–(b); see also Batzel v. Smith, 333 F.3d 1018, 1027 (9th Cir. 2003) (noting that “courts construing § 230 have recognized as critical in applying the statute the concern that lawsuits could threaten the freedom of speech in the new and burgeoning Internet medium” (citations omitted)). Furthermore, regarding the right of publicity specifically, there is an argument that the publicity rights do not constitute intellectual property rights for the purposes of the liability carve-out, in which case subsection (e)(2) would be irrelevant and right of publicity suits would be barred by section 230(c)(1).

This concern is certainly valid with respect to right of publicity claims; as noted above, of the twenty-five states that have actually granted statutory protection to an individual’s right of publicity, there are vast discrepancies between state statutes, including the scope of the right, who may assert a claim, and the duration of the right.142See supra Part I. However, websites and their respective contents are accessible in all fifty states at any given time. Thus, if section 230 does not immunize interactive computer service providers from causes of action stemming from right of publicity statutes, each state with relevant legislation could potentially have a different outcome. For example, if potentially infringing content used only an individual’s voice for a commercial purpose without the individual’s consent, it would be actionable only in Alabama, California, Hawaii, Indiana, Illinois, Nevada, New York, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Texas, and Washington, but likely not in Florida, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Nebraska, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Utah, Virginia, or Wisconsin.143See Ala. Code §§ 6-5-771, 6-5-772 (2022); Cal. Civ. Code § 3344 (West 2022); Haw. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 482P-2 (2022); 765 Ill. Comp. Stat. Ann. §§ 1075/1–1075/60 (2022); Ind. Code Ann. §§ 32-36-1.02 to 32-36-1-20 (2022); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 597.770–597.810 (2022); N.Y. Civ. Rights Law § 51 (McKinney 2022); Ohio Rev. Code §§ 2741.01–2741.99 (West 2022); Okla. Stat. tit. 12 §§ 1448–1449 (2022); S.D. Codified Laws §§ 21-62-1 to 21-64-12 (2022); Tex. Prop. Code Ann. §§ 26.001–26.015 (West 2021); Wash. Rev. Code Ann. § 63.60.080 et seq. (2022). But see Fla. Stat. Ann. § 540.08 (2022); Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 391.170 (West 2022); Mass. Ann. Laws ch. 214, § 3A (2022); Neb. Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 20-201 to 20-211 (2022); 42 Pa. Cons. Stat. § 8316 (2022); 9 R.I. Gen. Laws § 9-1-28 (2022); Tenn. Code Ann. §§ 47-25-1101 to 47-25-1108 (2022); Utah Code Ann. §§ 45-3-1 to 45-3-6 (LexisNexis 2022); Va. Code Ann. §§ 8.01-40, 18.2-216.1 (2022); Wis. Stat. § 995.50 (2022). Even states that would allow this claim to proceed have different required elements regarding who may bring the claim and the duration of the right, among others, and even if an individual were able to successfully assert their right and win their case, these statutes grant different remedies.144See supra note 143. Overall, allowing section 230(e)(2) to include the state right of publicity laws within the intellectual property exception could open up interactive computer service providers to a massive amount of unpredictable liability. Again, because the internet is accessible throughout the country, these providers would be required to comply with the most restrictive state’s standards to avoid liability.

Additionally, states also have different choices of law and jurisdictional reaches that could lead to forum-shopping. For instance, the broad choice of law and jurisdictional reach of the Indiana statute, collectively with the statute’s “expansive scope of protection and purported applicability to non-domiciliaries and deceased individuals, opens up Indiana courts for suits brought by many individuals who might not have a cause of action in their home states.”145Adkins, supra note 60, at 524; see Ind. Code Ann. § 32-36-1-1.02 to 32-36-1-20 (2022). Though forum-shopping would likely not pose a significant risk if the relevant statute requires that an individual seeking to assert a claim be domiciled in that state as an individual can only be domiciled in one state, it is still a possibility, particularly if the statute does not limit who may assert a claim in the state or if the allegedly infringing content in question involves multiple individuals. For example, because the Indiana right of publicity statute specifies that it “applies to an act or event that occurs within Indiana, regardless of a personality’s domicile, residence, or citizenship,” an individual who may not meet the required elements of another state’s statute could be incentivized to assert their right in Indiana instead.146Ind. Code Ann. § 32-36-1-1(a) (2022) (emphasis added). This possibility could force entities that utilize others’ personality rights to comply with Indiana’s statute over others.

Alternatively, individuals who split their time between different states may raise a question of domicile. For example, in a series of cases involving who could control the commercial use of the iconic photograph of Marilyn Monroe standing over a subway grate with her white skirt blowing up around her from the film The Seven Year Itch, because Monroe split her time, work, and property ownership between New York and California, the significant differences in the state law made the question of domicile critical.147Adkins, supra note 60, at 499, 526; see e.g., Shaw Family Archives Ltd. v. CMG Worldwide, Inc., No. 05 Civ. 3939 (CM), 2008 WL U.S. Dist. LEXIS, at *1 (S.D.N.Y. Sept. 2, 2008). Eventually, the Monroe estate lost its rights in Monroe’s identity because the court determined that Monroe’s domicile resulted in the application of New York law.148Milton H. Greene Archives, Inc. v. CGM Worldwide, Inc., 568 F. Supp. 2d 1152, 1198–99 (C.D. Cal. 2008).

In Perfect 10, the Ninth Circuit most likely implicitly categorized the right of publicity as intellectual property because it considered whether the California statute protecting the right of publicity should be included in the Section(e)(2) exception and concluded it should not.149Perfect 10, Inc. v. CCBill LLC, 448 F.3d 1102, 1118, 1121 n.5 (9th Cir. 2007). The Ninth Circuit stated that “[s]tates have any number of laws that could be characterized as intellectual property laws: trademark, unfair competition, dilution, right of publicity and trade defamation.”150Id. Due to the nature of the inconsistency of state laws, “no litigant will know if he is entitled to immunity for a state claim until a court decides the legal issue.”151Id.

The California right of publicity statute is distinct from the right of privacy and stresses the economic value of an individual’s persona as property,152Adkins, supra note 60, at 508–12; see Cal. Civ. Code § 3344 (West 2022). which aligns with the general consensus that the right of publicity is a property right rather than a personal one. However, this is not true for all states. Because the right of publicity originally stemmed from a privacy theory, some states have retained this classification. In New York, for instance, the current statute is titled the “Right of Privacy,” and as such, is concerned with protecting an individual’s identity rather than unfair competition.153See N.Y. Civ. Rights Law §§ 50–51 (McKinney 2022). Despite the fact that Haelan was the first to recognize that a right of publicity existed separately from the right of privacy under New York law in 1953, the current New York statute is relatively limited compared to other states.154Adkins, supra note 60, at 505–06; Haelan Lab’ys, Inc. v. Topps Chewing Gum, Inc., 202 F.2d 866, 868 (2d Cir. 1953). If the right of publicity is not rooted in a theory of property, “then the right clearly may be made the subject of license or waiver, but cannot have independent, exclusive, alienable, or divisible characteristics.”155Sheldon W. Halpern, The Right of Publicity: Commercial Exploitation of the Associative Value of Personality, 39 Vand. L. Rev. 1199, 1238 (1986). However, if the right of publicity is defined as a property right, then the right may be “assignable, survivable, descendible, and even taxable.” This difference was another significant issue in the series of Marilyn Monroe cases described above; because New York law applied, issues of assignability resulted in the Monroe estate losing its rights in Monroe’s identity.156Adkins, supra note 60, at 526; Milton H. Greene Archives, Inc. v. CGM Worldwide, Inc., 568 F. Supp. 2d 1152, 1198–99 (C.D. Cal. 2008). Somewhat similarly, a New Hampshire trial court held that three right-of-privacy torts, including “intrusion upon seclusion, publication of private facts, and casting in a false light,” involved rights that could not be considered property rights.157Doe v. Friendfinder Network, Inc., 540 F. Supp. 2d 288, 302–03 (D.N.H. 2008). Thus, the claims did not fit within the intellectual property carve-out and section 230 barred the claims.158Id. at 303.

Theoretically, if the right of publicity is not actually classified as intellectual property, section 230(e)(2) would not apply and right of publicity claims brought in those states would unquestionably be barred. Despite considering the intellectual property carve-out of section 230, the Ninth Circuit declined to explicitly define what constitutes “intellectual property” or reference a definition of the term in Perfect 10 and instead construed the term narrowly to advance the CDA’s express policy of providing broad immunity.159See Perfect 10, Inc. v. CCBill LLC, 448 F.3d 1102, 1118–19 (9th Cir. 2007). Conversely, the Third Circuit applied multiple definitions of intellectual property, including one from Black’s Law Dictionary that defines the term as a “category of intangible rights protecting commercially valuable products of the human intellect. The category comprises primarily trademark, copyright, and patent rights, but also includes . . . publicity rights.”160Hepp v. Facebook Inc., 14 F.4th 204 app. a (3d Cir. 2021). The intellectual property system aims to strike a good balance between the interests of innovators and the wider public in order to “foster an environment in which creativity and innovation can flourish.”161What Is Intellectual Property?, World Intell. Prop. Org., https://www.wipo.int/about-ip/en/ [https://perma.cc/uw8c-2usn].

Interestingly, this is very similar to Congress’s stated purpose behind section 230 of the CDA. Even in 1996, the internet was already a valuable tool for society that offered significant opportunities for people to both create and express content, as well as learn from the massive amount of information available, so Representatives Cox and Wyden wanted to strike an analogous balance to the intellectual property system. By shielding interactive computer service users and providers from liability and allowing them to moderate user-generated content so long as they do not participate in the generation of allegedly infringing content in any way, section 230 was designed to balance innovation and public interest of free speech online.162Cox, supra note 106; Ron Wyden, Perspectives: I Wrote This Law to Protect Free Speech. Now Trump Wants to Revoke It, CNN (June 9, 2020, 10:31 AM), https://www.cnn.com/2020/06/09/
perspectives/ron-wyden-section-230/index.html [https://perma.cc/5A88-RP8A]; see 47 U.S.C. § 230(a)–(c).
The precarious balance of these significant competing interests could be greatly threatened if section 230(e)(2) were interpreted to include state right of publicity laws because internet platforms would be subject to liability in an ever-evolving and incredibly inconsistent doctrine of law.

Right of publicity actions involve both confusion-based and association-based relationships. Confusion-based relationships include situations “where a person’s name or likeness is used in commercial advertising, creating a likelihood that consumers will believe the person endorses or approves of the advertised product.”163Beckerman-Rodau, supra note 41, at 164–65; see e.g., Carson v. Here’s Johnny Portable Toilets, Inc., 698 F.2d 831, 837 (6th Cir. 1983). Association-based relationships, on the other hand, are “mere references that conjure associations with a person [but] do not automatically create a likelihood that consumers will be confused as to whether the person endorses or approves of the product.”164Beckerman-Rodau, supra note 41, at 165. See generally ETW Corp. v. Jireh Publ’g, Inc., 332 F.3d 915 (6th Cir. 2003) (noting that the Sixth Circuit has created an eight-factor test to determine the likelihood of confusion). Because confusion-based relationships are already protected by the broad scope of trademark and unfair competition law, these types of claims do not necessarily need to be brought under state right of publicity law in order to fit within the subsection (e)(2) intellectual property exemption.165Beckerman-Rodau, supra note 41, at 167. For example, celebrities and public figures can register their names as a trademark or service mark under federal trademark law.166See 15 U.S.C. § 1052(e)(4), (f) (allowing surname to be registered as trademark provided it has acquired distinctiveness); see also Russell W. Jacobs, Recapturing Rareness: The Significance of Surname Rareness in Trademark Registration Determinations, 50 Idea 395, 395 (2010). As described above in White, Vanna White brought a likelihood of confusion claim under the Lanham Act and the Ninth Circuit found that the provided evidence was sufficient to present a genuine issue of material fact.167White v. Samsung Elecs. Am. Inc., 971 F.2d 1395, 1399–1401 (9th Cir. 1992). Similarly, unfair competition acts can be brought under federal trademark law even without a registered trademark.168See Kournikova v. Gen. Media Commc’ns, Inc., No. CV 02-3747 GAF, 2002 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 25810, at *17 (C.D. Cal. Aug. 9, 2002) (“A celebrity may bring a false endorsement claim for the unauthorized use of her identity if such use is likely to confuse consumers as to the celebrity’s sponsorship or approval of the product.”), aff’d, 2002 U.S. App. LEXIS 24439 (9th Cir. 2002). See generally Allen v. Nat’l Video, Inc., 610 F. Supp. 612, 625 (S.D.N.Y. 1985) (holding that unfair competition under 15 U.S.C. § 1125(a) is a new federal tort that covers more than trademark infringement, and it should be construed broadly to remedy unfair competitive actions). Thus, analogous cases involving confusion-based relationships can be brought under the Lanham Act as it provides nationwide coverage, a clear remedy, and a wide scope of damages. Such claims would not be barred by section 230 because under either interpretation of subsection (e)(2), the Lanham Act would clearly fit within the statutory exemption for intellectual property. Therefore, plaintiffs such as White may have some recourse available to them even if the circuit split on the interpretation of subsection (e)(2) is resolved to bar state right of publicity laws. However, this case was decided in 1992, so the CDA had not yet been enacted. The next relevant question would be to determine whether interactive service providers might still be entitled to immunity for violations of specific provisions of the Lanham Act. In a more recent case, the Ninth Circuit held that despite the fact that the Lanham Act generally deals with intellectual property—for example, trademarks—the intellectual property carve-out in section 230(e)(2) “does not apply to false advertising claims brought under [section] 1125(a) of the Lanham Act, unless the claim itself involves intellectual property.”169Enigma Software Grp. USA, LLC v. Malwarebytes, Inc., 946 F.3d 1040, 1053 (9th Cir. 2019), cert. denied, 141 S. Ct. 13 (2020) (statement of Thomas, J., respecting the judgment). The Supreme Court denied certiorari for this case, but Justice Thomas stated that the Court should consider whether the text of section 230 of the CDA aligns with the current state of immunity enjoyed by internet platforms in a more appropriate case. His statement did not address the intellectual property exception to liability under section 230.

Overall, the Ninth Circuit declined to include rights of publicity protected by state law within the “intellectual property” exemption because doing so would “fatally undermine the broad grant of immunity provided by the CDA.”170Perfect 10, Inc. v. CCBill LLC, 448 F.3d 1102, 1119 n.5 (9th Cir. 2007). Despite the isolated language in section 230(e)(2), reading section 230 holistically leads to the conclusion that courts should defer to the legislative intent and purpose of creating a “vibrant and competitive free market that presently exists for the Internet and other interactive computer services, unfettered by . . . State regulation.”17147 U.S.C. § 230(a)–(b); see Perfect 10, 448 F.3d at 1118–19. Thus, to interpret section 230(e)(2) to include diverse state intellectual property laws, particularly those regarding the right of publicity, would mean that entities otherwise entitled to CDA immunity would be forced to endure litigation costs for extremely unpredictable state laws, defeating the purpose and policy goals of section 230.

C. Arguments that Subsection (E)(2) Should Be Interpreted to Include State Intellectual Property Laws

In contrast, the Third Circuit recently addressed whether state right of publicity laws should be included in the intellectual property exemption in Karen Hepp’s appeal and concluded that “a state law can be a law pertaining to intellectual property, too.”172Hepp v. Facebook Inc., 14 F.4th 204, 209–12 (3d Cir. 2021) (citations omitted). Despite the Ninth Circuit’s holding in Perfect 10, the Third Circuit reasoned that the plain language of section 230(e)(2) is clear. If Congress had actually intended for the intellectual property exemption to be limited to federal law, “it knew how to make that clear, but chose not to.”173Id. at 210 (citations omitted) (quoting Atl. Recording Corp. v. Project Playlist, Inc., 603 F. Supp. 2d 690, 703 (S.D.N.Y. 2009)).

The Third Circuit’s holding builds off Universal Communication Systems, Inc. v. Lycos, Inc., the first case to address whether section 230 precludes intellectual property laws. First Circuit case was decided shortly before Perfect 10 in which there were alleged violations of federal law as well as trade name dilution in violation of Florida law.174Universal Commc’n Sys., Inc. v. Lycos, Inc., 478 F.3d 413, 417 (1st Cir. 2007). In Universal Communication, the First Circuit held “[c]laims based on intellectual property laws are not subject to section 230 immunity,” so it addressed the dilution claim separately.175Id. at 422–23 (citing 47 U.S.C. § 230(e)(2)).

The Third Circuit also considered district court cases that interpreted section 230(e)(2), including Atlantic Recording Corp. v. Project Playlist, Inc.176Hepp, 14 F.4th at 204, 209–10 (3d Cir. 2021); see Atl. Recording Corp. v. Project Playlist, Inc., 603 F. Supp. 2d 690, 704 (S.D.N.Y. 2009) (“Section 230(c)(1) does not provide immunity for either federal or state intellectual property claims.”). In Atlantic Recording, record companies asserted copyright claims under both state and federal law, and the court reasoned that because Congress specified whether local, state, or federal law applied four times in subsection (e), Congress did not intend to limit the intellectual property exemption to only federal law.177Atl. Recording, 603 F. Supp. 2d at 703. Within section 230(e), the statutory language specifies whether local, state, or federal law applies in four places: once to federal criminal law in subsection (e)(1), twice in the general state law provision in subsection (e)(3), and again in the communications law context in subsection (e)(4). Therefore, Congress expressly chose not to limit subsection (e)(2) only to federal intellectual property law. Therefore, in Hepp, the Third Circuit found that because Congress knew how to cabin the interpretation about state law and did so explicitly, “the structure does not change the natural meaning.”178Hepp, 14 F.4th at 211. Atlantic Recording did not involve any DMCA safe harbors, but other such cases that involve allegedly infringing third-party user content could consider the interaction between the CDA intellectual property exception and the DMCA safe harbors to determine whether interactive service providers might still be immune from liability.179See Atl. Recording, 603 F. Supp. 2d at 694; see also supra Section I.E.

While it is true that section 230 generally created a pro-free-market policy, the statute’s policy goals do not necessarily swallow state intellectual property rights because state property rights can also facilitate market exchange. The Third Circuit noted that because the natural reading of section 230(e)(2) would include state law, “policy considerations cannot displace the text.”180Hepp, 14 F.4th at 211. Even so, the Third Circuit stated that policy could cut the other way even outside section 230’s text: “if likeness interests are disregarded on the internet, the incentives to build an excellent commercial reputation for endorsements may diminish.”181Id.; cf. Zacchini v. Scripps-Howard Broad. Co., 433 U.S. 562, 573 (1977) (explaining the economic theory underlying the right of publicity).

The Third Circuit also considered whether Hepp’s claims actually arose from a law pertaining to intellectual property, and concluded that they do.182Hepp, 14 F.4th at 212–14. Black’s Law Dictionary defines “intellectual property” to include publicity rights, and both legal and lay dictionaries treat “intellectual property” as a compound term.183Id. at 212–13, apps. a–b; see Intellectual Property, Black’s Law Dictionary (11th ed. 2019). The court also applied a test from another legal dictionary, Bouvier’s, which the Pennsylvania right of publicity statute satisfies.184Hepp, 14 F.4th at 213, app. a. Overall, there is substantial evidence to support the conclusion that at least Pennsylvania’s statutory right of publicity falls within the definition of intellectual property.185Id.; The Wolters Kluwer Bouvier Law Dictionary proposes a test that the Pennsylvania statute satisfies because it grants individuals monopolies in their likenesses. See id. Further, the statute provides for “property-like relief, including the ability to obtain damages and injunctions against trespassers.” Id. at 213; see 42 Pa. Cons. Stat. § 8316(a) (2022). Moreover, the Third Circuit considered the only Supreme Court case to address the right of publicity, Zacchini v. Scripps-Howard Broadcasting Co., which analogized the right of publicity to patent and copyright law because the right of publicity focuses “on the right of the individual to reap the reward of his endeavors and [has] little to do with protecting feelings or reputation.”186Id. at 213; Zacchini, 433 U.S. at 573. As analyzed above, the right of publicity and trademarks are relatively analogous for confusion-based relationships. The Florida Supreme Court articulated the harm caused by a right of publicity violation by “associat[ing] the individual’s name or . . . personality with something else.”187Tyne v. Time Warner Ent. Co., 901 So. 2d 802, 806 (Fla. 2005) (citations omitted). Thus, the legal definition including trademark also supports the conclusion that the right of publicity is intellectual property.

However, Judge Cowen dissented in Hepp and stated that he “believe[s] that the ‘intellectual property’ exception or exclusion to immunity under § 230(e)(2) . . . is limited to federal intellectual property laws (i.e., federal patent, copyright, and trademark laws) and—at most—state laws only where they are co-extensive with such federal laws.”188Hepp, 14 F.4th at 216 (Cowen, J., dissenting). Judge Cowen argued that despite the fact that the majority implied there was an existing circuit split between the First and Ninth Circuits due to Universal Communication and Perfect 10, Hepp actually created the circuit split because in Universal Communication neither party actually raised the issue of whether state law counts as intellectual property under section 230 and the First Circuit seemingly assumed it did.189Id. at 217; Perfect 10, Inc. v. CCBill LLC, 488 F.3d 1102, 1119 n.5 (9th Cir. 2007). Ultimately, Judge Cowen supported the Ninth Circuit’s approach for the reasons analyzed in Section II.B and stated that “the more expansive interpretation would gut the immunity system established by Congress and undermine the policies and findings that Congress chose to codify in the statute itself.”190Hepp, 14 F.4th at 220 (Cowen, J., dissenting). Furthermore, on October 21, 2021, Facebook requested that the Third Circuit re-hear the Hepp appeal en banc, arguing that the “ ‘majority’s decision misread the intellectual property exception to the immunity established by section 230 of the Communications Decency Act (CDA) creating a conflict with’ the Ninth Circuit, and ‘ignores a key textual feature and downplays the contextual and structural features of the statute.’ ”191Jana S. Farmer, Gillian A. Fisher, Daniel J. Taylor & Leia Leitner, Third Circuit Takes an Anti-Platform View in Interpreting the Communications Decency Act, Creating a Circuit Split, XII Nat’l L. Rev. 302 (Oct. 29, 2021), https://www.natlawreview.com/article/third-circuit-takes-anti-platform-view-interpreting-communications-decency-act [https://perma.cc/z05z-qdht].

D. Arguments for Section 230 Reform and Proposed Changes

The above arguments and analyses of section 230 of the CDA are applicable in its current state, but section 230 as a whole has recently come under fire from both sides of the political aisle. There have been calls to amend or even repeal the statute.192Anand et al., supra note 18. Many on the left have criticized section 230 because they believe it has “enabled tech platforms to host harmful content with impunity,” while many on the right argue that it has allowed tech platforms to disproportionately suppress conservative speech and perspectives.193Id. The law arguably allows bad actors to hide behind the law’s liability shield and prevents harmed users, such as Karen Hepp, from holding internet platforms accountable. In the 116th congressional session, twenty-six bills were introduced that would have amended the scope of section 230 immunity, and the bills had an extremely wide range of proposed changes, such as reducing the scope of immunity in certain types of cases, placing conditions on immunity, or repealing the statute entirely.194Brannon & Holmes, Cong. Rsch. Serv., supra note 93, at 30. Currently, there are fourteen bills that have been introduced for the 117th congressional session related to section 230, but none of the proposals are related to the judicial interpretation or scope of the intellectual property exception to immunity within subsection (e)(2).195Anand et al., supra note 18.

There is also a question of executive authority in whether the Federal Communications Commission (“FCC”) has regulatory authority to implement section 230. Congress passed the CDA as part of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which in turn amended the Communications Act of 1934, a statute administered by the FCC.196Brannon & Holmes, Cong. Rsch. Serv., supra note 93, at 36. The National Telecommunications and Information Administration (“NTIA”) filed a petition in 2020 that provides the FCC with an opportunity to consider its rulemaking authority.197Id. at 37. To clarify the FCC’s role in administering section 230, Congress could grant an express delegation or disavowal of authority.198Id. at 42. A delegation would give the FCC a statutory basis for promulgating regulations while a disavowal would prohibit the FCC from attempting to regulate under section 230.199Id.

Legislative action on section 230 in any shape or form could have significant and unintended consequences. Since section 230 was passed in 1996, it has been considered to be the “cornerstone of online expression” and has been referred to as the “[twenty-six] words that created the internet” and the internet’s “Magna Carta.”200Anand et al., supra note 18. The internet has grown exponentially and has influenced daily public life considerably since the statute was enacted in 1996, so a fundamental change to section 230 could change the internet as we know it, and even a small change to section 230 could have a substantial ripple effect. For example, social media operators could potentially adjust their content moderation practices to comply with reforms, ranging from aggressively screening content to not moderating any content, including content that may be considered objectionable or obscene to most users. On the other hand, if section 230 were to remove immunity for certain types of content, it does not necessarily mean that providers or users will actually be liable for such content; it simply means that section 230 would not bar liability. Thus, providers could continue to host potentially obscene or objectionable content if they believe the benefits of hosting such content would outweigh potential litigation costs, particularly if lawsuits are unlikely or providers believe they have a strong likelihood of prevailing in a suit.201Brannon & Holmes, Cong. Rsch. Serv., supra note 93, at 31. This could be a move to bring the reality of section 230 closer to its original congressional intention of creating a free-market system.

Overall, despite the heated debate over section 230, there have not been any proposed changes that have been close to being implemented. The extremely wide range of proposed changes also means that their implications on section 230 generally, as well as the right of publicity specifically, are ironically very unpredictable. Therefore, the circuit split on the interpretation of subsection (e)(2) and whether state right of publicity claims should be barred will continue to be a noteworthy issue until Congress acts, whether through amendments, repealing the statute entirely, or more directly providing guidance on the relatively narrow subject of the right of publicity.202Since this Note was first drafted in 2021, the Supreme Court has considered but not yet decided two cases related to CDA section 230, Gonzalez v. Google LLC, 143 S. Ct. 80 (2022), and Twitter, Inc. v. Taamneh, 143 S. Ct. 81 (2022). These cases do not bring up the intellectual property subsection at issue in this Note but could potentially overhaul section 230 entirely.

CONCLUSION

The explicit statutory language of section 230 of the CDA supports the Third Circuit’s interpretation of subsection (e)(2), the intellectual property exception to immunity. Within subsection (e), Congress specified whether federal, state, or local law applied in four instances, so we must defer to the express language and assume that Congress chose not to limit subsection (e)(2) to only federal intellectual property laws. The general consensus among the legal community is that the right of publicity falls under the umbrella of intellectual property, so the literal interpretation of section 230 should not bar right of publicity claims brought under state statutes. Unless or until Congress clarifies what should be included within this exception to the broad liability shield protecting interactive service providers or takes some other action, the Third Circuit’s interpretation will likely be upheld.

Overall, however, it would make the most sense to interpret section 230(e)(2) in the way that aligns most closely with the legislative intent and history of the statute as a whole to avoid fundamentally crippling the statute by exposing interactive service providers to liability from extremely varied state statutes relating to the right of publicity. The Third Circuit’s interpretation could very likely create an exception that swallows the whole statute. Assuming the right of publicity constitutes intellectual property, under the Ninth Circuit’s interpretation to protect the integrity of section 230, right of publicity claims should be barred so long as providers do not participate in the creation of the allegedly infringing content. This would maintain uniformity and predictability throughout the court system. The Ninth Circuit’s interpretation is thus most beneficial to interactive service providers such as Facebook and most frustrating to individuals who feel they have been harmed by allegedly infringing content on internet platforms, such as Karen Hepp. Such individuals could potentially attempt to redress this harm through other types of claims, such as copyright or trademark. These two examples would undoubtedly constitute intellectual property laws, and claims under federal law would be doubly effective against section 230’s broad shield, but alleged infringements of the right of publicity do not always meet the required elements for such claims. Furthermore, providers could be immune from liability through other statutes, such as the safe harbors from the DMCA, so individuals may be left without a remedy. There is no clear balance or solution to these concerns in the current form of section 230 of the CDA.

The severe implications of the Third Circuit’s seemingly “correct” interpretation could strongly incentivize Congress to clarify either the scope of subsection (e)(2) or separately protect the right of publicity in order to avoid the purpose and intent behind section 230 of the CDA. Many scholars have advocated for a federal statute or a uniform act to protect the right of publicity. Federal codification of the right of publicity would create uniform and equal protections to individuals across the entire country, as opposed to the current state statutes that have created extremely varied interests in the right. A federal statute or uniform act would also drastically reduce the economic costs created by uncertainty in litigation. Finally, unauthorized uses of individuals’ “personas,” including name and likeness, are becoming increasingly more common due to improvements in technology and the expansion of social media. This type of action would balance the interests of wanting to protect both the public’s right of publicity and interactive service providers from liability for user-generated content. Ultimately, due to the complex and time-intensive nature of Congressional processes, any proposed change, if any, to section 230 may not be established for some time, so there is likely going to be substantial consequences and potentially a wave of lawsuits for alleged violations of the right of publicity in the wake of the Third Circuit’s holding in Hepp.

 

96 S. Cal. L. Rev. 449

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J.D., University of Southern California Gould School of Law, 2023. B.A., University of California, Los Angeles, 2020.

Affirmative Acting: The Role of Law in Casting More Actors With Disabilities (A Note in Five Acts)

 

SETTING THE STAGE: INTRODUCTION

“Always find your light.” This is a common piece of advice given to theater artists, encouraging them to make sure they can be seen on stage.1See Cathy Salit, 6 Secrets from the Theater (That Anyone Can Use) for Giving Great Presentations, Performance of a Lifetime (Sept. 11, 2017), https://performanceofalifetime.com/
2017/09/6-secrets-from-the-theater-for-giving-great-presentations-that-anyone-can-use [https://perma.cc
/Z2WS-E66T].
But who gets the chance to grace the stage in the first place? Our society has recently begun to actively ask new questions about equity and visibility. In the context of theater, we have largely focused not on who is on the stage, but on how theater productions can be enjoyed equitably. To answer these questions, we have turned to effectuating and enforcing the standards set forth in the Americans with Disabilities Act (“ADA”).2Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, 42 U.S.C. §§ 12101–12213.

Over the thirty years since the ADA was passed, and even more concertedly following the Act’s 2008 amendments,3See id. theaters have begun to reserve sections of the house4In the theater world, “house” refers to the auditorium or audience. See Theatre Terms, Am. Ass’n of Cmty. Theatre, https://aact.org/theatre-terms-view/h [https://perma.cc/4X6H-YY9F]. Here, the term is used to refer to the former. for patrons with wheelchairs and to renovate facilities to create ADA-compliant restrooms for audience members.5See John Loeppky, Taking ADA from the Page to the Stage, Am. Theatre (Mar.
26, 2021), https://www.americantheatre.org/2021/03/26/taking-ada-from-the-page-to-the-stage [https://
web.archive.org/web/20221011234038/https://www.americantheatre.org/2021/03/26/taking-ada-from-the-
page-to-the-stage].
However, while the ADA has prompted great strides in improving theatergoers’ ability to access productions, figuring out how to apply the ADA to the people on the stage is another question altogether.6Id.

While audience accessibility is a tremendous step forward in ensuring that enjoyment of theater productions does not exclude people who cannot easily access and navigate unwelcoming spaces, the time has come to turn the spotlight back towards the stage. We need to turn our attention to creating and nurturing structures allowing for equal access for theater performers—specifically, for the purposes of this Note, those with disabilities. Pushes in the theater world to pinpoint and remedy gender and racial inequities have become much more prevalent in recent years,7See Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion Initiative, League of Resident Theatres (May 2017), https://lort.org/edi-initiative [https://perma.cc/UU6Y-SLGA]. and rightfully so, but we must not leave those with disabilities out of the discussion. As it is, “disability is too often an afterthought, if it is thought of at all.”8Howard Sherman, When It Comes to Accessibility at Theatres, There Is a Law, HowlRound (Apr. 4, 2016), https://howlround.com/when-it-comes-accessibility-theatres-there-law [https://perma.cc/
89D5-5WUD].

Indeed, Actors’ Equity Association (“AEA”), the union for actors and other theater makers,9See Actors’ Equity Ass’n, https://www.actorsequity.org [https://perma.cc/N868-NJEW]. even reported that barely 1% of contracts they issued from 2016 to 2019 went to artists who self-reported living with a disability.10Press Release, Actors’ Equity Ass’n, Actors’ Equity Association Releases Second-Ever Diversity and Inclusion Report (Nov. 18, 2020), https://actorsequity.org/news/PR/DandIReport2020 [https://perma.cc/N36S-AP4H]. AEA also estimated that about a quarter of Americans live with at least one disability.11Id. If you compare these statistics (about 25% of Americans have disabilities, but only about 1% of theater jobs offered over the course of three years went to artists who reported living with disabilities), the problem should begin to crystallize: Why are we not seeing representation of people with disabilities on stage at the same rates as in society?

While data on disability representation on stage is scarce, we can look to data collected in theater’s more closely studied sister entertainment industries of television and film to get a sense of what levels of representation in the theater might look like. For instance, in the sphere of network television in 2018, only 22% of characters with disabilities were actually portrayed by an actor with the same disability; for streaming services, this number decreased to 20%.12Hanna Shaul Bar Nissim & RJ Mitte, Authentic Representation in Television
2018, at 4 (2020), https://issuu.com/rudermanfoundation/docs/authentic_representation_2018_wp_2020 [https://perma.cc/XNL2-5YCQ].
The unfortunate result gleaned from this study and studies like it is that the overwhelming majority of characters with disabilities—at least in the context of film and television—continue to be portrayed by actors without disabilities.13Mark Harris, The Actors with Disabilities Redefining Representation, N.Y. Times Style Mag. (Aug. 25, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/25/t-magazine/actors-disability-theater-film-tv.html [https://perma.cc/EGW5-KAVQ]. The first time an Emmy was awarded to a show starring people with disabilities was not until 2016,14Lauren Appelbaum, The Emmys: Seeing African Americans with Disabilities in Hollywood, RespectAbility (Sept. 12, 2016), https://www.respectability.org/2016/09/the-emmys-seeing-african-americans-with-disabilities-in-hollywood [https://perma.cc/V6CP-A2GB]. and the number of actors with disabilities who have ever won an Oscar can be counted on one hand.15Tim Gray, Oscar and Hollywood’s Nearly ‘Invisible’ People with Disabilities, Variety (Dec. 4, 2019, 11:47 AM), https://variety.com/2019/film/news/oscar-and-hollywoods-nearly-invisible-people-with-disabilities-1203422966 [https://perma.cc/D2UF-BHAV]. These statistics truly pull back the curtain on an entertainment industry that does not tend to value actors with disabilities.

There is reason to believe the statistics are just as grim in the theater. For instance, it was not until 2019 that an actor in a wheelchair (Ali Stroker) first won a Tony award (for her tremendous performance in a revival of the classic Broadway hit Oklahoma!).16Scottie Andrew & Saeed Ahmed, Ali Stroker Makes History as the First Tony Award-Winning Actor in a Wheelchair, CNN (June 10, 2019, 11:19 AM), https://www.cnn.com/2019/06/10/
entertainment/ali-stroker-tony-award-history-wheelchair-trnd [https://perma.cc/YZ3P-D5ZQ].
This lack of representation begs the question of why, as society finally begins to converse more openly about equity, “disability” is still so often excluded from the discussion.17Or, as Ryan O’Connell, an actor with cerebral palsy, puts it: “Why, in this woke-ass culture that we live in, . . . do people with disabilities still largely go ignored?” See Harris, supra note 13 (quoting Ryan O’Connell).

This Note will attempt to answer that question—and explore what role law could play in arriving at a solution—through a variety of lenses, including the ADA and employment discrimination law. It will set the proverbial stage by laying out the history of disability discrimination in theater and entertainment, after which it will discuss relevant federal and state sources of disability and employment law. The Note will then make the case—by looking at potential legal remedies18Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, 42 U.S.C. §§ 12101–12213; Civil Rights Act of 1964 § 7, 42 U.S.C. §§ 2000e to 2000e-17.—that in the subjective world of theater, the way to increase representation of actors with disabilities on stage is not a simple legal fix; instead, it will likely take a combination of changes—attitudinal, legal, and otherwise—working in tandem in the theater industry to get more actors with disabilities on stage. And while making these moves in the direction of inclusion and equity on stages across the country would certainly advantage actors with disabilities, it would also benefit society at large: theater that reflects our tapestried reality “is simply better, richer, [and] more rewarding when it is by, for, and about all of us.”19Rob Weinert-Kendt, Disability and Theatre, Am. Theatre (Mar. 26, 2021), https://www.
americantheatre.org/category/special-section/disability-and-theatre [https://web.archive.org/web/20221
011234406/https://www.americantheatre.org/category/special-section/disability-and-theatre].

ACT I.  HISTORY OF DISABILITY IN PERFORMANCE

All too often, actors with disabilities are excluded from the audition room; much—if not most—of the time, actors with disabilities do not get invited to audition at all, regardless of the disability status of the role in question.20See Lydia X.Z. Brown, Practicing Disability Justice, Honoring Wholeness Onstage, Am. Theatre (Mar. 26, 2021), https://www.americantheatre.org/2021/03/26/practicing-disability-justice-honoring-wholeness-onstage [https://web.archive.org/web/20221011234745/https://www.americantheatre.org/
2021/03/26/practicing-disability-justice-honoring-wholeness-onstage].
And if the actor has made it into the audition room? That is only the first part of the journey. Next comes the actual casting of the role, where no matter how many talented actors have made it into the room to audition for a single part, only one person leaves with the job. Even once actors with disabilities make it through the door to get seen by the director, the odds are against them in terms of actually landing a role.

Recent Broadway shows that have main characters who have disabilities provide a good look into the regularity with which actors with disabilities get passed over for roles, while actors without disabilities gain more access to those roles. Broadway productions of relatively well-known shows that fit this description are not hard to find. The Curious Incident of the Dog in the Night-Time tells the story of a young man on the autism spectrum, and yet the 2015 Broadway production nonetheless cast an actor “without autism or any other disabilities” for the role.21Emily Kranking, Physical Disabilities Take the Rare Spotlight on Broadway, RespectAbility (Apr. 19, 2019), https://www.respectability.org/2019/04/physical-disabilities-broadway [https://perma.
cc/SCT5-JX4F].
Wicked, over its yearslong and wildly popular Broadway run, never once filled the role of Nessarose, who uses a wheelchair, with an actress with physical disabilities.22Id. Likewise, all of the lead roles in recent productions of The Miracle Worker and Richard III, both of which focus on main characters with physical disabilities, were portrayed by actors without physical disabilities.23Id.

This practice of casting actors without disabilities in the roles of characters with disabilities has come to be known, in some circles, as “disability drag.”24Magda Romanska, On Screen and On Stage, Disability Continues to Be Depicted in Outdated, Cliched Ways, Conversation (Nov. 2, 2020, 12:12 PM), https://theconversation.com/on-screen-and-on-stage-disability-continues-to-be-depicted-in-outdated-cliched-ways-130577 [https://perma.cc/LST3-C2N5]. In fact, a whole microcosm of scholarship has developed around this idea of disability drag, which also takes to task the various tropes that seem to be intertwined in the writing of most, if not all, characters with disabilities currently on stage and screen.25Id. This area of academic investigation and rumination asks us to reframe the way we think about characters and people with disabilities: “What if their disability weren’t the thing to overcome but merely one element of one’s identity?”26Id. Nonetheless, on the whole, society appears to turn away from asking itself such introspective questions, especially when the alternative involves making money by casting big-name actors.

None of this means that the world of creating theater is not making some strides on its own. For instance, Deaf West Theatre’s 2015 Broadway production of the musical Spring Awakening was produced and performed in both English and American Sign Language,27Marc J. Franklin, Look Back at Deaf West Theatre’s Spring Awakening on Broadway, Playbill (Sept. 27, 2020), https://www.playbill.com/article/celebrate-deaf-west-theatres-2015-spring-awakening-broadway-revival [https://perma.cc/J9WP-JVG6]. with a cast comprised of “25 deaf, hard of hearing and hearing actors and musicians.”28Adam Hetrick & Andrew Gans, Deaf West Theatre’s Immersive Spring Awakening, Directed by Michael Arden, Extends, Playbill (Sept. 22, 2014), https://www.playbill.com/article/deaf-west-theatres-immersive-spring-awakening-directed-by-michael-arden-extends-com-331238 [https://perma.cc/RF7Z-FC2V]. The show was met with great success and earned multiple Tony Award nominations, including one for the highly regarded Best Revival of a Musical,29Franklin, supra note 27. Coincidentally, the author of this Note was lucky enough to attend a performance of this revamped Broadway hit, the experience of which led, in part, to the creation of this Note. even though it was a production of a type that Broadway had never seen before.

There are also smaller theater companies popping up that have been created with the explicit goal of promoting the work of artists with disabilities. For instance, the mission of the Phamaly Theatre Company in Denver, Colorado, is “to be a creative home for theatre artists with disabilities” as well as to “model a disability-affirmative theatrical process.”30 About Phamaly Theatre Company, Phamaly Theatre Co., https://phamaly.org/about-phamaly-theatre-company-2 [https://perma.cc/S4SY-3DNS]. Alie B. Gorrie, an actress with low vision, describes her reaction to attending a production “filled with disabled artists, singing, dancing, and actively defying disability tropes” at the Phamaly Theatre Company as the first instance where she felt like she truly belonged in the theater.31 Alie B. Gorrie, Inclusion: We Can’t Do It Alone, Am. Theatre (Mar. 26, 2021), https://www.americantheatre.org/2021/03/26/inclusion-we-cant-do-it-alone [https://web.archive.org/
web/20221011234912/https://www.americantheatre.org/2021/03/26/inclusion-we-cant-do-it-alone].
The experience, however, left Gorrie with a lingering question: Why had it taken two decades of working in the theater industry for her to feel this sense of belonging?32Id. Which begs the broader question: How many people who dream of working in the theater industry have already been discouraged and turned away by the lack of access and opportunities?

Despite these steps forwards, it is apparent that sidelining actors who have disabilities deprives society of a wealth of talent. We have seen how powerful performances by actors with disabilities can be and how rewarding it can be to see them in the spotlight, as evidenced in a number of recent television shows. Consider RJ Mitte, an actor with cerebral palsy playing a character with the same disability on the hit AMC show Breaking Bad.33See RJ Mitte Biography, IMDb, https://www.imdb.com/name/nm2666409/bio [https://
perma.cc/WFY2-FXW9].
More recently, think of Lily D. Moore, an actress born with Down syndrome playing a fan-favorite character with the same diagnosis in Mindy Kaling’s Netflix series Never Have I Ever.34See Lily D. Moore Biography, IMDb, https://www.imdb.com/name/nm6504907/bio [https://
perma.cc/M657-3EEM].
Therefore, the question we must now be asking is what legal solutions can be utilized to ensure that Mitte and Moore are not the “token” actors with disabilities, but instead just actors. And are those legal solutions alone enough?

ACT II.  LEGAL BACKGROUND

Scene 1:  The Americans with Disabilities Act

One lens through which to approach the problem returns our attention to the ADA. Signed into law in 1990,35Introduction to the ADA, ADA.gov: U.S. Dep’t Just. C.R. Div., https://www.ada.gov/
ada_intro.htm [https://perma.cc/CB92-HMXQ].
and amended in 2008 to provide broader protections for people with disabilities,36 The Americans with Disabilities Act Amendments Act of 2008, U.S. Equal Emp. Opportunity Comm’n, https://www.eeoc.gov/statutes/americans-disabilities-act-amendments-act-2008 [https://perma.cc/5FJW-ZMAC]. the ADA provides for protection of individuals with “a physical or mental impairment that substantially limits one or more major life activities.”3742 U.S.C. § 12102(1)(A); see also id. § 12102(2)(A) (defining “major life activities” as including “caring for oneself, performing manual tasks, seeing, hearing, eating, sleeping, walking, standing, lifting, bending, speaking, breathing, learning, reading, concentrating, thinking, communicating, and working”). The ADA has seen much success over the years: it has empowered people with disabilities to become their own best advocates38See Laura Deck, ADA @ 30: Two Voices on Accomplishments and Shortfalls, Benetech (July 28, 2020), https://benetech.org/blog/ada-30-accomplishments-shortfalls [https://perma.cc/6B3B-FFU2]. and has modernized our built environment to promote physical accessibility.39Robert David Sullivan, The ADA Is a Success, but No Longer a Popular Model for Lawmaking, Am.: Jesuit Rev. (Aug. 12, 2015), https://www.americamagazine.org/content/unconventional-wisdom/ada-success-no-longer-popular-model-lawmaking [https://perma.cc/6BNQ-LS6D]. Specifically relevant here, though, is Title I of the ADA, which concerns employment discrimination.40Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 § 1, 42 U.S.C. §§ 12111–12117.

Title I of the ADA prohibits employers (including theaters)41Id. § 12181(7)(c). from “discriminat[ing] against a qualified individual on the basis of disability in regard to job application procedures, the hiring, advancement, or discharge of employees, employee compensation, job training, and other terms, conditions, and privileges of employment.”42Id. § 12112(a). Thus, discrimination against people with disabilities in the workplace is already prohibited by law in many circumstances, according to the ADA. There are, however, two distinct points that illustrate how far we have left to go and how far short the ADA has fallen in getting us there.

First, although the ADA requires an employer to make “reasonable accommodations” for employees with disabilities,43Id. § 12112(b)(5)(A). Congress did not give a clear-cut definition of what exactly counts as a “reasonable accommodation.”44Workplace Accommodations Under the ADA § 3 (2004), Westlaw ADAWORKPLACE CH. 3. Instead, Congress provided examples of accommodations that could be implemented to enable “qualified individual[s]” with disabilities to perform the “essential functions” of their jobs.4542 U.S.C. § 12111(8)–(9). There are no statutory limitations—financial, quantitative, or otherwise—on what constitutes a “reasonable accommodation,” other than that an accommodation that would cause an employer’s business “undue hardship” is not “reasonable.”46Workplace Accommodations Under the ADA, supra note 44. Similarly, Congress did not provide further instruction on how to determine what constitutes “undue hardship.”

This lack of guidance from Congress means that implementing the ADA can easily “become a checklist of what is or isn’t provided.”47Loeppky, supra note 5 (quoting Alexandria Wailes). In other words, it can become the “absolute minimum you can do to avoid looking like a jerk”48Id. (quoting Michael K. Maag). or exposing yourself to liability. Sure, you may have a wheelchair ramp in place, but does that really work to make the actors in need of the accommodation feel welcome and unburdened in their artistic journey?

This Note argues that a wheelchair ramp here and there is not enough. Instead, for actors to truly feel welcomed into the space and able to practice their craft uninhibited, the theater must ask itself questions such as, “Are we putting an extra burden on our artists with disabilities by requiring them to perform while simultaneously navigating a world that is not built for them?” and “How are we ensuring that we are hiring actors with disabilities in the first place?”

Second, while enforcing the ADA may help to ease the strain disproportionately placed on the small group of actors with disabilities who have already made their way into the rehearsal hall, what about those who have yet to be cast? Able-bodied actors are routinely cast in roles portraying people with disabilities,49After #OscarsSoWhite, Disability Waits for Its Moment, N.Y. Times (July 20, 2020), https://
http://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/19/arts/after-oscarssowhite-disability-waits-for-its-moment.html [https://
perma.cc/BU9R-8FEH] (“If history is a guide, one of the surest ways to get an [award] is by being a nondisabled person playing a disabled character.”).
which diminishes the number of roles available for actors with those disabilities. Further, it often “simply never occur[s]” to casting directors “to cast, or even consider, actors with disabilities in roles that don’t specify whether a character is disabled or not.”50Harris, supra note 13.

Even though we are taking steps towards creating a more inclusive culture, it does appear as though we are nonetheless collectively excluding people with disabilities from that equity-driven vision of our society—even with the assistance of the ADA. So, if the ADA as it currently operates does not seem fit to truly improve diversity onstage, are there other potential legal routes?

Scene 2:  Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964

When it comes to the world of preventing discrimination in employment, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 196451Civil Rights Act of 1964 § 7, 42 U.S.C. §§ 2000e to 2000e-17. is undoubtedly the star of the show. Since the ADA may not, on its own, provide a way to ensure that more actors with disabilities get onstage, it is worth exploring another relevant legal avenue: employment discrimination law governed by Title VII. Congress formulated this broad new civil rights bill in 1963 and took final steps towards securing the bill’s passage in 1964.52Office of the Assistant Sec’y for Admin. & Mgmt., Legal Highlight: The Civil Rights Act of 1964, U.S. Dep’t Lab., https://www.dol.gov/agencies/oasam/civil-rights-center/statutes/civil-rights-act-of-1964 [https://perma.cc/J8VM-L5SS]. Title VII notably included language banning employment discrimination because of a person’s “race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.”5342 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(a)(1). While Title VII does not apply to disability discrimination, it provides some guidance as to how the ADA might be amended to address the issues discussed here.

The basic structure of a case alleging individual disparate treatment (also known as intentional discrimination) in one of the above categories has been crafted over time through case law by the Supreme Court. The so-called “burden-shifting” structure that has been created is set forth in the pivotal case of McDonnell Douglas Corp. v. Green.54McDonnell Douglas Corp. v. Green, 411 U.S. 792 (1973). First, a plaintiff who alleges disparate treatment under section 703(a)(1) of Title VII “because of such individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin”5542 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(a)(1). must prove their prima facie case that (1) they do indeed fall into one of those categories, (2) they applied for a job and were qualified, and (3) they were rejected by the employer.56McDonnell Douglas, 411 U.S. at 802. Next, the employer has the chance to bring to light any “legitimate, nondiscriminatory reason” for having rejected the employee.57Id. If the employer can do so, the burden shifts back to the plaintiff, who has an opportunity to prove that the “legitimate, nondiscriminatory reason” given by the employer was “pretext” for what in truth amounts to discriminatory animus.58Id. at 802, 804.

Integral to this Note, however, is the language highlighted in section 703(e) of Title VII that an employer may protect itself from liability by presenting a particular affirmative defense.5942 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(e). The essence of this defense is that the employer asserts that it rightfully, and therefore legally, discriminated against this job applicant. The employer can do this by showing that it discriminated because of “religion, sex, or national origin”60Id. § 2000e-2(a)(1). if it can also show that “religion, sex, or national origin is a bona fide occupational qualification reasonably necessary to the normal operation of that particular business.”61Id. § 2000e-2(e) (emphasis added).

This exception to the general rule, which is known as a “bona fide occupational qualification” (typically referred to as a “BFOQ”),62Id. can sometimes be used by employers to legally justify certain discrimination in hiring practices if that discrimination is based on religion, sex, or national origin. For example, in Dothard v. Rawlinson, an all-male prison asserted that it would be unsafe for women to become guards in their prisons.63Dothard v. Rawlinson, 433 U.S. 321, 327 (1977). Female job applicants hoping to become guards then sued the prison, claiming that they were not hired because of their sex.64Id. at 324. The Supreme Court took the side of the prison, holding that while the applicants’ sex was the reason they were not hired, this discrimination was legal due to the BFOQ exception.65Id. at 336–37. In other words, the prison was allowed to reject female applicants because of their sex due to the fact that having male guards was “reasonably necessary to the normal operation of that particular business.”6642 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(e).

Conversely, in UAW v. Johnson Controls, Inc., the Supreme Court refused to grant an employer the use of a BFOQ.67UAW v. Johnson Controls, Inc., 499 U.S. 187, 204 (1991). Johnson Controls stated that it would not allow women to work in certain jobs at its manufacturing plant that involved lead exposure, citing an interest in preserving the women’s fertility.68Id. at 198. In essence, Johnson Controls was asserting that being a man was a BFOQ that was required in order to get the job.69Id. at 202. Here, the Supreme Court interpreted the BFOQ exception narrowly by ruling that the amorphous danger of harm to female employees’ fertility is not an appropriate use of the exception and that female employees who were qualified for the job could not be turned away simply on the basis of their sex.70See id. at 204.

As seen in Johnson Controls above, the BFOQ is not a free pass to discriminate against job applicants however an employer sees fit; Congress created the BFOQ exception to be used narrowly and “the courts have construed it as such.”71Michael J. Frank, Justifiable Discrimination in the News and Entertainment Industries: Does Title VII Need a Race or Color BFOQ?, 35 U.S.F. L. Rev. 473, 477 (2001). It is not unreasonable, however, to imagine a scenario in which this affirmative defense could actually be used to benefit a particular group of job applicants. Consider a scenario in which an employer wants to have only Senegalese chefs work at a Senegalese restaurant, with the stated goal of “authenticity.” Here, the employer could use a national origin BFOQ to justify this hiring practice, with the end result being that a minority group (Senegalese chefs) gains greater access to job opportunities they otherwise may not have had. While perhaps counterintuitive, this Note will propose the use of a BFOQ not simply as a way to shield an employer from liability, but also as a way to encourage diversity in the hiring process.

Scene 3:  Threshold Question—Employee or Independent Contractor?

It must be noted going forward that applying the ADA and Title VII to workers hinges on the workers’ classification as “employees,” as opposed to “independent contractors,” because the ADA and Title VII do not cover independent contractors.72Patrick O. Patterson, Reclaiming EEOC’s Mission 6 n.19 (2021), https://niwr.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Towards-Effective-Governmental-Intervention_Patterson-Reclaiming-EEOC-Mission.pdf [https://perma.cc/35NU-AQ9V]; U.S. Equal Emp. Opportunity Comm’n, EEOC-NVTA-2007-1, Health Care Workers and the Americans with Disabilities Act (2007). So what is the difference? The ADA and Title VII both provide the following definition of “employee”: “[A]n individual employed by an employer.”7342 U.S.C. §§ 12111(4), 2000e(f). Since that definition is not particularly elucidating, courts have often looked to the common law of agency for a less circular definition.74Eversheds Sutherland, Classification Tests, WorkerClassification.com, https://www.
workerclassification.com/Classification-Tests [https://perma.cc/QR4D-NBFK].
Among other factors, the Restatement (Second) of Agency defines an employee as the “servant” of an employer (the “master”).75Restatement (Second) of Agency § 2(2) (Am. L. Inst. 1958). This relationship is said to be formed when the master gains control over the servant’s performance of a service, and, in particular, when the master gains the right to control the “physical conduct” of the servant.76Id. Conversely, then, an independent contractor is a worker whose physical conduct and general performance are not under the complete control of the master.77Id. § 2(3).

Many theaters officially classify the actors they hire as independent contractors, often primarily in order to take advantage of related tax benefits and to circumvent paying minimum wages, overtime, and workers’ compensation.78Daniel B. Thompson, Independent Contractors and the American Theatre, HowlRound (Nov. 10, 2015), https://howlround.com/independent-contractors-and-american-theatre [https://perma.
cc/A53Z-PH33].
The argument theaters provide for this practice is that actors are temporary workers, typically only hired to perform in one show at a time, and that therefore being an actor is more akin to being a part of the “gig economy”79Gig Economy, Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/gig%20
economy [https://perma.cc/WP3K-S2WC].
than being a part of a typical workplace. Theaters in this camp tend to paint a picture of their actors not as their so-called “servants” whose physical conduct they control, but instead as transient workers whose job is simply to put on a performance.

In reality, however, there is so much more to an actor’s responsibilities and interactions with a director. While actors may have moments of free decision-making throughout the process of preparing (“blocking”) a play, almost everything comes down to what the artistic director envisions. This is really an employee-employer relationship where the employer has full control over not only when and where rehearsals are held, but ultimately full control concerning when, where, and how an actor portrays their part.

Though employee classification is crucial for actors—as well as employees writ large—to achieve better legal protections, a deeper exploration of the distinction between employees and independent contractors and the implications of this divide for employment equity, particularly in the context of theater, is beyond the scope of this Note.80See Christian Ketter, A Curtain-Call for Performing Arts Industry Clauses: Why Nonunionized Stage-Performers Are “Employees” Not “Independent Contractors,” 9 Ariz. State Sports & Ent. L.J., Spring 2020, at 1. Thus, the remainder of this Note will assume for the sake of argument that actors are classified as employees, not as independent contractors. This classification allows for their protection by the ADA and Title VII.

ACT III.  LEGAL REMEDY NO. 1: CREATING A NEW BFOQ

Scene 1:  Creating a Race or Color BFOQ

Notably missing from the list of categories that can be used to assert a BFOQ defense81See 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(e) (listing “religion, sex, [and] national origin” as the only categories from which to create BFOQs). are race, color, and disability. Over the past few decades, the bulk of relevant scholarship has focused on reasons Congress specifically did not include race or color as possible BFOQs.82See, e.g., Frank, supra note 71, at 496–97. Relatedly, scholars have started to ask whether Congress erred in this omission, and some even go so far as to champion adding a race or color BFOQ.83Id. at 501.

More specifically, this question about a race or color BFOQ has recently been explored in the context of entertainment.84See id. at 498–99; Jennifer L. Sheppard, Theatrical Casting—Discrimination or Artistic Freedom?, 15 Colum.-VLA J.L. & Arts 267, 276–77 (1991). Do historically marginalized actors lack opportunities as a “result of illegal discrimination by the theater industry,”85Sheppard, supra note 84, at 271. or is it instead a product of artistic freedom and sound business decisions? Should the issue be relegated to the realm of First Amendment jurisprudence?86Id. at 279–82.

Legal scholars have often approached this question by looking at language used by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (“EEOC”).87See U.S. Equal Emp. Opportunity Comm’n, https://www.eeoc.gov [https://perma.cc/
DD4Q-3VEJ].
The EEOC’s regulations88 The Supreme Court has held that the EEOC’s interpretation of the laws it enforces is “entitled to great deference.” Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 401 U.S. 424, 433–34 (1971); Albemarle Paper Co. v. Moody, 422 U.S. 405, 431 (1975) (citing Griggs). mention that a gender BFOQ could theoretically exist for hiring actors if deemed necessary for a play’s authenticity: “Where it is necessary for the purpose of authenticity or genuineness, the Commission will consider sex to be a bona fide occupational qualification, e.g., an actor or actress.”8929 C.F.R. § 1604.2(a)(2) (2022) (emphasis added). The EEOC has thus explicitly “recognized that the entertainment industry is one place where discrimination might be necessary.”90Frank, supra note 71, at 495.

The fact that use of a BFOQ has been considered by the EEOC as potentially useful (and lawful) in an entertainment context gives credence to the idea that it is permissible to legally discriminate, through the use of a BFOQ, in order to preserve a play’s primary functions of storytelling and authenticity.91Id. at 493. Therefore, “it seems reasonable to assume that where the characters are race-specific, race is a job requirement, and hence, should be a BFOQ exception.”92Sheppard, supra note 84, at 276.

Scene 2:  Creating a Disability BFOQ

So, could a disability BFOQ similarly be added to the ADA? The idea is not without precedent, at least in the realm of some states’ local laws. For instance, the Administrative Rules of Montana state that an employer may use a BFOQ “where the reasonable demands of a position require a distinction based on . . . physical or mental disability.”93Mont. Admin. R. 2.21.4005(3) (2022).

But the question remains: Is the addition of a disability BFOQ really enough to make a difference? Or would it just perpetuate the status quo of allowing employers/artistic directors to keep employees/actors with disabilities off the stage? According to the University of Southern California Annenberg Inclusion Initiative, only 2.7% of characters with speaking roles in a survey of 900 popular movies from 2007 to 2016 were characters portrayed with a disability.94Travis M. Andrews, Disabled Actors Say They’re the ‘Last Civil Rights Movement’ in Hollywood, Chi. Trib. (Jan. 25, 2019, 11:35 AM), https://www.chicagotribune.com/entertainment/
movies/ct-ent-disabled-actors-films-20190125-story.html [https://perma.cc/9CND-ZW6U].
Assuming the trend holds true across the sister industries of stage and screen, these statistics show that a disability BFOQ probably could not effectuate all that much change. If only around 2–3% of characters are written to have disabilities, even if a majority of directors cast those roles with actors who have disabilities, we would have at most a 3% increase in the number of actors with disabilities getting cast. And there is no guarantee that any directors would even opt to utilize the disability BFOQ. Thus, the most progress a disability BFOQ could make would likely be marginal at best.

Furthermore, creating a disability BFOQ opens the door to possible misuse and abuse by employers. Indeed, use of a BFOQ, though it can be
co-opted for the benefit of a group of employees, is usually seen as an employer-friendly tactic. For example, an employer who does not want to hire actors with disabilities could use the BFOQ as a shield, asserting that such an actor with a disability could not serve “essential functions”9542 U.S.C. § 12111(8). (such as deft movement across the stage) required of the job.

Scholarship at the forefront of this conversation seems to overwhelmingly come to the same conclusion: “[T]he fear that employers could misuse a generally applicable . . . BFOQ to shield invidious . . . discrimination is too great to warrant the enactment of such a provision.”96Frank, supra note 71, at 525. Given these potential setbacks, it becomes necessary to look at what other remedial legal options remain.

ACT IV.  LEGAL REMEDY NO. 2: AFFIRMATIVE ACTION

Scene 1:  Background

The concept of affirmative action, created during the civil rights movement in the United States, derives from a “paradox,” namely that “[o]nce we amended the Constitution and passed laws to protect people of color from being treated differently in ways that were harmful to them, the government had trouble enacting programs that treat people of color differently in ways that might be beneficial.”97Louis Menand, The Changing Meaning of Affirmative Action, New Yorker (Jan. 13, 2020), https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/01/20/have-we-outgrown-the-need-for-affirmative-action [https://perma.cc/V5SL-GCXR]. We face a similar problem with regard to disabilities, in that in employment discrimination law’s noble effort to level the playing field, we must fight to create ways to treat people with disabilities that “might be beneficial”98Id. as well.

From a statistical standpoint, affirmative action for race actually resulted in some of its intended effect; the years between 1974 and 1980 saw a 20% increase in the rate of minority employment in businesses relying on affirmative action (as compared to an increase of only 12% in companies without affirmative action plans in place).99Id. Furthermore, there is still room for the affirmative action model to change over time, as “[t]here is no Brown v. Board of Education . . . for affirmative action, no well-established precedent.”100Id. (emphasis added). Thus, the door is left ajar for a new movement in which we use affirmative action tactics to make sure that more actors with disabilities are not only getting into the audition room, but also getting cast.

While decades of proof show that affirmative action has led to success, specifically in the context of school desegregation,101See id. the concept also comes with quite a bit of baggage.102The idea of “affirmative action” in general is in jeopardy as we await a very conservative Supreme Court’s ruling involving Harvard University’s admission practices: “After the Court’s recent overturning of Roe v. Wade and the expansion of concealed-carry gun rights, the abolition of affirmative action at elite universities is high on conservatives’ wish list.” Greg Stohr, Harvard Urges Supreme Court to Preserve Affirmative Action in College Admissions, Bloomberg (July 25, 2022, 2:04 PM), https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-07-25/harvard-urges-supreme-court-to-let-affirmative-action-survive [https://perma.cc/ZY43-L33N]. Scholars and laypeople alike have been arguing for years over whether “affirmative action for racial minorities disadvantages white people by virtue of their race.”103K. Anthony Appiah, Stereotypes and the Shaping of Identity, 88 Calif. L. Rev. 41, 52 (2000). It is likely that this same argument would surface regarding whether affirmative action in the context of casting actors with disabilities disadvantages able-bodied actors. To this point, however, although there may be winners and losers in affirmative action, it has been determined that the practice is occasionally justified nevertheless.104Id.

In United Steelworkers v. Weber, the Supreme Court created precedent that some affirmative action regimes are, in fact, justified, and it laid out a test dictating when these regimes are constitutional.105United Steelworkers v. Weber, 433 U.S. 193, 208 (1979) (holding that “Title VII’s prohibition in §§ 703 (a) and (d) against racial discrimination does not condemn all private, voluntary, race-conscious affirmative action plans”). While the Court’s opinion is perhaps not particularly clear in terms of where to draw that line,106Id. (“We need not today define in detail the line of demarcation between permissible and impermissible affirmative action plans.”). it does provide us with a set of loose guidelines. In order for a plan to fall on the permissible side of that line, it must (1) be “designed to break down old patterns of . . . segregation and hierarchy,” (2) “not unnecessarily trammel the interests of” other employees or applicants, and (3) be a “temporary measure.”107Id.

These guidelines, specifically designed to apply to affirmative action in regard to racial segregation and discrimination, could easily be adapted to apply to disability as well. One could imagine guidelines for theater companies that (1) break down existing patterns of hierarchy in terms of casting actors without disabilities; (2) do not “unnecessarily trammel” the interests of actors without disabilities, who would retain plenty of chances to be cast; and (3) only last until such time that theaters understand and realize not only that diverse casting is a noble goal, but also that it makes sound economic sense. While this raises a different question as to how these guidelines would be implemented, as discussed below, there may actually be no need to adapt these guidelines because of the differences in statutory language between Title VII and the ADA.

Scene 2:  Statutory Interpretation

Challenges to affirmative action in the context of ending racial segregation sometimes stem from a disgruntled white student who feels that a school’s admission policies are a zero-sum game (and thus, feels that their rights are being “unnecessarily trammel[ed]”).108Id. For instance, in Fisher v. University of Texas, a white woman who was denied admission to the University of Texas sued on the grounds that the school’s admissions system was unconstitutional because it took race into account.109Fisher v. Univ. of Tex., 579 U.S. 365, 375 (2016); see Margaret Kramer, A Timeline of Key Supreme Court Cases on Affirmative Action, N.Y. Times (Mar. 30, 2019), https://www.nytimes.com/
2019/03/30/us/affirmative-action-supreme-court.html [https://perma.cc/23XU-TXNE].
Ultimately, Justice Anthony Kennedy authored the close opinion in favor of the University of Texas, deciding that the university’s policy of considering race as one of a number of factors in admissions “met the standard of strict scrutiny”110Kramer, supra note 109; Fisher, 579 U.S. at 388. and was thus appropriate. While the final outcome of this case comes down on the side of the affirmative action plan being implemented by the university, it also demonstrates the very live and contentious idea that there are people who tend to feel they are being injured by affirmative action schemes at large.

The Court has maintained its belief that at least some affirmative action regimes could be unconstitutional because they “unnecessarily trammel”111Weber, 433 U.S. at 208. other employees’ rights, and their authority on this matter comes from citing the text of Title VII itself: it is unlawful to “discriminate . . . because of . . . race” when hiring employees.11242 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(a)(1) (emphasis added). White students have long used this argument to say that they themselves were discriminated against because of their race (as a white person) when a Black student is admitted and there is an affirmative action regime in place at that university;113See Weber, 433 U.S. at 208. the claim is one of “reverse racism.”114See Brett J. Miller & Sarah Nirenberg, Are Employers’ Diversity Efforts Risking “Reverse Discrimination” Lawsuits?, Butzel (July 13, 2021), https://www.butzel.com/resources-alerts-Are-Employers-Diversity-Efforts-Risking-Reverse-Discrimination-Lawsuits.html [https://perma.cc/3T4L-4FWG]. Similar arguments have long been made by many white plaintiffs in the employment context: there have “recently [been] a number of headlines regarding ‘anti-white racism’ and there have been a variety of civil rights lawsuits filed by white employees . . . claiming race discrimination.”115Id.

The language of the ADA, on the other hand, dictates only that a covered entity may not “discriminate against a qualified individual on the basis of disability.”11642 U.S.C. § 12112(a) (emphasis added). The ADA itself provides limited guidance on whether an employer may or may not, for instance, discriminate in favor of a qualified individual on the basis of disability.117In fact, the EEOC itself has weighed in on the matter, stating that “[t]he ADA does not protect an individual who is denied an employment opportunity . . . because she does not have a disability.” U.S. Equal Emp. Opportunity Comm’n, EEOC-NVTA-2011-1, Questions and Answers on the Final Rule Implementing the ADA Amendments Act of 2008 (2011); see also U.S. Equal Emp. Opportunity Comm’n, EEOC-NVTA-2017-4, Questions & Answers: The EEOC’s Final Rule on Affirmative Action for People with Disabilities in Federal Employment (2017) (mentioning that “[a]ffirmative action for people with disabilities is not illegal. An employer is allowed to hire someone because he or she has a disability, and a rejected applicant cannot sue an employer for discrimination based on the fact that he or she does not have a disability”). In light of this difference in statutory language, it is possible that an affirmative action plan in the context of disability under the ADA may not even need to pass muster under the three-part Weber118Weber, 433 U.S. at 208. test described above. Further analysis of this distinction in language, although beyond the scope of this Note, is required to determine if theater companies would be within their rights to implement affirmative action regimes regarding hiring actors with disabilities.

Scene 3:  Application

Given the analysis above, this Note proposes that theaters could help remedy the imbalance in casting practices by beginning to use an affirmative action model to bring more inclusivity into the casting room and onto the stage. If future analysis supports the above interpretation of the statutory text, this model does not have to live up to the Weber119Id. standards. Each theater company is unique, with its own set of structures and hierarchies already in place, so the most effective way for each individual theater company to utilize an affirmative action model would likely be best judged by the company itself. The 2020s appear to have ushered in a hunger for an increase in overall diversity,120Jared Pope, 2020: The Year that Changed Diversity, Equity & Inclusion Forever, Work Shield (Dec. 7, 2020), https://workshield.com/2020-the-year-that-changed-diversity-equity-inclusion-forever [https://perma.cc/87J3-BE9H]. and it is possible that some theaters would jump at the chance to create a scheme through which they could improve the diversity on their stages—if only because it would reflect well on the theater.

Perhaps one answer is a required training for theater companies throughout the country (likely in an online format) through which they could gain a better understanding of the necessities and risks associated with creating and implementing an affirmative action plan.121There has been a push towards training managers and recruiters at various workplaces in the realms of equal employment opportunity and affirmative action. See, e.g., EEO Training | Affirmative Action Training and Planning, HR Training Ctr., https://hrtrainingcenter.com/eeo-training [https://perma.cc/5B3P-L94A]; Affirmative Action/EEO Training, Emps. Grp., https://www.
employersgroup.com/service/affirmative-action-training [https://perma.cc/6GTK-PCUW].
Then, each theater company could come up with a plan that best fits its specific needs and goals. Implementation of these plans would likely require the creation of an organization to oversee these plans and establish accountability, as well as conduct periodic check-ins with each theater company to assess follow-through and commitment going forward. While this suggestion would involve significant resources (time, money, and otherwise), this Note has demonstrated how crucial it is to take affirmative steps in this arena to enact true change. Investing these resources would be a necessary first step.

However, clearly the nebulous idea of “using affirmative action in casting actors with disabilities” leaves a lot of details to be desired. Who would ensure that theaters truly implemented affirmative action measures? How would relevant statistics be tracked, given that each theater and, more granularly, each show has a completely different set of needs? What kind of penalties would be imposed if theaters chose not to follow their affirmative action plans? All of this is not to say that legal remedies would not move theater in the right direction, but given these difficult questions with no immediate answers, it seems clear that this proposed legal remedy is not enough on its own either. So, what options remain?

ACT V.  A LOOK AT POTENTIAL QUASI-LEGAL AND NONLEGAL REMEDIES

Scene 1:  Societal Shifts—Effects of the COVID-19 Pandemic

One force that has the potential to shift the way we as a society see entertainment and theater, and therefore theater creators, is the COVID-19 pandemic.122See COVID-19, Ctrs. for Disease Control & Prevention, https://www.cdc.gov/
coronavirus/2019-nCoV [https://perma.cc/P72R-QKWN].
Our society’s transition to the use of Zoom and other online platforms has greatly increased theater’s accessibility in a number of ways,123Rosalind Bevan, An Actor Calls for a More Accessible and Inclusive Future in Theater, WBUR (Jan. 5, 2021), https://www.wbur.org/news/2021/01/05/future-of-theater-accessibility [https://perma.cc/
WWG2-4JZ6].
perhaps most notably in terms of the internet’s ability to transcend physical barriers and allow people from all around the world to watch a performance.124Id.

Additionally, many virtual productions are simply more affordable125Id.—both for audiences who no longer need to worry about issues such as transportation to and from the theater, costly parking, and the allure of overpriced theater snacks and drinks, and for theater companies that suddenly find themselves without the need for large, elaborate sets, accessible theaters, or a whole team of spotlight operators.

This shift has the possibility to push access for actors with disabilities in the right direction and could provide the movement with enough momentum to continue to embrace inclusivity and accessibility once we (presumably) reenter a less digital world. However, Deaf126“The word ‘deaf’ with a lowercase ‘d’ refers to the audiological lack of the sense of hearing. . . . ‘Deaf’ with a capitalized ‘D’ refers to Deaf people who share the same culture and language, American Sign Language.” Id. theater artist Elbert Joseph has his doubts: “[O]nce we go back to being in person, are people going to be willing to continue [making theater accessible]? Because there is no more excuse.”127Id. (quoting Elbert Joseph). And he is right: we have now seen a digital landscape in which disability has proven to be much less of a barrier in the bid for access.128See Past Productions, Deaf Broadway, https://www.deafbroadway.com/past-productions.html [https://perma.cc/T9HU-YJKD] (providing a list of productions put on by a theater company that has been consistently creating virtual theater throughout the COVID-19 pandemic); About, Deaf Broadway, https://www.deafbroadway.com/about.html [https://perma.cc/LQM6-HQFP] (describing how their shows are “[f]ilmed in real time via webcam with diverse Deaf talent” and that they “provide[] full and complete American Sign Language (ASL) access to beloved selections from the Broadway catalog”).

Writer and performer Katie Hae Leo, while acknowledging the importance of the ADA as it stands, believes that the COVID-19 pandemic has reminded society of the vulnerabilities associated with being a person with disabilities.129Loeppky, supra note 5. She adds that, although the pandemic may have established a precedent of creating more access for artists with disabilities, it will all be for naught unless we “codify some of those changes, and make sure that they become part of, at the very least[,] best practices and at the best, law.”130Id. (quoting Katie Hae Leo).

Now that we have seen, by way of the pandemic, that many accessibility measures are in reality quite easy to implement,131Id. the above legal proposals of adding a disability BFOQ to the ADA and implementing an affirmative action regime for casting actors with disabilities could come into play. When utilized in tandem with the lessons we have learned from being thrust into the virtual world during the pandemic, these legal solutions could help to create a theater landscape that is both welcoming and encouraging to theater artists with disabilities.

Additionally, while creating diversity onstage is a noble goal in and of itself, theater companies do have pure economic reasons to invest in increased representation. Looking back at theater’s sister industries, film and television, that exact understanding seems to be unfolding as the early 2020s progress. While statistics, as discussed above, show dismal rates of casting actors with disabilities over the years, both film and television have begun to make great strides in their bid for inclusivity on screen. Take, for instance, the critically acclaimed 2021 film CODA, which centers on a family with deaf adults and their hearing child.132CODA (Apple Original Films 2021); see also Jeannette Catsoulis, ‘CODA’ Review: A Voice of Her Own, N.Y. Times (Aug. 12, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/12/movies/coda-review.html [https://perma.cc/Q5RS-4CEU]. The deaf characters are all played by deaf actors,133Catsoulis, supra note 132. and the story puts deafness at the heart of the viewer’s experience. The film even led to the first acting Oscar nomination (and win) ever for a deaf man, Troy Kotsur.134Kyle Buchanan, ‘CODA’ Star Troy Kotsur on His Historic, Healing Oscar Nomination, N.Y. Times (Feb. 27, 2022), https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/16/movies/troy-kotsur-coda-deaf-actor.html [https://perma.cc/C9QF-Z4U3]; Mandalit del Barco, CODA’s Troy Kotsur Is Now the First Deaf Man to Win an Oscar for Acting, NPR (Mar. 27, 2022), https://www.npr.org/2022/03/27/1088898875/oscars-2022-troy-kotsur-coda [https://perma.cc/FUA3-FDBY]. Kotsur told the New York Times via a sign language interpreter that the success of this film marks a wider understanding that we should no longer “think of deaf actors from a perspective of limitations.”135Id. (quoting Troy Kotsur). As film and television make these moves forward, and as theaters begin to grapple with the fact that more diverse casts could lead to more money and acclaim, hopefully theaters will begin to follow in the footsteps of their sister industries.

Scene 2:  Building Upon Ongoing Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Work

Since it appears that no one solution, legal or otherwise, is sufficient to meaningfully increase opportunities for actors with disabilities on stage, it is worth looking to other work that is already being done in the arena for inspiration. The initiatives currently taking shape, in theater and beyond, are known as Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (“DEI”) initiatives.136What Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Really Mean, Ideal, https://ideal.com/diversity-equity-inclusion [https://perma.cc/22LP-CD94]. DEI work, according to the International Labour Organization, can be responsible for an increase in innovation of up to 59% and an increase in understanding and assessment of consumer demand of up to 37%.137Int’l Lab. Org., Bureau for Emps.’ Activities, Women in Business and Management: The Business Case for Change 21 (2019), https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—dgreports/—dcomm/—publ/documents/publication/wcms_700953.pdf [https://perma.cc/RJ7U-VA2U] (specifically discussing the case for improvements in the workplace based on gender diversity initiatives).

This wave of DEI work in workplaces around the country and beyond focuses on the tenets of “diversity” (the ways in which people differ from one another), “equity” (fair treatment and opportunity regardless of identity), and “inclusion” (providing a variety of people with power and decision-making authority).138What Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Really Mean, supra note 136. However progressive a DEI mindset in a workplace might be, though, underrepresentation “remains a very real problem.”139Id.; see also Pippa Stevens, Companies Are Making Bold Promises About Greater Diversity, but There’s a Long Way to Go, CNBC (June 15, 2020, 10:02 AM), https://www.cnbc.com/2020/06/
11/companies-are-making-bold-promises-about-greater-diversity-theres-a-long-way-to-go.html [https://
perma.cc/9Z9T-Y8JL] (“Inequality and a lack of diversity in the workplace are certainly not new topics, but the recent protests have prompted companies to speak out, condemning racism, and recommitting to doing better when it comes to fostering inclusive work environments.”).
A 2020 review of workplace diversity, for example, found that around 85% of top executives in the United States are white,140Stevens, supra note 139 (quoting a report by Barclays analysts) (“Companies’ consideration of diversity & inclusion is not only important on the basis of values; it also has a material impact on their long-term performance.”). with similar statistics showing that the majority of top executives do not report having a disability.141Am. Ass’n of People with Disabilities & Disability:IN, Disability Equality Index 2022 5 (2022), https://disabilityin-bulk.s3.amazonaws.com/2022/DEI+2022+Report+Final+508.pdf [https://perma.cc/V26N-WCZX] (“30% [of the companies studied) have a Senior Executive . . . who is internally known as being a person with a disability.”).

Even so, companies, including theaters, are now actively considering DEI initiatives; these initiatives tend to center on anti-racism and racial equity.142See, e.g., The Huntington’s Equity & Anti-Racism Update, Huntington, https://www.huntingtontheatre.org/accessiblity/anti-racism [https://perma.cc/FFW4-ATDT]; Our Values, Cent. Square Theater, https://www.centralsquaretheater.org/about/our-values [https://
perma.cc/27U9-3X3Y]; Equity, Diversity & Inclusion Institute, Theatre Commc’ns Grp., https://www.tcg.org/Default.aspx?TabID=1550 [https://perma.cc/SS2U-5N2Z].
Many theater websites boast initiatives to combat racism within their internal structures.143See sources cited supra note 142. In addition to actively increasing representation of people of color in the workplace, these initiatives are shining a spotlight on the destructive effects of racism on the workplace. Imagine if this push for equity in terms of race could be harnessed and used through the lens of disability as well. This would bring awareness to the trials and tribulations of actors with disabilities, as this Note has detailed, and could help to create a society in which anti-ableism becomes central to the workplace.

Scene 3:  Exploring Nontraditional Casting

Another potential route to getting more actors with disabilities on stage would be to follow the dictates of “nontraditional casting.”144See Harry Newman, Casting a Doubt: The Legal Issues of Nontraditional Casting, 19 J. Arts Mgmt. & L., Summer 1989, at 55, 56. Under the regime of nontraditional casting, in order to expand opportunities for
oft-overlooked actors, artists are cast in roles in which certain categories (such as gender, ethnicity, disability, and race) are not “germane to the character’s or the play’s development.”145Id. The attempts at kickstarting nontraditional casting have been widespread; multiple major theater organizations banded together in the late 1980s to create a not-for-profit organization called the Non-Traditional Casting Project (“NTCP”).146Id.

The NTCP, as a part of its advocacy work, identified a few distinct types of nontraditional casting meant to act as “jumping-off points for the imagination,”147Id. at 57. such as “societal casting,”148Id. (noting that “ethnic, female, and disabled artists are cast in roles they perform in society, such as clerks, judges, scientists, and salespersons”). “cross-cultural casting,”149Id. (describing how “a play is transposed to an entirely different cultural world”). and “conceptual casting.”150Id. (noting that “an ethnic, female, or disabled actor is cast in a role in order to bring an extra dimension to that part”). These various categories are meant to serve as tools for creating opportunities for actors who may otherwise be passed over.

One further category to be addressed is “blind casting,” in which “actors are cast on the basis of their talent without regard to their physical attributes [and abilities or disabilities].”151Id. While the idea of blind casting may appear innocuous on the surface, and perhaps even look like a good solution, academic scholarship points us to the conclusion that even casting that is nondiscriminatory on its face leads to the same disparities on stage after all is said and done.152Micha Frazer-Carroll, ‘It’s Dangerous Not to See Race’: Is Colour-Blind Casting All It’s Cracked Up to Be?, Guardian (Aug. 11, 2020, 4:22 AM), https://www.theguardian.com/tv-and-radio/

2020/aug/11/its-dangerous-not-to-see-race-is-colour-blind-casting-all-its-cracked-up-to-be [https://
perma.cc/ZB3H-GEWR] (quoting Diep Tran, an arts journalist specializing in diversity) (“Colour-blind casting is dangerous . . . [because] [i]t negates the very real structural hindrances that block actors of colour from the same opportunities as white actors—like low pay in the theatre industry, a lack of roles that are ethnically specific that actors of colour can play, and unconscious bias on the part of white theatres and casting directors.”). Furthermore, in the past, directors have gone so far as to use the idea of blind casting to do things such as cast white actors as characters of color, using the explanation that the white actors just happened to be best for the role.153Id.

Because of the potential harms of blind casting, scholars urge directors to consider “conscious casting” instead, where attributes and abilities/disabilities are taken into account to the extent that they interact with the plot lines and characters and affect the meaning of a play or movie.154Id. Utilizing conscious casting from the nontraditional casting canon may prove another useful tool in the casting toolbox. However, the distinction between casting “blindly” and “consciously” is not always straightforward and still allows for a well-meaning director to make a blunder by casting actors in a way that sets forth an unintentional message.155See id.

Even so, conscious casting can and should be used in the context of casting actors with disabilities. Conscious casting could even be combined with the affirmative action plan discussed above; this could open the door to actors with disabilities not only playing characters with disabilities, but
able-bodied characters as well. Not only would this provide more job opportunities to actors with disabilities, but it would also allow directors to make purposeful statements through their casting about how our society views, and should or should not view, people with disabilities.

Making conscious casting an industry standard would signal to artistic and casting directors alike that diversity on stage could be a meaningful enhancement to their repertoire and the messages conveyed, and, as such, should be taken into account. It is true that some baggage might come along with this approach: it could require extra auditions to be held, extra outreach into various underrepresented communities, and extra thought put into how casting each actor affects how the play comes across to the audience.156Id. (quoting Diep Tran) (noting that “[t]his approach isn’t always simple, . . . but neither is addressing the entrenched structural racism in television, film and theatre”). Given the dramatic loss of talent caused by excluding actors with disabilities, however, this Note argues that the potential for positive outcomes far outweighs the baggage.

CURTAIN CALL: CONCLUSION

At the end of the day, representation on stage can (and should) inspire new generations of both activists and actors, but it appears as though there is no single legal solution that will be able to ensure or enforce that representation. Instead, if we hope that “[o]ne day, every American theatre will be a safe, equitable, and inclusive workplace filled with arts practitioners who represent and reflect the wonderful diversity of the human tapestry,”157Diversity & Inclusion, Actors’ Equity Ass’n, https://actorsequity.org/resources/diversity [https://perma.cc/DV8X-UN6R]. we will need to source solutions from within the legal field as well as beyond.

This Note does not, by any means, cover the breadth of issues and possibilities left to be discovered and discussed in terms of getting better representation on theater stages. For instance, studies that have thus far been done about disability in film and television should be replicated for the stage in order to give us a more accurate picture of the issue as it applies to stage actors.158For example, what percentage of stage actors with disabilities who audition for shows actually end up getting cast? What percentage end up getting turned away? Also, further research beyond the scope of this Note may yield other creative and effective legal and nonlegal tactics that can be used to not only increase diversity onstage, but also to maintain it.

It is hopefully clear by now that there is a problem in the theater world that needs to be addressed. Not enough actors with disabilities are getting employed—or even getting the chance to prove that they should be employed. This issue has negative effects all around. Of course, it impacts actors with disabilities by lessening their opportunities to practice their craft. But it also affects society at large in a number of ways; representation of disabilities on stage can lead to a feeling of “belonging” for many people who have so often felt sidelined, and the art that gets created becomes more inclusive and authentic overall.

It should also be clear by now that there is not yet a simple solution to the above problem, in the law or in society. This cannot dissuade us, however, from fighting to ensure that actors with disabilities have the opportunity to perform on stage. It appears as though it will take a conglomeration of methods: the creation of a disability BFOQ; affirmative action based on disability; monetary and business incentives; ongoing DEI work; and conscious casting could all be pieces of the as yet unsolved puzzle. And while we are still missing puzzle pieces, we should begin by working with the methods we already have.

This Note has presented potential legal avenues for addressing the lack of opportunities for actors with disabilities in the theater industry and has concluded that using the law as a vehicle for improving the odds for these actors is probably not enough. Either way, casting more actors with disabilities is an issue that clearly requires immediate attention. After all, when it comes to the heart of the reason that all of this research and discussion is necessary in the first place, actress Ali Stroker put it best in her Tony Award acceptance speech: “This award is for every kid watching tonight who has a disability, who has a limitation or a challenge, who has been waiting to see themselves represented in this arena,” she said.159Andrew & Ahmed, supra note 16 (quoting Ali Stroker). “You are.”160Id.

96 S. Cal. L. Rev. 483

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* Senior Editor, Southern California Law Review, Volume 96; J.D. Candidate 2023, University of Southern California Gould School of Law; B.A. Drama and Psychology 2015, Tufts University. Thank you to my supportive, loving, wonderful friends and family for having my back throughout law school. Special thanks to my advisor, Dr. Orly Rachmilovitz, for her guidance during the note-writing process, and a final thank you to my mentors (also known as my parents), Barbara and Patrick Patterson, for inspiring me every day. This Note is dedicated to the memory of colleague and friend Jenny Lin.

Race and Politics: The Problem of Entanglement in Gerrymandering Cases

Gerrymandering—the manipulation of political districting processes and boundaries for partisan political advantage—has proven a troubling and difficult area of constitutional concern. This is partly due to the exceptionally divergent standards of judicial review applicable depending upon the basis for the gerrymander claim. The Supreme Court has consistently held that racial gerrymanders are subject to strict scrutiny review and presumptively violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court has recently declared that partisan gerrymanders, on the other hand, are a political question and non-justiciable. 

This Article argues that current guidance from the Supreme Court on standards for evaluating gerrymandering claims is inadequate to guard against constitutional violations because of the problem of entanglement: the race and partisan preferences of voters are so deeply intertwined in many contexts that it is practically impossible to discern whether race or partisanship was the basis for political districting decisions. The entanglement of race and politics in political districting processes means that there is a dangerous risk that unconstitutional racial gerrymanders will escape judicial review under the cover of partisanship. 

This Article explicates the problem of entanglement in gerrymandering cases and evaluates several possible solutions. Presenting original research drawn from the 2020 decennial census and voter data from the 2020 presidential election, this Article establishes an empirical basis for the problem of entanglement. Although prior legal scholarship has emphasized the problem of “conjoined polarization”—the overlap in partisan and racial preferences—as an enabling factor in partisan redistricting processes, this Article claims that racial residential segregation plays a more central and dynamic role than has generally been acknowledged in undergirding the entanglement of race and politics in political redistricting processes.

INTRODUCTION

The manipulation of political districting processes for political advantage—popularly known as gerrymandering—has long bedeviled the United States,1See infra Part I. Political districting involves both the division of geographic units within states into political subdivisions and the drawing of lines in regards to those subdivisions. but concerns about the abuse of this practice have intensified in recent decades due to a confluence of factors: intensifying partisan political polarization, widening racial political polarization, the use of detailed voter files to predict voting behavior, the emergence of sophisticated computer technology to generate ever-more precise political maps, and a sharp divergence in the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence governing different forms of this practice. 

In reviewing suits brought to challenge gerrymandering practices, the Supreme Court has held that state legislative efforts to draw political districts based on race violate the Equal Protection Clause, a natural extension of the Court’s general prohibition on the use of racial classifications in policymaking.2Stephen Menendian, What Constitutes a “Racial Classification”?: Equal Protection Doctrine Scrutinized, 24 Temp. Pol. & C.R. L.  81, 121–23 (2014). On the other hand, the Supreme Court has held that legislative efforts to draw political districts based upon partisanship or for partisan political advantage are “political questions” and non-justiciable.3Rucho v. Common Cause, 139 S. Ct. 2484, 2506 (2019). 

In this regard, these two forms of gerrymandering are treated in the utmost extreme: racial gerrymandering is subject to the highest level of judicial scrutiny while partisan political gerrymandering is treated as non-justiciable, meaning not that it is subject to the lowest level of judicial review, rational basis review, but that the practice is deemed unsuitable for judicial review at all. Racial gerrymanders are subject to strict scrutiny judicial review whereas partisan political gerrymanders are not subject to judicial review whatsoever.4“Strict scrutiny” is a level of judicial review requiring that a policy be justified by a “compelling government interest” and “narrowly tailored” to serve that interest. It is the highest level of judicial review. Parents Involved in Cmty. Schs. v. Seattle Sch. Dist. No. 1, 551 U.S. 701, 720 (2007).  

The Supreme Court’s broader equal protection clause jurisprudence supplies a basis for treating these two types of claims differently. Prevailing equal protection jurisprudence treats race as a “suspect” class in government policymaking subject to strict scrutiny review, while most other classifications are reviewed under a rational basis test.5Which is, by definition, more judicial review than is required of non-justiciable matters, which by definition are not subject to judicial review at all, as noted above. But strict adherence to this approach would compel a very different result than the determination that partisan gerrymanders are non-justiciable. Lower courts would still be able to entertain such cases, just under a much lower level of review, rational basis.

If there were no relationship between race and partisanship in voting patterns, then political gerrymanders and racial gerrymanders could be regarded as separate and distinct categories and there would be no logical inconsistency in a jurisprudence that regulated one but not the other. Partisan gerrymanders would have no observable racial effect, or vice versa. In practice, however, race has long been highly correlated with partisan political affiliation.6See infra Table 1. Although racial political polarization waxes and wanes over time, it is strong enough that a jurisprudence of gerrymandering cannot neatly divide the two types. 

The Court’s racial gerrymandering jurisprudence makes clear that sorting voters into separate political districts on the basis of race is unconstitutional, just as it is presumptively unconstitutional to sort pupils into different schools on the basis of race.7See Parents Involved, 551 U.S. at 701. In racially diverse states with racially polarized voting patterns and merely modest levels of racial residential segregation, however, it is likely that partisan gerrymandering will effectively sort people into different districts on a racial basis. In much of the country, race and partisanship are entangled, such that redistricting efforts on one basis are largely indistinguishable from the other. As a consequence, unregulated partisan gerrymanders have a dangerous potential to subvert the constitutional rule against racial gerrymandering.

Although political scientists have long recognized the correlation of race and partisan affiliation (what political scientists term “conjoined polarization”),8Bruce E. Cain & Emily R. Zhang, Blurred Lines: Conjoined Polarization and Voting Rights, 77 Ohio St. L.J. 867, 872 (2016). prior analysis of gerrymandering jurisprudence has underexamined the specific role of racial residential segregation in facilitating the entanglement of race and politics in redistricting processes. In recent legal scholarship analyzing this problem, segregation is either completely absent from the discussion, mentioned in passing, or is treated as an assumed operative background condition.9See, e.g., Richard L. Hasen, Race or Party?: How Courts Should Think About Republican Efforts to Make It Harder to Vote in North Carolina and Elsewhere, 127 Harv. L. Rev. F. 58 (2013); Janai Nelson, Parsing Partisanship and Punishment: An Approach to Partisan Gerrymandering and Race, 96 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1088 (2021); Jon Greenbaum & Kristen Clarke, Gerrymandering Symposium: The Racial Implications of Yesterday’s Partisan Gerrymandering Decision, SCOTUSblog (June 28, 2019, 2:01 PM), https://www.scotusblog.com/2019/06/gerrymandering-symposium-the-racial-implications-of-todays-partisan-gerrymandering-decision/ [https://perma.cc/7HPY-L425]. These articles do not even mention segregation. The role of segregation in relation to gerrymandering processes is both more central and more dynamic than is generally appreciated.

This Article argues that it is the interaction of racial residential segregation and racial political polarization that creates the entanglement problem in redistricting processes, not merely “conjoined polarization” by itself.10The modifier “entanglement” is used advisedly here to characterize this problem: it is used similarly to the notion of quantum entanglement in physics—how two or more particles become linked and share a common quantum state. This entanglement creates an epistemological problem for physicists in attempting to measure, for example, the position or location of a particle. See Karen Barad, Meeting the Universe Halfway 270 (2d prtg. 2007). This Article makes an analogous argument regarding the epistemological difficulties judges face in evaluating partisan and racial gerrymanders. Where the level of racial residential segregation is higher, the entanglement of race and politics in districting processes is likely to be greater, not only because of the geographic concentrations of people that facilitate political district line-drawing, but also because regions with higher levels of racial residential segregation have both greater racial political polarization and partisan political polarization. 

This Article presents original analysis of the 2020 presidential election results and 2020 census data to demonstrate that racial segregation and partisan segregation are strongly correlated. Moreover, regions with higher levels of racial residential segregation appear to have higher levels of partisan polarization. As a result, partisan gerrymanders in those regions are likely to result in the segregation of voters into different political districts on the basis of race and vice versa. 

Part I provides a brief history of gerrymandering, including the types and forms of political districts that were historically practiced. Political districts were far more varied in the early years of the republic than is generally appreciated or understood today. More importantly, Part II notes that although gerrymandering practice can be traced to the early decades of the republic, efforts to curb it also extend back into the nineteenth century. Standards and norms for democratic practice have improved and evolved since the framing of the Constitution, laying the groundwork for particularized claims brought to challenge this practice. 

Part II compares racial gerrymandering and partisan political gerrymandering cases, rulings, and reasoning. It analyzes points of divergence and convergence between the two lines of cases. The partisan and racial gerrymandering cases germinate from the same seed and the same soil but have produced extremely divergent results in the body of the Supreme Court’s precedent governing these cases. This creates a problem in cases brought that challenge redistricting where race and partisan affiliation are largely co-extensive. In such cases, racial gerrymandering could escape judicial scrutiny under the cover of partisanship. 

Part III explicates the entanglement problem, that purely partisan redistricting maps are in many cases objectively indistinguishable from redistricting maps that explicitly use race. The key components of this problem are racial political polarization and racial residential segregation. When these factors coincide, partisan gerrymandering is likely to sort people into different districts on a racial basis. Part III also shows that racial residential segregation plays a larger role than is generally appreciated in both racial and partisan gerrymandering processes. It presents original and other recent empirical research suggesting that regions with higher levels of racial residential segregation have both more racial political polarization and political segregation.

Part IV reviews three possible ways to address the entanglement problem in terms of current constitutional law and text, weighing the merits of each. First, any hybrid gerrymandering case in which race appears to play a significant role but is co-extensive with partisanship could be categorically exempted from judicial review if the state raises such a defense. This approach is not a functional solution because it would formalize a loophole for subverting the Constitution as long as racial gerrymanders are clothed in the guise of partisanship. 

Second, any case where race and partisanship are co-extensive could instead be drawn within the racial gerrymandering line and held to strict scrutiny review, even though race cannot be said to “predominate.” This approach would better align with the Court’s broader anti-classification jurisprudence but would require adjustments to the standards applicable to racial gerrymandering cases.

Finally, the Court could reverse its judgment that partisan gerrymanders are non-justiciable. The Court only recently gathered a majority of Justices in support of that view. It could reverse course and direct lower courts to review such claims under a lower standard of review within the equal protection jurisprudence or some other constitutional provision or basis altogether. In this regard, Part IV makes the case for revisiting the Court’s Guarantee Clause jurisprudence based upon principles and concerns articulated by the framers of the Constitution. 

I.  A BRIEF HISTORY OF GERRYMANDERING

Although the United States was still a young nation at the time of the ratification of the Constitution in 1787, the framers already enjoyed decades of cumulative experience with democratic political processes, including political districting, based upon the collective experiments already underway in the various states since the Revolution.11 I am referring here primarily to the adoption of vastly different state constitutions after the Revolution, which occurred more than ten years before the ratification of the U.S. Constitution. To read more about these instruments, see W.C. Webster, Comparative Study of the State Constitutions of the American Revolution, 9 Annals Am. Acad. Pol. & Soc. Sci. 64 (1897). I am also referring, however, to the fact that the framers of the Constitution for the better part of a decade experienced living under the Articles of Confederation, which were devised and adopted in 1777 and 1781. These experiences were formative to the framing of the Constitution, as the authors of The Federalist Papers noted. The Federalist Nos. 15–21 (James Madison and Alexander Hamilton). The Federalist Papers, for example, note political districts of varying size and composition both within and between states as a matter of fact. 

In Federalist No. 57, James Madison observes that different sized political districts contribute to both the federal and state legislatures: “The city of Philadelphia is supposed to contain between fifty and sixty thousand souls. It will therefore form nearly two districts for the choice of federal representatives. It forms, however, but one county, in which every elector votes for each of its representatives in the State legislature.”12The Federalist No. 57 (James Madison). Thus, Pennsylvania’s county-districting system for electing state legislators necessarily resulted in large population disparities between political districts in that state at the time of the adoption of the Constitution. But in Federalist No. 61, Alexander Hamilton notes that although the New York State Assembly is drawn from counties, the New York State Senate is drawn from districts composed of two to six counties apiece.13The Federalist No. 61 (Alexander Hamilton).

While acknowledging the existence of population disparities between political districts (and implicitly, the existence of inequities in political representation), both Madison and Hamilton unequivocally maintain throughout The Federalist Papers that the principle of majoritarianism—that the majority should prevail—is the fundamental basis of free government and republican government.14The terms “republic” or “republican” are given different meanings in different contexts, from Aristotle to contemporary political philosophers. In The Federalist Papers, however, Madison and Hamilton are quite specific on the definition and how a republic differs from a pure democracy. In Federalist No. 14, Madison explains that “in a democracy, the people meet and exercise the government in person” whereas “in a republic, they assemble and administer it by their representative and, agents.” The Federalist No. 14 (James Madison). In their view, the difference is primarily practical, not principled. Id. Madison continues: “A democracy, consequently, must be confined to a small spot. A republic may be extended over a large region.” Id. In Federalist No. 58, for instance, Madison asserts that “the fundamental principle of free government” is that the “majority would rule.”15The Federalist No. 58 (James Madison). In that context, he was writing against the suggestion made by critics of the proposed Constitution that supermajorities should be required for either a quorum or a decision (such as passing a law) in the House of Representatives. As he explains: “In all cases where justice or the general good might require new laws to be passed, or active measures to be pursued, the fundamental principle of free government would be reversed. It would be no longer the majority that would rule: the power would be transferred to the minority.”16Id. 

Indeed, this is one of the chief objections the framers had with the Articles of Confederation, which gave equal suffrage to each state in the federal legislature (unlike the Constitution, which does so only in one legislative chamber, the Senate).17U.S. Const. art. I, § 3. Prior to the constitutional convention in Philadelphia in the summer of 1787 where the Constitution was hammered out, Madison privately wrote to Thomas Jefferson expressing his hopes for systemic changes to the federal government. Chief among these concerns was converting from a system in which each state receives equal voting power in Congress to a system of representation based upon population.18Letter from James Madison to Thomas Jefferson (Mar. 19, 1787), https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/01-09-02-0169 [https://perma.cc/LN8C-YW5K]. It might be wondered, therefore, why Madison and Hamilton acquiesced to a system in which one house of the legislature maintained equal voting power? As historians note, this was a feature of the “Connecticut plan,” and a critical compromise that allowed the convention to proceed. Without it, it is doubtful that the Constitution could have received sufficient support for ratification from smaller states. See Liberty’s Blueprint, infra note 207, at 73.  

Hamilton firmly agreed. In Federalist No. 22, Hamilton maintains that “the fundamental maxim of republican government . . . requires that the sense of the majority should prevail.”19The Federalist No. 22 (Alexander Hamilton). Therefore, in his view, Every idea of proportion and every rule of fair representation conspire to condemn a principle, which gives to Rhode Island an equal weight in the scale of power with Massachusetts, or Connecticut, or New York; and to Deleware [sic] an equal voice in the national deliberations with Pennsylvania or Virginia, or North Carolina.20Id.  

In a powerful and eloquent denunciation of the principle of equal suffrage between states, Hamilton goes on to develop the argument on the “impropriety of an equal vote between States of the most unequal dimensions and populousness” in various ways.21Id. 

This argument, however, and all of the reasoning developed in support of it, would appear to have equal force against political districts within states of “most unequal dimensions and populousness.” Indeed, in Federalist No. 46, Madison asserts that “[e]very one knows that a great proportion of the errors committed by the State legislatures proceeds from the disposition of the members to sacrifice the comprehensive and permanent interest of the state, to the particular and separate views of the counties or districts in which they reside.”22The Federalist No. 46 (James Madison).

How can the principles, reasoning, and keen insights developed by Hamilton in pushing for more proportional representation between states in the federal government be reconciled with the apparent lack of concern with unevenly populated political districts within states or the absence of an explicit mechanism regulating it? The answer is not clear. It may have been an oversight. There were many weighty matters that preoccupied the Constitutional Convention, and the issue of unequal political districts within states may not have been a topline concern. Or, if it were a serious concern, perhaps any concerned framers were either outnumbered by those who were not or sensed efforts to regulate it were either impracticable or not a winnable issue. Despite their reputation, especially Madison’s, as “author” of the Constitution, historians have noted that most of the proposals Madison or Hamilton introduced or supported at the convention were defeated.23Despite their reputation as the Constitution’s great proponents and defenders owing in part to their authorship of The Federalist Papers, historians note that, more often than not, Hamilton and Madison were generally outvoted in their preferences for the Constitution. See Forrest McDonald, Novus Ordo Seclorum: The Intellectual Origins of the Constitution 208–09 (1985) (“Overall, of seventy-one specific proposals that Madison moved, seconded, or spoke unequivocally in regard to, he was on the losing side forty times.”). 

Or perhaps they assumed that unequal populations across political districts within states, to the extent that they were found, would exist within tolerable limits, or would not result in the vast and strikingly unequal representation of political interests to the same extent found when small states enjoyed the same voting power as the larger states. After all, the proponents of the Constitution were largely concentrating their reform efforts on addressing defects in the experience of government under the Articles of Confederation and the paralysis that resulted from allowing small states to block legislation necessary to advancing the interests of the nation.

Yet another possibility is that they believed that a separate and sufficient mechanism existed for addressing the districting problem. As an example of the latter, perhaps they believed that Article I, Section 4, allowing Congress to alter state electoral rules in federal elections, would suffice to remedy any particularly egregious or extreme case that might arise within a state.24U.S. Const. art. I, § 4. This possibility is purely speculative given that none of the three lengthy Federalist Papers (59–61) dedicated to defending the inclusion of this provision mention the composition, size, or population of political districts. In any case, this provision quickly fell into disuse, because it would be decades before Congress passed a law under this authority.25For instance, one of the first federal election laws passed by Congress, which included prohibitions on false registration, bribery, and reporting false election returns, was enacted after the Civil War. Enforcement Act of 1870, Pub. L. No. 41-114, 16 Stat. 140.

Regardless of the framers’ concern—or lack thereof—for the issue of inequities between political districts within states, state legislatures took full advantage of the maneuvering room granted them by the Constitution’s silence on this matter. In one of the most notorious instances of abuse of this power, the Massachusetts legislature passed a redistricting law in 1812 designed to minimize the political power of the Federalist Party in the next election by concentrating Federalist voters into a small number of districts while spreading Republican voters into a wider range of districts.26Jennifer Davis, Elbridge Gerry and the Monstrous Gerrymander, Libr. of Cong. Blog (Feb. 10 2017), https://blogs.loc.gov/law/2017/02/elbridge-gerry-and-the-monstrous-gerrymander/ [https://perma.cc/QQ22-D9AG]. The plan worked because the Republican party won twenty-nine seats compared to eleven for the Federalist Party, despite winning only 49% of the vote.27Becky Little, How Gerrymandering Began in the US, History (Apr. 20, 2021), https://www.history.com/news/gerrymandering-origins-voting [https://perma.cc/8SM9-Q2MG]. The map, however, so conspicuously divided up the Boston region in an unnatural manner that critics likened the shape to a salamander. Governor Elbridge Gerry, a leading proponent of the plan, lent his name to political history when a political cartoonist dubbed the plan a “Gerry-mander: A new species of Monster.”28The Gerry-mander, Bos. Gazette, Mar. 26, 1812, at 2.  

The type and form of political district found in the early republic was more diverse and less uniform than those that exist today. Not only were political districts of unequal population and dimension regularly employed, and the manipulation of those districts common to the extent of political tolerance, but the form and type of district were not nearly as uniform as is the case today.29This is true not only of political districts, but also of most of the key political institutions of the era. All states within the United States currently have similar political structures, generally a bicameral legislature and a governor as chief executive. This was not the case in the antebellum period. As noted in various Federalist Papers, many executive branches were composed of councils. Pennsylvania, for example, had a “Supreme Executive Council.” Robert F. Williams, Evolving State Legislative and Executive Power in the Founding Decade, 496 Annals Am. Acad. Pol. & Soc. Sci. 43 (1988). In other cases, such as Delaware, the executive branch was derived from the legislature, as is the case today in many parliamentary systems. Del. Const. art. 7. All districts organized for electing members to the House of Representatives today are what political scientists call “single-member plurality” districts.30Greg D. Adams, Legislative Effects of Single-Member vs. Multi-Member Districts, 40 Am. J. Pol. Sci. 129, 139 (1996). This means that each district elects a single member, and that member is elected by a plurality of the vote (winning more votes than any other candidate—also called “first past the post”). This was not, however, the case in the early years of the republic. A variety of district types co-existed, from multi-member to at-large districts. Many of these district types were designed to maximize or entrench partisan political power.

The Constitution neither prescribes nor prohibits particular types of districts or methods of electing representatives, aside from the requirement that voting qualifications be the same as those employed for the most “numerous branch of the state legislature.”31U.S. Const. art. 1, § 2. It only requires a certain number of representatives for each state based upon relative population. Consequently, most of the original thirteen states used multi-member districts in the first congressional elections.32Nicholas O. Stephanopoulos, Redistricting and the Territorial Community, 160 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1379 (2012).  

Between 20% and 44% of House members were elected from multi-member districts until the Twenty-Eighth Congress.33Micah Altman, Traditional Districting Principles: Judicial Myths vs. Reality, 22 Soc. Sci. Hist. 159, 171 (1998). This means that each district elected more than one representative. They did not use proportional representation systems, as is common to most modern parliamentary democracies, as such systems had not yet been developed. Instead, they gave some districts greater political representation relative to others. Later, some states used “at-large” voting, meaning that House members were elected in some states by a vote of the entire state, as United States senators are elected today.34Id. at 168. 

As is true of many aspects of our political system and institutions, there was a gradual trend toward greater uniformity. In 1842, Congress passed the first of a series of laws, generally known as “Apportionment Acts,” which outlawed at-large, statewide House districts under its Article I, Section 4 authority.35Apportionment Act of 1842, ch. 47, § 2, 5 Stat. 491. Although ostensibly aimed at giving political minorities within states more opportunity to elect members to Congress, it also had the effect of outlawing multi-member districts, not just at-large systems. There were serious doubts about the constitutionality of such laws,36President John Tyler said that “Congress itself has power by law to alter State regulations respecting the manner of holding elections for Representatives is clear, but its power to command the States to make new regulations or alter their existing regulations is the question upon which I have felt deep and strong doubts.” John Tyler, Special Message, Am. Presidency Project (June 28, 1842), https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/special-message-4212 [https://perma.cc/7M2X-ACNJ]. and at least a few states continued to use at-large systems in violation of the law.

It was not until an apportionment act in 1872 that Congress added that districts should not only be geographically contiguous and single-member, but also that they should contain “as nearly as practicable an equal number of inhabitants.”37Act of Feb. 2, 1872, ch. 11, § 2, 17 Stat. 28. This requirement was reiterated in similar subsequent enactments, although it was not yet a constitutional principle.38Act of Feb. 7, 1891, ch. 116, § 3, 26 Stat. 735; Act of Jan. 16, 1901, ch. 93, § 3, 31 Stat. 733; Act of Aug. 8, 1911, ch. 5, § 3, 37 Stat. 13. 

In 1967, Congress passed another law prohibiting multi-member and at-large districts (in states with more than one representative) based on concerns that southern states might resort to at-large, statewide systems in response to the Voting Rights Act of 1965.392 U.S.C. § 2(c). Both multi-member and at-large districts could be used to dilute Black voting strength in southern states.40Notably, however, the civil rights scholar Lani Guinier argued in a highly influential law review article in 1991 that multi-member districts could be designed to help increase minority political representation and more closely approximate the advantages of a proportional system. Lani Guinier, No Two Seats: The Elusive Quest for Political Equality, 77 Va. L. Rev. 1413 (1991). Shortly after, President Clinton nominated her to be assistant attorney general, but critics highlighted controversial positions and claims made in her voting rights scholarship, prompting the President to withdraw her nomination. David Lauter, Clinton Withdraws Guinier as Nominee for Civil Rights Job: Justice Department: The President Says He Only Lately Read Her Legal Writings. He Decided She Stood for Principles He Could Not Support in a Divisive Confirmation Battle, L.A. Times (June 4, 1993, 12:00 AM) https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1993-06-04-mn-43290-story.html [https://perma.cc/Q8GH-8TBJ]. 

The key developments, however, were in the courts of the 1960s. In 1962, the Supreme Court ruled that political districting processes were “justiciable” and could be reviewed by courts in the case of Baker v. Carr.41Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 232–37 (1962). Two years later, the Supreme Court ruled that political districts should approximate equal population and announced the principle of “one person, one vote.”42Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 28 (1964); Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 558–68 (1964). Unequal political districts undermined this principle. If districts could be devised of unequal size, then some people enjoy greater electoral influence, and their votes might count more than others. This legal principle has been serially re-affirmed and strengthened such that the Court has struck down districting laws drawing districts with deviations of less than 1% in population between them.43Karcher v. Daggett, 462 U.S. 725, 735–38, 744 (1983). Permitting suits challenging inequities and disparities in the design of political districts opened the door for the challenges to partisan political and racial gerrymandering processes.

II.  THE GERRYMANDERING CASES

This Part of the Article will briefly review the major challenges to racial gerrymandering and partisan political gerrymandering reviewed by the Supreme Court and conclude with some comparative observations and analysis. 

A.  RACIAL GERRYMANDERING

The first notable racial gerrymandering case actually precedes Baker v. Carr. In Gomillion v. Lightfoot, the Supreme Court considered a challenge to a redistricting plan in Alabama that would have rendered the city of Tuskegee a twenty-eight-sided political district for no perceptible reason other than to disenfranchise the town’s Black population, which lived virtually exclusively in the districts outside the newly drawn city boundaries.44Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339 (1960). The Court held that complaints alleging racial gerrymandering of municipal boundaries were cognizable under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.45Id. 

A decade later, in White v. Regester, the Supreme Court affirmed a lower court ruling that a redistricting plan adopted in Texas had elements designed to exclude Mexican-Americans from electing representatives in the state legislature through the employment of multi-member districts.46White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973). The Court, however, rejected a similar claim involving multi-member districts in Indiana that had a disparate effect on Black voters in racially segregated urban neighborhoods.47Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124 (1971). These cases, however, did not involve the drawing of districts so much as the type of district. 

Racial gerrymandering claims received a significant boost in a series of cases considered by the Supreme Court after the 1990 census, beginning with the landmark case of Shaw v. Reno, in which the Court first recognized this claim as such in the drawing of district lines.48Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630, 657–58 (1995). After the 1990 census, North Carolina was awarded an additional congressional seat. The state legislature’s initial apportionment plan was rejected by the Department of Justice under the preclearance provision of the Voting Rights Act (“VRA”).49Voting Rights Act of 1965, Pub. L. No. 89-110, 79 Stat. 437, 438 (codified as amended at 52 U.S.C. § 10301). A revised VRA-compliant plan created a second majority-Black district. Five white North Carolina residents sued, arguing that the redistricting plan violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Specifically, the residents claimed that the state engaged in an “unconstitutional racial gerrymander.”50Shaw, 509 U.S. at 633–34.

In an opinion authored by Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, the Court articulated several principles that helped lay the foundation for a clear rule against racial gerrymanders. First, the Court situated the case firmly within its racial classification jurisprudence, affirming that “laws that explicitly distinguish between individuals on racial grounds fall within the core of [the Equal Protection Clause’s] prohibition,” and that “[e]xpress racial classifications are immediately suspect.”51Id. at 642. Furthermore, the Court asserted that the harms of racial classification are as present in the electoral context as they are in other contexts that the Court had reviewed: 

Racial classifications of any sort pose the risk of lasting harm to our society. They reinforce the belief, held by too many for too much of our history, that individuals should be judged by the color of their skin. Racial classifications with respect to voting carry particular dangers. Racial gerrymandering, even for remedial purposes, may balkanize us into competing racial factions; it threatens to carry us further from the goal of a political system in which race no longer matters—a goal that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments embody, and to which the Nation continues to aspire.52Id. at 657.

The Court acknowledged, however, that all redistricting is necessarily race-conscious, drawn with an awareness of racial demographics, just as the legislature is aware of many other demographics features when drawing legislative districts.53Id. at 646 (“[R]edistricting differs from other kinds of state decisionmaking in that the legislature always is aware of race when it draws district lines, just as it is aware of age, economic status, religious and political persuasion, and a variety of other demographic factors.”). Therefore, the Court held that not all race-conscious redistricting is unconstitutional.54Id. The Court did not, however, identify the line between permissible race-conscious political redistricting and impermissible racial gerrymandering. It concluded that the plan in question was so “bizarre on its face that it was ‘unexplainable on grounds other than race.’ ”55Id. at 644. Therefore, the Court held that the appellants stated a claim strong enough to survive a motion to dismiss and remanded the case for further determinations.56Id. at 658. 

A similar set of facts led to another suit that the Supreme Court considered involving Georgia in the case of Miller v. Johnson.57Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900 (1995). In announcing its decision in an opinion authored by Justice Anthony Kennedy, however, the Court both affirmed critical parts of Shaw and helped indicate where to draw the line between race-conscious political districting and impermissible racial gerrymandering. 

The Court first specifically rejected the state of Georgia’s claim that “evidence of a legislature’s deliberate classification of voters on the basis of race cannot alone suffice to state a claim under Shaw.”58Id. at 910. Kennedy also observed that “the essence of the equal protection claim recognized in Shaw is that the state has used race as a basis for separating voters into districts.”59Id. at 911. Critically, however, the Court promulgated a “predominant factor” test to guide it’s application of the facts to the law in this context.60Id. at 916. 

To establish a racial gerrymandering claim, a plaintiff must prove that “race was the predominant factor motivating the legislature’s decision to place a significant number of voters within or without a particular district.”61Id. at 916–17. To make this showing, a plaintiff must establish that the legislature subordinated traditional race-neutral districting principles, including but not limited to compactness, contiguity, respect for political subdivisions or communities defined by actual shared interests, to racial considerations.62Id. Where these or other race-neutral considerations are the basis for redistricting legislation, and are not subordinated to race, a state can “defeat a claim that a district has been gerrymandered on racial lines.”63Id. at 916. There is a latent ambiguity in the formulation and application of this standard: whether the predominance test is a subjective “intent” or motive-based assessment or an objective test that (a) race has been used by the state legislature in drawing district boundaries and that (b) this use predominates in some sense. Id. In Miller, the Court muddles the issue, asserting that “the plaintiffs [can] show, either through circumstantial evidence of a district’s shape and demographics or more direct evidence going to legislative purpose, that race was the predominant factor.” Id. In some cases, such as Easely v. Cromartie (Cromartie II), the Court seems to be suggesting that the predominance test is a subjective test based on motivation. Easley v. Cromartie, 532 U.S. 234, 241 (2001) (“We must determine whether there is adequate support for the District Court’s key findings, particularly the ultimate finding that the legislature’s motive was predominantly racial, not political.”). The Court’s broader anti-classification jurisprudence, however, is specifically objective; whenever the government uses the race of a person in policymaking, strict scrutiny applies, regardless of motives. See Menendian, supra note 2. Indeed, this is the main gist of the Court’s anti-classification jurisprudence since Crosan/Adarand, that “benign” motives cannot shield a policy or law from strict scrutiny review. In this regard, the presumption against racial classifications is not particularly concerned with intent or effects. It is simply concerned about the use or consideration of race in policymaking, even if race is a “factor of a factor of a factor.” If the predominance standard is an objective test, then it is one that deviates from the Court’s anti-classification jurisprudence in this way: it must predominate, whereas in other contexts it can be a very small factor and still trigger strict scrutiny. See Fisher v. Univ. of Tex., 570 U.S. 297 (2013); Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306 (2003). In any case, the anti-classification jurisprudence differs from claims of intentional discrimination brought under the equal protection clause or the provision of many civil rights statutes, such as Title VII, which apply if race is a “motivating factor,” even if there are mixed motives, meaning more than one motivation. Civil Rights Act of 1964, Pub. L. No. 88-352, 78 Stat. 241 (codified as amended at 42 U.S.C. § 2000d). If the “predominance” standard is a subjective test, a motives or intent-based inquiry, then it is also clearly more stringent than is the case in either ordinary equal protection cases or statutory civil rights frameworks.  

In several subsequent cases involving similar fact patterns and southern states, the Court further clarified that to bring racial gerrymandering claims, individuals must reside in the district that they claim is gerrymandered64United States v. Hays, 515 U.S. 737 (1995); Sinkfield v. Kelly, 531 U.S. 28, 29 (2000); Shaw v. Hunt, 517 U.S. 899 (1996). and that such claims should be brought on a district-by-district basis, not against an entire plan.65Ala. Legis. Black Caucus v. Alabama, 575 U.S. 254 (2015). This is consistent with the view that these cases are concerned with the dangers of racial classification. An individual residing outside of a district that it claims has been gerrymandered has not, in some sense, been “classified” on the basis of race by government as the Court has construed this concept.66See Menendian, supra note 2. It should be noted that most of the contemporaneous cases heard by the Court at this time involved drawing districts to increase or preserve minority representation in Congress under the VRA.67This is noted to suggest that there is a political valence or direction to these cases, that the outcomes in these cases tended to undermine efforts to increase Black or minority political power, and that the plaintiffs were often white or brought suit on behalf of predominantly white communities or districts.

There remain a number of ambiguities in how to apply the predominance test, some of which the Supreme Court has grappled with, but has not necessarily fully resolved.68Another ambiguity in this test is the quantitative threshold for predominance. On one reading, it seems as though the Court is saying that race must predominate all other factors to trigger strict scrutiny, not that the race factor must simply be greater than any other single factor. In the former case, race must be 50%+1 of the considerations, whereas in the latter construction, it must simply be larger than any other individual factor (and could be 41%) of the scheme. If predominance is measured in this way, then the number of considerations or factors being weighed could theoretically elevate or lower the threshold for quantitative predominance. This aspect to the predominance test remains unsettled, as far as I can tell. In particular, the Court has tried to clarify how the consideration of race is to be viewed in relation to other considerations before triggering strict scrutiny. In a case heard in the 2015 term, the Court rejected a lower court’s ruling that race did not “predominate” as a consideration in the redistricting plan because of “non-racial factors,” including the goal of creating districts of equal population.69Alabama, 575 U.S. at 256. The Court clarified that the equal population factor is not a factor to be considered in the ordinary course of redistricting, but a constitutional mandate.70Id. While that may seem like an easy case, the Court considered a harder question in the 2016 term. 

The state of Virginia defended a Republican-led redistricting plan against a racial gerrymandering claim on the grounds that the “predominance test” should only be applied if the use of race is in conflict with “traditional districting principles,” as it had presumed in cases such as Shaw.71Bethune-Hill v. Va. State Bd. of Elections, 580 U.S. 178 (2017). The Court rejected this position in a seven-to-one decision presented in an opinion by Justice Kennedy. He concluded that racial gerrymanders can exist or arise even under plans that otherwise conform to traditional factors such as compactness and contiguity. As he explained, “The Equal Protection Clause does not prohibit misshapen districts. It prohibits unjustified racial classifications.”72Id. at 189.

Critically, the Court emphasized that an unconstitutional racial gerrymander can arise or exist even if an identical plan could have been adopted without consideration or use of race. Justice Kennedy explained that “[t]he racial predominance inquiry concerns the actual considerations that provided the essential basis for the lines drawn, not post hoc justifications the legislature in theory could have used but in reality did not.”73Id. at 189–90. Thus the predominance test is a factual inquiry into considerations used as part of the actual districting process. Holding otherwise would provide a state with constitutional cover for unconstitutional behavior. As the Court observed, “By deploying [non-racial] factors in various combinations and permutations, a State could construct a plethora of potential maps that look consistent with traditional, race-neutral principles. But if race for its own sake is the overriding reason for choosing one map over others, race still may predominate.”74Id. at 190.  

B.  PARTISAN GERRYMANDERING

Since the early 1960s, the Supreme Court has become more solicitous of racial gerrymandering claims even has it has become more hostile to partisan political gerrymandering claims. This Section will now review the latter line of cases. 

The Supreme Court squarely confronted a partisan gerrymandering claim in the 1986 term in the case of Davis v. Bandemer.75Davis v. Bandemer, 478 U.S. 109 (1985). In that case, the Court reviewed a redistricting plan proposed by the Republican-controlled Indiana state legislature. This plan yielded an immediate partisan advantage in which 43 out of the 100 seats in the state House of Representatives were filled by Democratic candidates even though 51.9% of the statewide votes went to Democratic candidates.76It should be noted that such disparities are not uncommon in the years since. Lee Fang, Gerrymandering Rigged the 2014 Elections for GOP Advantage, Nation (Nov. 5, 2014), https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/gerrymandering-rigged-2014-elections-republican-advantage [https://perma.cc/B4D5-2GUH].; Tim Dickinson, How Republicans Rig the Game, Rolling Stone (Nov. 11, 2013), https://www.rollingstone.com/politics/politics-news/how-republicans-rig-the-game-111011 [https://perma.cc/43TH-QBBD]. Upon review, a deeply divided Court produced a fragmented set of opinions in which most justices agreed on the result—a holding that the plan was not unconstitutional—but disagreed on the rationale and basis for that judgment.77Notably, the only “opinion of the Court” is Part II of Justice White’s opinion.  

Six of the Justices, and therefore the Court, endorsed the legal principle that partisan or political gerrymanders are justiciable, while three Justices, Justice O’Connor, Justice Burger, and Chief Justice Rehnquist, preferred to rule that such claims are not. Even among the Justices in the majority and plurality, however, there was a lack of consensus on the grounds for doing so and on the standards that should be adopted to evaluate such claims. The debate between the Justices prefigures most of the issues that have been subsequently debated in this context. 

The plurality of Justices White, Marshall, Brennan and Blackmun begin with the principle that in order to establish a partisan gerrymandering claim, plaintiffs must “prove both intentional discrimination against an identifiable political group and an actual discriminatory effect on that group.”78Davis, 478 U.S. at 127. They caution, however, that the mere fact that “a particular apportionment scheme makes it more difficult for a particular group in a particular district to elect the representatives of its choice does not render that scheme constitutionally infirm.”79Id. at 131. In addition, they reject the notion that mere disproportionality in representation is a sufficiently adverse effect to establish a constitutional violation. The plurality advises that reviewing courts examine both the district individually as well as the state’s overall districting plan holistically. The plurality also asserts that a constitutionally infirm redistricting plan can occur either when a minority manipulates boundaries to consistently thwart the will of the majority, or when a majority uses its power to shut a minority out of the political process or a meaningful chance to influence it.

Ultimately, the plurality held that “unconstitutional discrimination occurs only when the electoral system is arranged in a manner that will consistently degrade a voter’s or a group of voters’ influence on the political process as a whole.”80Id. at 132. In applying this standard, the plurality emphasized that claimants would need to examine more than a single election to conclude that an impermissible partisan gerrymander exists, and that they should be able to distinguish between a meaningful structural disadvantage established by districting compared to mere lack of success in persuading voters. The plurality felt that the district court’s conclusions were less persuasive than the state’s defense on this point and voted to reverse the lower court. 

Justice Powell and Justice Stevens found the plurality’s approach too restrictive and would have affirmed the lower court. In particular, Justice Powell wrote in favor of a multi-factor analysis: 

The most important [factor to consider is] the shapes of voting districts and adherence to established political subdivision boundaries. Other relevant considerations include the nature of the legislative procedures by which the apportionment law was adopted and legislative history reflecting contemporaneous legislative goals. To make out a case of unconstitutional partisan gerrymandering, the plaintiff should be required to offer proof concerning these factors, which bear directly on the fairness of a redistricting plan, as well as evidence concerning population disparities and statistics tending to show vote dilution. No one factor should be dispositive.81Id. at 173.

Justice O’Connor and Justice Burger argued strenuously that the majority’s holding would prove unworkable in practice, as illustrated by the inability of the six Justices in favor of holding partisan gerrymanders as justiciable to get behind a single standard and therefore was a “political question” as set out in the framework for evaluating such questions in Baker v. Carr.82Baker identified six factors in determining whether an issue was a political question and non-justiciable, including “a lack of judicially discoverable and manageable standards for resolving it.” Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 217 (1962). In addition to the lack of a clearly defined and easily applicable standard for adjudicating such claims, they had prudential concerns. Justice O’Connor argued that without a clear standard, opening federal courts to claims of partisan gerrymandering would lead to “pervasive and unwarranted judicial superintendence of the legislative task of apportionment.”83Davis, 478 U.S. at 147. She wondered if there was any logical stopping point short of “roughly proportional representation for every cohesive political group.”84Id.

Despite its inviting holding, Bandemer established a heavier burden for plaintiffs to overcome so as to make out a discriminatory political gerrymandering claim than its authors probably imagined. Over the next eighteen years, no federal courts, at any level, ruled that a redistricting plan was an unconstitutional political gerrymander. This was the situation when the Court heard the case of Vieth v. Jubelirer in 2004.85Vieth v. Jubelirer, 541 U.S. 267 (2004).

In Vieth, the Court considered a suit brought by members of the Democratic Party, claiming that the state of Pennsylvania’s partisan redistricting plan violated the Constitution.86Id. at 271. Five Justices agreed that the plan did not violate the Constitution, but four of those Justices took the position of Justice O’Connor, Justice Burger, and Chief Justice Rehnquist in Bandemer, arguing that political gerrymanders should be non-justiciable and voting to overturn Bandemer.87Id. at 305–06. The fifth Justice, Justice Kennedy, however, agreed that current standards were unworkable, but he preferred to leave the door open to discovering one.88Id. at 317. The four dissenting Justices agreed with Bandemer’s holding but disagreed on the specifics of how to operationalize that principle.89Id. at 292, 317, 343, 354. 

The Court subsequently heard a case that had been held over until Vieth was decided, League of United Latin American Citizens v. Perry.90League of United Latin Am. Citizens v. Perry, 548 U.S. 399 (2006). In Perry, the petitioners challenged the 2003 redistricting plan enacted by the Republican-controlled Texas legislature. Drawn merely a year after the 2002 midterm elections, the 2003 plan led to an election result where twenty-one Republicans and eleven Democrats were elected in congressional elections the following year,91Id. at 400. a far more lopsided result than the aggregate vote count would suggest. The petitioners argued that the mid-decennial nature of the redistricting plan revealed the legislature’s sole motivation to gain partisan advantage,92Id. at 417. which should be sufficient to trigger heightened scrutiny. In the majority opinion, Justice Kennedy entertained the petitioners’ proposed “sole-intent” test, but ultimately found it “not convincing” because some contested district lines were drawn based on more local interests and a number of line-drawing requests by Democratic legislators were honored.93Id. at 417–18.

Interestingly, Justice Stevens and Justice Breyer, in their dissent, proposed a different test wherein a plaintiff must prove partisan aims by showing that: (1) the legislature “subordinated neutral districting principles to political considerations” and (2) their predominant motive was to “maximize one party’s power,” along with a showing of discriminatory intent by establishing that (1) the plaintiff’s candidate of choice won election under the old plan; (2) the plaintiff’s residence is now in a district that is a safe seat for the opposite party; and (3) the plaintiff’s new district is less compact than the old district.94Id. at 476. However, this complex alternative test was clearly not entertained by the majority. 

The next major partisan gerrymandering case was heralded when the Court agreed to review a redistricting plan arising from Wisconsin in Gill v. Whitford, based on the fact that a new technical standard had been developed and proposed: the efficiency gap.95Gill v. Whitford, 138 S. Ct. 1916 (2018); Nicholas O. Stephanopoulos & Eric M. McGhee, Partisan Gerrymandering and the Efficiency Gap, 82 U. Chi. L. Rev. 831, 831 (2015). This was a formula devised by social scientists to provide metrics that could gauge the specific disadvantage created by certain redistricting schemes. The authors of this formula claimed it provided clear and workable standards for operationalizing them.96Specifically, Stephanopoulos and McGhee propose that any partisan gerrymander resulting in an efficiency gap of more than two congressional seats or 8% of state house seats should be considered presumptively unlawful. Stephanopoulos & McGhee, supra note 95, at 884. The result was a letdown when the Court dismissed the case for lack of standing. The Court also breezily dismissed another case the same year in a per curiam opinion regarding Maryland’s Democratic-favored political gerrymandering.97Benisek v. Lamone, 138 S. Ct. 1942, 1945 (2018). This case was reconsidered, and then dismissed, in the 2019 term.

Justice Kennedy’s departure from the Court led to a more decisive result in this line of cases. In Rucho v. Common Cause, a majority of the Court held for the first time that partisan gerrymanders are a political question and non-justiciable largely for the reasons developed in the dissent in Bandemer and the concurrences in Vieth.98Rucho v. Common Cause, 139 S. Ct. 2484, 2497–98 (2019). This would seem to be, thus far, the end of the line for claims of partisan gerrymandering. 

C.  POINTS OF CONVERGENCE AND DIVERGENCE

The juxtaposition of the racial gerrymandering and partisan political gerrymandering cases is itself revealing. The partisan and racial gerrymandering cases germinate from the same seed and the same soil. They both arise out of a political context in which democratic representation is being distorted or manipulated for specific advantage, and in a legal context in which the Constitution provides scant direct guidance (despite the provision of a political mechanism by which Congress, via Article 1, Section 4, can alter state electoral rules in federal elections). The germ for both claims is the Court’s greater solicitude toward challenges to various electoral schemes in the early 1960s. And yet the Court has evolved vastly different frameworks and conclusions for regulating these forms of political districting activity for reasons that are not entirely convincing or coherent. 

In theory, the different levels of scrutiny and accord given to race versus other classifications under the Equal Protection Clause could explain the differences in treatment, but the proponents of treating political gerrymanders as non-justiciable decline to ground their reasoning on this basis.99This point is raised, but it is not presented as the main ground of defense. See, e.g., id. at 2502. After all, if this were the critical explanatory factor, then partisan gerrymandering claims would be justiciable, just at a much lower level of judicial review. 

Instead, the main contention of the non-justiciable position emphasizes the lack of workable standards and the constitutional structure and history of gerrymandering as a political practice. Recall, for example, that Justice White and the plurality in Bandemer emphasized whether a districting scheme created a severe structural disadvantage in access to the political process, whereas Justice Powell (joined by Justice Stevens) would have applied a multi-factor, holistic approach. Justice O’Connor and the Justices who joined her opinion argued that the Baker factors for evaluating whether an issue is a political question squarely fit, and that there was no logical stopping point short of proportional representation once such claims were entertained.

The most obvious rejoinder to the claim that political gerrymandering suits cannot be grounded onto a workable standard is the fact that workable standards have already been developed and adopted in the racial gerrymandering context. Logically, if the standard is workable in one context, it should be workable in another, absent some factor that would render it otherwise. Indeed, this is a prominent theme of the Justices who support judicial review of extreme partisan gerrymanders. 

In Bandemer, all six Justices in the majority signed onto a sharp critique of Justice O’Connor’s opinion (joined by Burger and Rehnquist) arguing that she failed to “point out how the standards that we set forth here for adjudicating this political gerrymandering claim are less manageable than the standards that have been developed for racial gerrymandering claims.”100Davis v. Bandemer, 478 U.S. 109, 125 (1985). This was also a central point of contention in Vieth. The plaintiffs in that case modeled their claim on the standard adopted in Miller, that the partisan objective was a “predominant factor” in the redistricting process.101Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900, 901 (1995). As the plurality in Vieth forthrightly noted, “Appellants contend that their intent test must be discernible and manageable because it has been borrowed from our racial gerrymandering cases.”102Vieth v. Jubelirer, 541 U.S. 267, 284 (2004). Yet, it disagreed, for reasons that Justice Stevens upbraided in his dissent: 

Especially perplexing is the plurality’s ipse dixit distinction of our racial gerrymandering cases. Notably, the plurality does not argue that the judicially manageable standards that have been used to adjudicate racial gerrymandering claims would not be equally manageable in political gerrymandering cases. Instead, its distinction of those cases rests on its view that race as a districting criterion is “much more rarely encountered” than partisanship, and that determining whether race—“a rare and constitutionally suspect motive”—dominated a districting decision “is quite different from determining whether [such a decision] is so substantially affected by the excess of an ordinary and lawful motive as to [be] invali[d].” But those considerations are wholly irrelevant to the issue of justiciability.103Id. at 324 (Stevens, J., dissenting) (citations omitted).

Moreover, the stronger the argument advanced by the plurality in Vieth and the majority in Rucho against porting the standards used in the racial gerrymandering cases to the political gerrymandering context, the more they reveal the weaknesses of the doctrine they have developed in the racial gerrymandering context. In Vieth, for instance, Justice Scalia writes on behalf of the plurality that the “predominant motivation” test is “vague . . . when used to evaluate single districts, [but] it all but evaporates when applied statewide.”104Id. at 285. Any vagueness, however, is built into the notion that courts can discern the predominance of any particular factor in a complex legislative process. Qualitative considerations in legislative processes are not like mechanical inputs into the production of widgets. They inherently resist the quantification necessary to determine “predominance.” 

The argument Justice Scalia develops in the guise of a rhetorical question is especially revealing: 

And how is the statewide “outweighing” to be determined? If three-fifths of the map’s districts forgo the pursuit of partisan ends in favor of strictly observing political-subdivision lines, and only two-fifths ignore those lines to disadvantage the plaintiffs, is the observance of political subdivisions the “predominant” goal between those two? We are sure appellants do not think so.105Id.  

The exact same argument could be developed at the scale of a single political district in the racial gerrymandering context, using neighborhoods, census tracts, or other census designated geographies as the smaller scale analogue subdivision. The “predominant factor” test seeks to quantify the inherently qualitative. Any deficiency in the predominant factor test in the partisan gerrymandering context is likely equally applicable to the racial gerrymandering context. 

Finally, Justice Scalia tries to draw another distinction to justify this difference in treatment: 

Determining whether the shape of a particular district is so substantially affected by the presence of a rare and constitutionally suspect motive as to invalidate it is quite different from determining whether it is so substantially affected by the excess of an ordinary and lawful motive as to invalidate it.106Id. at 286. 

But this argument utterly ignores the fact that Shaw and its progeny never characterized the pursuit of partisan political advantage as an ordinary (“traditional”) districting principle and also readily acknowledged that virtually all political districting is race-conscious, drawn with the awareness of racial demographics. To that extent, it is impossible to declare that consideration of race is any less “ordinary” than consideration of partisan advantage in the redistricting process. Moreover, in both cases, the argument is that it is only the predominance of this consideration that renders it illegal, not its mere presence. To that extent, Justice Scalia’s comment assumes what it concludes when it declares one legal and the other unlawful. 

Chief Justice Roberts makes a similar leap in logic in Rucho: “A permissible intent—securing partisan advantage—does not become constitutionally impermissible, like racial discrimination, when that permissible intent predominates.”107Rucho v. Common Cause, 139 S. Ct. 2484, 2503 (2019). If true, it is only because he and his colleagues make it so. If they decided that securing partisan advantage was unconstitutional when it predominates the redistricting process, then it would be so. Both Justice Scalia and Chief Justice Roberts assume that pursuit of partisan advantage is permissible to justify their conclusion that the case lines are different. Further, if the main reason that partisan gerrymandering is non-justiciable is the lack of workable standards, then the constitutionality of such processes is based upon their judgment in that regard rather than an evaluation of valiant, but ineffective, efforts. 

As unconvincing as these arguments are for why the predominance test cannot be reasonably applied to the partisan context, there is an even stronger argument for why partisan and racial gerrymanders cannot be treated in such categorically distinct ways, and it is a point that the dissenters have not developed: the entanglement of partisanship and race in redistricting processes. 

Against a backdrop of even moderate racial residential segregation, racial political polarization in voting patterns combined with the race-conscious districting processes mean that partisan gerrymandering cannot be clearly distinguished from racial gerrymandering. Even if mapmakers completely ignore racial demographics in generating districting options, a redistricting process motivated by the pursuit of partisan advantage is likely to produce maps strikingly similar to those that might occur if the state had “used race as a basis for separating voters into districts.”108Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900, 911 (1995). The next Part of this Article confronts and unpacks this problem.

III.  THE ENTANGLEMENT PROBLEM

The entanglement of race and partisanship in political districting processes is rooted in a few critical phenomena. To understand the entanglement problem, we must first examine the concept of polarization, especially as it is applied to politics. 

Polarization is itself an elusive notion, and it is not always clear what it means. Sometimes polarization is invoked to describe the salience of political conflict.109Anna Bauman & Meghna Chakrabarti, From Political Polarization to Gang Violence: High Conflict and How to Free Yourself from It, WBUR (Dec. 29, 2021), https://www.wbur.org/onpoint/2021/12/29/from-political-polarization-to-gang-violence-high-conflict-and-how-to-free-yourself-from-it [https://perma.cc/E7E3-LVPE]. This simple characterization is misleading. Although there may be an underlying relationship,110Noam Lupu, Party Polarization and Mass Partisanship: A Comparative Perspective, 37 Pol. Behav. 331, 350 (2015). partisanship and political polarization are not coterminous.111Yuval Levin claims that polarization is actually a function of weaker political parties. Institutionally, stronger political parties tend to moderate their more extreme elements. Yuval Levin, A Time To Build 61–65 (2020). Ezra Klein makes a similar argument in Ezra Klein, Why We’re Polarized (2020). See also Josh Huder, Polarization vs Partisanship in the Context of the Impeachment Debate, Gov’t. Affs. Inst. at Geo. Univ. (Feb. 4, 2020), https://gai.georgetown.edu/polarization-vs-partisanship-in-the-context-of-the-impeachment-debate/[https://perma.cc/A3PT-X9JJ]. 

The existence of closely contested elections versus landslide elections cannot tell you whether the electorate is polarized or not. Landslides might occur in deeply polarized contexts but in which one group dominates another, as in the Jim Crow South, or low-polarization contexts in which a broadly popular, mainstream candidate triumphs. Similarly, closely contested elections can occur when both candidates are popular or both are deeply unpopular. Aggregate returns are not indicative. 

More often, polarization is used to refer to intensity of disagreement or political conflict. This conceptualization, however, also fails to capture the essence of polarization. Extreme (corrosive or toxic) partisanship can exist in a state of either high or low political polarization. It is the distance or scope of disagreement, not necessarily the intensity of feeling or contestation, that is key to understanding polarization. This is perhaps easier to understand in an economic context. 

Suppose that most people in a certain society are middle-income, with far fewer extremely rich and extremely poor individuals. Such an income distribution would be depicted graphically in the form of what statisticians call a “normal distribution” (or a “Gaussian” distribution) with a bulge in the middle and smaller downward sloping tails toward the edges of the income distribution.112Robert Sedgewick, Kevin Wayne & Robert Dondero, Appendix C: Gaussian Distribution, Intro. to Programming in Python, https://introcs.cs.princeton.edu/python/appendix_gaussian [https://perma.cc/8VX4-BFWD]. In contrast, suppose that most people in another society are either extremely poor or very wealthy, with fewer people as middle-income. This is what statisticians call a bimodal distribution, with bulges towards the ends of the distribution. The mean or median results could be identical in both situations. See Figure 1.

FIGURE 1.  A Normal vs. a Bimodal Distribution

Polarization refers to a process by which a distribution resembling a normal distribution evolves into something more closely resembling a bimodal distribution. Thus, if the income distribution hollows out this way, economists may describe this as “economic polarization.”113Economic Polarization and Challenges to Subnational Governments: An Introduction, 47 State & Local Gov’t Rev. 220 (2015). The same is true of politics. 

As political scientists and surveyors have demonstrated, American political attitudes have indeed become more polarized in recent decades.114U.S. Is Polarizing Faster Than Other Democracies, Study Finds, Brown Univ. (Jan. 21, 2020), https://www.brown.edu/news/2020-01-21/polarization [https://perma.cc/BNX2-F73S]. The Pew Research Center, which conducts regular surveys on political attitudes, found that in both 1994 and 2004, more Americans expressed mixed or centrist political opinions than either conservative or liberal views.115Political Polarization in the American Public, Pew Rsch. Ctr. (June 12, 2014), https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2014/06/12/political-polarization-in-the-american-public/ [https://perma.cc/JSL2-ALEC]; The Shift in the American Public’s Political Values: Political Polarization 1994–2017, Pew Rsch. Ctr. (Oct. 20, 2017), https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/interactives/political-polarization-1994-2017 [https://perma.cc/9QLP-VZLH]. By 2014, however, this had reversed, a trend that has continued to the present. 

One particularly important dynamic contributing to political polarization is that Republicans have become more conservative and Democrats have become more liberal. In 1994, only 64% of Republicans were more conservative than the median Democrat, and only 70% of Democrats were more liberal than the median Republican. By 2014, those figures had risen to 92 and 94%, respectively.116Political Polarization, supra note 115. These facts should not be taken, however, to mean that American political polarization is perfectly symmetrical. But it is true that the American electorate has become more polarized.  

Another form of polarization is racial political polarization. This tends to refer to distinctive partisan preferences between racial groups. Table 1 below indicates the significant racial gaps in support for partisan candidates in presidential elections since 2000. 

TABLE 1.  Republican Support by race in Presidential Elections, 2000–2020.117How Groups Voted in 2004, Roper Ctr., Cornell Univ., https://ropercenter.cornell.edu/how-groups-voted-2004 .

Although there is non-trivial variation between electoral cycles, this table shows consistently high political polarization between racial groups in the popular vote for President (and by implication for political party) over two decades. In presidential elections since 2000, Black support for the Republican candidate narrowly ranges from 4% to 12%. White support ranges from 55% to 59%. Latino support ranges from 26% to 44% (in 2004).118It should be noted that this 44% figure has been disputed by leading election analysts, which gauge the actual figure as probably closer to 38%. See Ruy Teixeira, Public Opinion Watch, Ctr. for Am. Progress (Nov. 24, 2004), https://www.americanprogress.org/article/public-opinion-watch-64/ [https://perma.cc/Y2PR-G2B2]. And Asian support ranges from 27% to 43%. The white-Black voting gap ranges from 46 to 53 points. Although political polarization by race seems to reach a peak in 2012, the figures as of 2020 are just as large, if not larger, as they were in 2000. In short, racial political polarization has worsened over time, but it has been consistently high throughout the twenty-first century. 

Similar tables could be generated for congressional races, midterm elections, governor’s races, and the like. Political scientists have observed that racial political polarization in the United States has been pronounced at least since 1965.119Cain & Zhang, supra note 8. This connection between race and partisan affiliation is described as the “conjoined polarization.”120Id. Although this phenomenon might be troubling in its own right, it is not automatically a problem in the context of political redistricting processes. 

If racial groups were evenly distributed across space, then political polarization by race would not factor into political redistricting processes. Gender political polarization offers a contrasting illustration. Gender political polarization has increased significantly in recent years too, and a table similar to Table 1 could be presented illustrating it.121Survey Reveals Stark Gender Gap in Political Views Among College Freshmen, Higher Educ. Rsch. Inst. at UCLA (May 5, 2017), https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/news/survey-reveals-stark-gender-gap-political-views-among-college-freshmen [https://perma.cc/TQ46-QLPH]. But the absence of gender political segregation means that gender is not a meaningful basis upon which to conduct political redistricting processes.

Residential segregation is the critical element that enables gerrymandering. This is true generally, but in the context of racial gerrymandering, racial residential segregation is the critical factor. 

When racial groups are highly concentrated into certain neighborhoods or communities, and there is a moderate to high degree of racial political polarization, then racial gerrymandering is relatively easy. On the other hand, even if the political community is racially polarized, if racial groups are highly integrated across space, then racial gerrymandering would prove extremely difficult to impossible. If either condition is absent, it is not possible to either use race to draw political districts for partisan advantage nor to draw districts for partisan advantage that segregate people into different political districts on the basis of race. Only when both conditions hold does the entanglement problem arise. Table 2, below, indicates the relationship. 

TABLE 2.  Conditions for Entanglement

The entanglement of race and politics in political redistricting processes, then, is not simply a function of the conjoined polarization of racial political polarization and partisan political polarization. It depends on the existence of racial residential segregation as well. 

Unfortunately, racial residential segregation is persistently moderate to high across much of the United States. Using traditional measures of segregation such as the dissimilarity index, national Black-white dissimilarity in 2020 was 55.2, meaning that 55% of Black Americans would have to move into a predominantly white neighborhood to have no racial residential segregation between Black and white Americans.122John R. Logan & Brian J. Stults, Metropolitan Segregation: No Breakthrough in Sight 12 tbl.4 (Aug. 12, 2021), https://s4.ad.brown.edu/Projects/Diversity/Data/Report/report08122021.pdf [https://perma.cc/QY4B-3H4U]. This is in a range social scientists regard as “moderately high.” Asian-white dissimilarity scores are 40.0, and Hispanic-white dissimilarity scores are 45.3, in the moderate range.123Id. Even though most of these numbers have improved in recent decades, they demonstrate the persistence of racial residential segregation. In many cities, these figures are much higher.

Other popular measures of segregation are the Isolation/Exposure Indices, which describe neighborhood composition of the typical (median) or average person by race. The “typical” Black and white Americans reside in vastly different neighborhood milieus. As of 2020, the average white resident of a metropolitan area resides in a neighborhood that is 69% white, 9% Black, 12% Hispanic, and 6% Asian.124Id. at 3. In contrast, a typical Black resident lives in a neighborhood that is 41% Black, 34% white, 17% Hispanic, and 6% Asian. Not only are these demographically different worlds, these figures mean that Black “exposure” to white people is 34, roughly the same level it was in 1940. 

Using a different measure of segregation, the Divergence Index, which can account for multiple racial groups simultaneously and provide a single holistic score for every city or metropolitan region, racial residential segregation appears stubbornly persistent.125Elizabeth Roberto, The Divergence Index: A Decomposable Measure of Segregation and Inequality 2, 20 (Dec. 2, 2016) (unpublished manuscript), https://arxiv.org/pdf/1508.01167.pdf [https://perma.cc/WC5X-8NRX]. The Divergence Index compares demographic proportions of smaller geographies to larger geographies and then sums those population-weighted differences to yield a holistic score.126 The formula for the Divergence Index for location “i” is , where “xim” is the proportion of racial group “m” within the smaller geography “I,” “xm” is the proportion of racial group “M” within the bigger geography, and “Dii” is the Divergence Index for this geography. The lowest value of DI is “0” when the demographics of a smaller geography are similar to that of the larger geography. Higher values suggest higher segregation. There is no consensus range for “high” versus “low” Divergence scores, but some researchers have tried to determine that. See Technical Appendix, Othering & Belonging Inst. (June 21, 2021), https://belonging.berkeley.edu/technical-appendix [https://perma.cc/ERZ4-GLM4]. Over 50% of cities and metro areas have a higher (more segregated) Divergence score as of 2020 than in 1990.127Stephen Menendian, Samir Gambhir & Chih-Wei Hsu, Roots of Structural Racism: The 2020 Census Update, Othering & Belonging Inst. (Oct. 11, 2021), https://belonging.berkeley.edu/roots-structural-racism-2020 [https://perma.cc/KDC7-LD6G]. 

Given the central role of residential segregation in facilitating or impeding the manipulation of district boundaries for political advantage, it is strange that prior legal scholarship has under-emphasized or ignored this factor in analyzing gerrymandering cases. Perhaps that is because it is assumed that segregation is a neutral or binary background factor that either exists or does not, and does not actually affect the level of partisan political polarization in a region. If so, there are several findings that challenge this assumption.  

A study conducted by the political scientist Jessica Trounstine identified a direct relationship between racial residential segregation and partisan political polarization.128Jessica Trounstine, Segregation and Inequality in Public Goods, 60 Am. J. Pol. Sci. 709, 720 (2016). She finds that the relationship between segregation and racial political polarization is statistically powerful: a city in the 10th percentile of segregation has a 35% point divide in racial support for a political candidate, compared to a 63% point divide at the 90th percentile.129Id. at 712. In other words, the more racial residential segregation, the more racial political polarization. 

Could this difference be explained by the fact that white people vote more conservatively in certain states or regions than others? She tests for this and finds that the relationship between segregation and polarization is unaffected by the conservatism of the local white population. In fact, she found that “cities with more conservative white populations have smaller racial divides.”130Jessica Trounstine, Segregation by Design: Local Politics and Inequality in American Cities 148 (2018). 

In short, racial residential segregation is not a background condition that exists in a binary state, either existing or not, to undergird the entanglement problem. Rather, it is a condition that interacts dynamically with racial political polarization. A higher level of racial residential segregation seems to coincide with higher racial political polarization. Similarly, racial residential segregation interacts dynamically with partisan political segregation and (by inference) partisan political polarization, as will be shown below. 

To appreciate the full relationship between race and politics, it is important first to emphasize that the critical role of residential segregation in relationship to gerrymandering is general, not specific to racial segregation and racial gerrymandering. Partisan political polarization, by itself, is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition to enable partisan gerrymandering. Political segregation, however, is necessary. If people of different political preferences or partisan affiliation are evenly distributed across space, regardless of how polarized they may be, it is extremely difficult to draw political districts for partisan advantage. On the other hand, high levels of partisan residential segregation (say, Republicans living in one community and Democrats in another) make it much easier to draw districts for partisan political advantage. For simplicity of illustration, compare hypothetical voting precincts of equal size with voting totals depicted in Tables 3 and 4 below. 

TABLE 3.  Hypothetical #1 Voting Precinct Electoral Results

Although the vote total in Table 3 is relatively close (only a two-point margin between the winner and loser), the precincts are extremely divergent from the aggregate vote total, suggesting a high degree of political segregation between precincts. In contrast, consider this a different election with the same aggregate result in Table 4 below.

TABLE 4.  Hypothetical #2 Voting Precinct Electoral Results

In this case, the winner’s vote margin is the same as in the first case, but the precincts only marginally diverge from the aggregate result. The largest gap for support for Candidate A and the aggregate result is just 4 points, in Precinct 1, compared to a 37–40-point gap between each precinct and the ultimate results in the first case. The first case suggests a high level of political segregation across precincts. If these results were stable over time, and not specific to a particular candidate but consistent across candidates and issues, then we could reasonably describe that region as having a high degree of political segregation. It should be much easier for mapmakers to draw political districts for partisan advantage in cases like the first rather than the second (although a larger number of precincts or sub-precinct level voting data would be needed). 

Unfortunately, the United States has widespread political segregation as well, which maps vividly illustrate.131 Emily Badger, Kevin Quealy & Josh Katz, A Close-Up Picture of Partisan Segregation, Among 180 Million Voters, N.Y. Times: Upshot (Mar. 17, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2021/03/17/upshot/partisan-segregation-maps.html [https://perma.cc/H27B-MACW]. Democrats and Republicans are not just more divergent in their views, they are increasingly residing in different communities.132Ryan Enos and Jacob Brown use the Exposure Index for their study. Jacob R. Brown & Ryan D. Enos, The Measurement of Partisan Sorting for 180 Million Voters, 5 Nature Hum. Behav. 998 (2021). Using this type of data or other geographically disaggregated vote tabulations, it is possible to calculate the degree of political segregation that exists in different regions. Using the formula for the Divergence Index (described above),133Roberto, supra note 125. I have calculated the relative degree of political segregation for different major metropolitan regions of the United States.

Using 2020 presidential election precinct tabulation results, out of the 314 largest metropolitan areas in the United States (those with a population of 200,000 or more), Table 5 below lists the top 20 most politically segregated regions of the United States along with their divergence score.134Miles W. Watkins, Presidential Precinct Data for the 2020 General Election, GitHub (Mar. 13, 2021), https://github.com/TheUpshot/presidential-precinct-map-2020 [https://perma.cc/25XK-R35N]. This calculation assumes that the 2020 presidential election reflects, to the extent possible, stable political preferences by geography. Metropolitan Statistical Areas are defined by the Census Bureau and the United States Office of Management and Budget. United States Census Bureau, Metropolitan and Micropolitan, U.S. Census Bureau (July 5, 2022), https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/metro-micro.html [https://perma.cc/KL8J-P3P4].   

TABLE 5.  The 20 Most Politically Segregated Metropolitan Areas in the United States (2020 Presidential Election)

The dynamic of political segregation can also be depicted visually, providing a more intuitive and easily comprehensible approach. Compare maps of Jackson, Mississippi (the most politically segregated metro), with Carson City, Nevada (ranked 273 out of 314), which has one of the lower political divergence scores), in Figure 2, below. The contrast is vivid. 

FIGURE 2.  Political Segregation in Jackson, Mississippi, and Carson City, Nevada

 

As the maps displayed in Figure 2 illustrate, the metropolitan area of Jackson ranks first in political divergence, indicating the presence of ideological extremes where precincts overwhelmingly voted in favor of one party while neighboring precincts voted in favor of the other party. In contrast, all of the precincts in Carson City approximate the regional average, suggesting a much lower level of political segregation. The high level of political segregation in Jackson makes it especially vulnerable to partisan gerrymandering. This is partly what makes districting such a dilemma in the United States: the high degree of political geographic or residential segregation. 

One of the striking features of the list presented in Table 5, above, is that the vast majority of the most politically segregated regions are in the South (17 of the top 20).135This is not true, by the way, of racial residential segregation. The most racially residentially segregated metro regions and cities tend to be in the Midwest and Mid-Atlantic. See, e.g., Logan & Stults, supra note 122. Given that region’s racial history, it raises the question of whether there is a relationship between political residential segregation and racial residential segregation in the United States. Figure 3, below, confirms the relationship between the two, as shown in a scatterplot. 

FIGURE 3.  Racial Segregation and Political Segregation in the United States, 2020 (314 Metros)

Figure 3 depicts the 314 largest metropolitan areas in the United States. The horizontal axis indicates the divergence index score (calculated as described above) for political segregation and the vertical axis indicates the relative percentile rank for racial residential segregation using the same formula but with data from the 2020 decennial census.136The racial residential segregation score is calculated manually with the formula provided by Elizabeth Roberto using data from the 2020 Census at United States Census Bureau, Decennial Census P.L. 94-171 Redistricting Data, U.S. Census Bureau (Sept. 16, 2021), https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/decennial-census/about/rdo/summary-files.html#P1 [https://perma.cc/6M7S-ZGFB]. See Roberto, supra note 125. For the precinct data source, see supra note 135. The scatterplot indicates a clear positive relationship, with a 0.50 correlation between the two variables.137Namely, it shows a Pearson correlation coefficient. 

Not only does this analysis suggest a relationship between the two phenomena, but it also means that where racial segregation is higher, partisan gerrymandering should be easier. Conversely, where partisan segregation is higher, racial gerrymandering should be easier. In short, they go hand in hand, but in a dynamic relation.138This finding, while identifying a relationship between racial residential segregation and partisan segregation, and thereby establishing a basis for the problem of entanglement, should not be considered definitive. This Article examines the results from a single election at a particular point in time and only uses one measure of segregation (the Divergence formula). To further investigate this relationship, researchers might seek to overlay patterns of partisan segregation using other measures of segregation (such as the Exposure Index used by Enos and Brown. Enos & Brown, supra note 132), and then identify the degree of observed correlation between racial residential segregation according to those measures and partisan segregation. The problem lies in their coincidence.139To be clear, I am talking about the identity of racial segregation and political segregation, not simple partisan political polarization and racial political polarization. Partisan polarization and racial polarization can exist without racial segregation or without the overlap in racial segregation and political segregation. This is the crux of the entanglement problem, not the simple fact of conjoined polarization between race and politics. 

Whether the context is partisan gerrymandering or racial gerrymandering, the active ingredient is segregation, not polarization. Partisan gerrymandering only requires some degree of political segregation. Racial gerrymandering, however, requires both racial political polarization and racial residential segregation.140To be clear, you could draw political districts based on race without racial political polarization (just based on racial residential segregation), but the term gerrymandering refers to drawing districts or manipulating district boundaries for some political advantage. In a racially polarized context, that could simply be a communal racial advantage(such as hoarding resources in one community and denying it to another through the levers and instrumentalities of political power. So, by definition, racial gerrymandering requires political polarization by race for that advantage to be realized. Prior legal scholarship treats segregation as the backdrop condition and conjoined polarization as the central or proximate problem when the truth is the opposite. 

In practical terms, the persistence of racial political polarization means that the strong correlation between political segregation and racial residential segregation easily facilitates both racial and partisan gerrymandering in ways that are essentially indistinguishable. State officials can draw maps at a hyper-granular level that may relocate a small number of people from one district to another, with full awareness of their race and the fact of conjoined racial identity with partisan preference, and nonetheless claim that the decision was based on partisan motivations. In other words, racial residential segregation enables partisan gerrymandering that will result in the political segregation of people between districts on the basis of race. Even if the map-makers were to scrub all data regarding race from their software, a map drawn on partisan or other non-racial characteristics could appear objectively indistinguishable from maps drawn in cases like Shaw. 

This problem is not speculative or theoretical. The Supreme Court has already heard cases touching on this problem. In oral argument in Wittman v. Personhuballah,141Wittman v. Personhuballah, 578 U.S. 539 (2016). Chief Justice Roberts asked “if race and partisanship are co-extensive, which one predominates?”142Transcript of Oral Argument at 54, Wittman, 578 U.S. 539 (No. 14­1504). In that case, several Republican members of Congress appealed a lower court’s decision to strike down a redistricting plan it found to be based on race. This question led to a brief dialogue among the Justices and the lawyer for the original plaintiffs regarding this issue, but the case was ultimately dismissed for lack of standing among the members of Congress to bring their appeal.

In another case decided that same term, Cooper v. Harris, the Court acknowledged that many of the Shaw considerations (compactness, for example) used to assess whether race predominated become less probative when the state raises the defense of partisanship.143Cooper v. Harris, 137 S. Ct. 1455, 1473 (2017). As it explained, “political and racial reasons are capable of yielding similar oddities in a district’s boundaries. That is because, of course, ‘racial identification is highly correlated with political affiliation.’ ”144Id. (quoting Easley v. Cromartie, 532 U.S. 234, 243 (2001)). In that case, the Court rejected the claim that partisan goals are a complete defense to racial gerrymandering claims. As it explained, the predominance “inquiry is satisfied when legislators have ‘place[d] a significant number of voters within or without’ a district predominantly because of their race, regardless of their ultimate objective in taking that step.”145Id. at 1473 n.7. The Court continues: 

So, for example, if legislators use race as their predominant districting criterion with the end goal of advancing their partisan interests—perhaps thinking that a proposed district is more “sellable” as a race-based VRA compliance measure than as a political gerrymander and will accomplish much the same thing—their action still triggers strict scrutiny.

Id. 

But this guidance merely sidesteps the more difficult question of how to determine whether a legislature’s districting decisions were “because of race” in such cases, and assumes that racial motives can be disentangled from partisan ones (either as a means or an end).146Recall that the strange appearance of the districts were objective factors considered in Shaw. Such objective “circumstantial evidence of a district’s shape and demographics” that Kennedy suggested would be probative in Miller is going to be unavailing if race and partisanship are entirely co-extensive in a redistricting plan. Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900, 916 (1995). Indeed, the entire concept of “predominance” assumes that the factors considered by entities charged with redistricting, and which are being reviewed by courts, are separate and independent elements.147I am implicitly suggesting that the predominance test only makes sense if the inputs being evaluated are largely separate and independent inputs, which, perhaps not coincidentally, are also conditions for quantifying certain other mathematical outcomes, such as calculating probability in cases like flipping coins or rolling dice. See Persi Diaconis & Brian Skyrms, Ten Great Ideas About Chance 59, 148 (2017). The entanglement problem violates the principle of independence. Because of the difficulties introduced by entanglement, lower courts may be hesitant to rule that race “predominates” when race and partisanship are highly entangled or when the state supplies reasons to believe that any apparent use of race was merely partisanship.148For the scholarly debate on the meaning of Cooper v. Harris, see Janai Nelson, Parsing Partisanship and Punishment: An Approach To Partisan Gerrymandering and Race, 96 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1088 (2021). 

Again, this is not a speculative concern. The NAACP Legal Defense Fund and the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights brought a suit against Georgia in 2017 alleging that a mid-decade redrawing of political districts was both a racial and political gerrymander.149Other cases have already been brought in lower courts based on this problem. See Ga. State Conf. of the NAACP v. Georgia, 312 F. Supp. 3d 1357, 1364 (N.D. Ga. 2018). The district court acknowledged that ascertaining the existence of a racial gerrymander was “particularly hard to do when the State offers a defense rooted in partisan gerrymandering, as it did here. We did not move these voters because they are black, the State tells us. We moved them because they were Democrats.”150Id. The court ultimately sided with the state for that reason. 

Experience demonstrates that this epistemological problem created by the entanglement of racial and partisan gerrymanders already exists and may be intensifying. The provision of block level census data following the 1990 census meant that state legislatures could draw more fine grain political districts based on race than was ever possible before using computer programs. Indeed, the Court confronted this fact in Bush v. Vera, in which the Court noted that the computer program “REDAPPL enabled districters to make more intricate refinements on the basis of race than on the basis of other demographic information.”151Bush v. Vera, 517 U.S. 952, 962 (1996).

This technology has only improved in the intervening decades. It is now possible to generate thousands of potential maps at a keystroke with computer processing and programs that draw from large voter or census files.152For an overview, see Micah Altman & Michael P. McDonald, Redistricting Principles for the Twenty-First Century, 62 Case W. Rsrv. L. Rev. 1179 (2012). Large data files can be cross-referenced not only to generate demographic profiles, but also psychographic information, such as predicting propensity to vote, donate money, or even respond to certain campaign communications.153Christopher S. Elmendorf, From Educational Adequacy to Representational Adequacy: A New Template for Legal Attacks on Partisan Gerrymanders, 59 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 1601, 1650 (2018) (“These datasets have made it possible for campaigns to generate or purchase predictions for each registered voter of the probability that the voter will turn out in an election, support a particular candidate or political party, give money, or respond in a specified fashion to a campaign communication.” (emphasis omitted)).

Upon the death of a North Carolina Republican strategist involved in redistricting efforts, his daughter made public his personal computer files against the wishes of the party and company he worked for.154 Hansi Lo Wang, Deceased GOP Strategist’s Daughter Makes Files Public That Republicans Wanted Sealed, NPR (Jan. 5, 2020), https://www.npr.org/2020/01/05/785672201/deceased-gop-strategists-daughter-makes-files-public-that-republicans-wanted-sea [https://perma.cc/5L9P-Q28Z]. The trove contained thousands of documents detailing the various ways that he sought to generate political advantages for his clients, describing gerrymandering as legal vote stealing.155 Alvin Chang, The Man Who Rigged America’s Election Maps, Vox (Oct. 17, 2019), https://www.vox.com/videos/2019/10/17/20917852/gerrymander-hofeller-election-map [https://perma.cc/98DA-ME9M].

In Vera, however, Justice O’Connor stated that “[i]f district lines merely correlate with race because they are drawn on the basis of political affiliation, which correlates with race, there is no racial classification to justify.”156Vera, 517 U.S. at 968. Although likely dicta, this approach nonetheless does not resolve the issue because, if there is a perfect identity or correspondence of race and partisanship, how is a court supposed to judge whether the lines were drawn “because of political affiliation” or “because of race”? If a state legislature is trying to conceal its racial intentions, it would simply develop a record of partisan purposes and other traditional districting considerations. The entanglement of race and partisanship would then allow state legislatures to subvert the Constitution.157This is not an original insight. See, e.g., Kristen Clarke & Jon Greenbaum, Gerrymandering Symposium: The Racial Implications of Yesterday’s Partisan Gerrymandering Decision, SCOTUSblog (June 28, 2019), https://www.scotusblog.com/2019/06/gerrymandering-symposium-the-racial-implications-of-todays-partisan-gerrymandering-decision [https://perma.cc/5CBW-WAKY] (“[T]his decision . . . will enable map-drawers who have racial motivations or a combination of racial motivations and partisan motivations to claim that they made decisions only for partisan reasons and not for racial ones. The reality is that in many areas of the country, partisanship and race are closely intertwined.”) However, this Article presents recent and original empirical research to try to establish the validity of the premises and highlight the potential of the dangers this problem poses. The vastly divergent standards for both forms of gerrymandering makes it even more difficult to regulate this problem. There are, however, solutions. 

IV.  SOLUTIONS 

This Article argues that the wildly divergent standards established by the Supreme Court governing partisan political gerrymandering and racial gerrymandering claims are untenable. Justices across the ideological spectrum agree that the use of race in drawing political districts may run afoul of the Constitution, but the Court’s extremely divergent rules regulating gerrymandering cases make it extremely difficult, if not impossible, to know whether race has been used or not. In too many contexts, partisan political gerrymanders will entail conduct that violates the principles and standards established by the foundational racial gerrymandering cases, or run so closely up to them that any attempt to fully disentangle partisan ends from racial ones is likely to be hopelessly futile or end up subverting the Court’s racial gerrymandering jurisprudence by allowing racial gerrymanders to escape under the cover of partisanship. 

Beyond the categorical differences grounded in the Court’s precedent regulating the use of race at a higher level of judicial review than most other classifications, the Court has tried to manage the entanglement problem in two steps: first, by recognizing that all political districting processes are inherently race-conscious, as they are conscious of other demographic and community characteristics.158See supra note 53. Thus, the Court has distinguished between awareness of race and actions or policy decisions that use race in the sorting of people into different districts. The Court has held that it is the latter that violates the Constitution, not the former. 

Second, by requiring that racial considerations actually “predominate” other factors, the Court has drawn a line between impermissible consideration of race and other ordinary or “traditional” considerations such as compactness, contiguity, community boundaries, and so forth.159See supra text accompanying note 62. It is notable that in the listing of such ordinary considerations that partisan political advantage is never mentioned or listed. And this is presumably not simply because a bare-faced partisan consideration is unseemly, but because it was not considered by the Court (at least in those decisions) as a regular or ordinary consideration in the districting processes. Nonetheless, the Court’s jurisprudence prompts an objective, factual inquiry into whether race was in fact used or not. 

Unfortunately, several demographic factors are converging in a way that makes it much more difficult—if not impossible—to delineate between race and partisanship as a consideration. First, political polarization appears to have increased in recent years.160See Political Polarization, supra note 115. Second, political segregation is highly visible and becoming more pronounced as well.161See Badger et al., supra note 131. Third, racial political polarization has increased markedly in recent decades.162See supra Table 1. The interaction of these three factors, on top of a fourth—the persistence of racial residential segregation163See supra notes 122–27.—means that partisanship and race are highly correlated in a way that makes partisan districting largely and increasingly coterminous with racial districting. In simplified terms, “conjoined polarization” and racial residential segregation interact to create the conditions that entangle race and partisanship in political redistricting processes. 

That this is a practical problem is evidenced by the fact that many cases heard by the Supreme Court in recent years feature both claims, whereas that would have been anomalous even a few decades ago.164See generally Ala. Legis. Black Caucus v. Alabama, 575 U.S. 254 (2015). With the Court shutting the door on partisan gerrymandering claims, it seems increasingly likely that suits designed to curb the excesses of partisan gerrymandering will be brought under the color of racial gerrymandering.165 Or they may even be brought under the VRA. See Katie Benner, Nick Corasaniti & Reid J. Epstein, Justice Department Files Voting Rights Suit Against Texas Over New Map, N.Y. Times (Dec. 6, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/2021/12/06/us/politics/texas-voting-rights-redistricting.html [https://perma.cc/ECT3-B6VL]; Press Release, Office of Pub. Affs., Dep’t of Just., Justice Department Files Lawsuit Against the State of Texas to Challenge Statewide Redistricting Plans (Dec. 6, 2021), https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-files-lawsuit-against-state-texas-challenge-statewide-redistricting-plans [https://perma.cc/D9Z6-9QE8]. Thus, the Court will eventually need to squarely confront and address this problem. 

One possible solution is to carve out an exemption for racial gerrymanders that appear to be largely or entirely based on partisan motives, as Justice O’Connor intimated in Vera, but to extend the exemption to cases in which the objective use of race clearly “predominates.”166Bush v. Vera, 517 U.S. 952, 994 (1996) (O’Connor, J., concurring). Under this approach, mapmakers would be permitted to use race in districting processes as long as their purpose was purely partisan. Under this approach, partisanship would be a complete defense to racial gerrymandering claims. 

This approach would solve the smaller problem of the difficulties lower courts confront disentangling race and partisan motivates, but it would leave intact the larger problem of allowing racial gerrymanders to persist under the cover of partisanship. To that extent, this is only a partial solution or non-solution, because it would potentially obliterate the racial gerrymandering claim and undermine the constitutional prohibition against the use of race in policymaking in many ordinary cases.167Richard Hasen calls this the “party all the time” scenario. Richard L. Hasen, Race or Party, Race as Party, or Party All the Time: Three Uneasy Approaches to Conjoined Polarization in Redistricting and Voting Cases, 59 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 1837, 1876 (2018). Which, as he notes, has the benefit of logical consistency that is lacking when partisan and racial gerrymandering claims are treated differently. Under a rule such as this, any egregiously racially segregated political district could be justified on the basis of mere partisanship. The obvious exception would be cases in which state legislatures are seeking to create “majority-minority” districts under the VRA, because those could not plausibly be defended on partisan-only grounds. This approach would clearly violate the Court’s prevailing anti-classification jurisprudence and the principles and spirit of Shaw and its progeny’s rules against permitting state legislatures to sort people into one district or another on the basis of race. 

A second possible solution would be to create an exemption in the opposite direction: a supplement could be drawn to the rule that partisan gerrymanders are non-justiciable if partisan purposes overlay or are essentially indistinguishable from racial considerations. In such a case, partisan gerrymanders could be swept into the racial gerrymandering line, even though it would be difficult or implausible to assert that race “predominates.” This is essentially the tack the Court appeared to take in Cooper v. Harris in its 2016 term, prior to the Court’s more recent decision that partisan gerrymanders are non-justiciable in Rucho.

The NAACP Legal Defense Fund’s president and director-counsel, Janai Nelson, has suggested an approach along these lines.168Nelson, supra note 148. The approach would shield against rearguard incursions into racial gerrymandering from the partisan direction. This option is most consistent with the Court’s anti-classification jurisprudence: any sorting or segregation of people into different political districts based on race violates the Constitution, even if it cannot be said that race “predominates.” This approach drives the presumptive rule against the use of racial classifications to its logical endpoint. 

Although requiring a tweak to the Court’s racially gerrymandering jurisprudence, the Court can easily justify the use of a threshold test less than “predominance” when two factors are so tightly entangled that “predominance” becomes nonsensical.169See supra note 147. In such cases it is either impossible for race to “predominate” because partisan considerations are co-extensive with race or, even if they are greater, it is because their correspondence renders the possibility of calculating predominance by disaggregating and weighing the relative influence of each factor or consideration impossible.170The latent ambiguities in the predominance test makes hypotheticals hazardous, see supra text accompanying note 63, but let me attempt to illustrate the problem in quantitative terms. Suppose a court or an expert were able to determine that partisan motives are 60% of the considerations in redrawing district lines in a particular case. Suppose further that race is the chief proxy for sorting among partisan affiliation, such that race is somehow estimated to predominate the other factors (either because it is 51% of the actual inputs or a plurality, weighed more than any other single input). Logically, race both predominates and is subservient to partisan motives. This is a paradoxical conclusion, only because, in this context, race and partisanship cannot be separated as independent factors.  

A third possible solution to the entanglement problem is to reverse course on partisan gerrymanders and declare that they are justiciable. Aside from the unlikely chance that the Court will revisit, let alone reverse, it’s recent decision in Rucho, even if it were to do so, there remains the challenge of defining the standard upon which they can or should be reviewed. 

The most obvious and straightforward option is the predominance test—to inquire whether partisan considerations “predominate” over other ordinary districting considerations. In cases where race and partisanship are entangled, this could help solve the larger problem of allowing racial gerrymanders to escape under the cover of partisanship, but it does not actually solve the epistemological problem of how courts may distinguish between entangled factors or inputs.171See supra, notes 128, 142, and accompanying text. Thus, it would have the inverse effect of the first possibility, which is to help address the larger problem, but leave the smaller one intact. 

Moreover, this possibility remains only a partial solution to the larger problem. Even if the Supreme Court were to allow courts to review partisan gerrymandering claims, it is unlikely that such partisan gerrymanders would be reviewed at the exactingly high level of scrutiny as racial classifications are. Thus, there is still some risk present that racial gerrymanders will escape regulation in the guise of partisanship due to the gap in the standards of review.172Even this metaphor shows the challenge here: race and partisanship are so entangled that no guise is needed. To a significant extent, they share an identity. In some contexts, race is partisanship and vice versa. A legislative districting law that sorts people by partisan affiliation into different districts is very likely to also sort people on the basis of race contra ordinary districting considerations, and vice versa.

This third option, however, although requiring a reversal of recent precedent, is at least more logically consistent with the idea that these are categorically distinct claims arising from different case law and constitutional concerns. It renders the entanglement problem less urgently in need of resolution since the more extreme partisan gerrymandering cases would be regulated through a parallel structure under (presumably) rational basis review. 

This approach has several other meritorious considerations in its favor, especially its potential grounding in various aspects of constitutional jurisprudence. Some versions of this approach, for example, naturally conform to the paradigm famously known as “Carolene Products footnote four.”173United States v. Carolene Prods., 304 U.S. 144, 152 n.4 (1938). This famous footnote in Constitutional Law maps neatly to the entanglement problem at issue in this Article. That is because at the heart of this footnote are issues of political process and racial equality and their interrelation, the same issues here. As the Court said in that famous footnote: 

It is unnecessary to consider now whether legislation which restricts those political processes which can ordinarily be expected to bring about repeal of undesirable legislation, is to be subjected to more exacting judicial scrutiny under the general prohibitions of the Fourteenth Amendment than are most other types of legislation. . . . Nor need we enquire whether similar considerations enter into the review of statutes directed at particular religious, or national, or racial minorities; whether prejudice against discrete and insular minorities may be a special condition, which tends seriously to curtail the operation of those political processes ordinarily to be relied upon to protect minorities, and which may call for a correspondingly more searching judicial inquiry.174Id. (citations omitted).

Carolene Products footnote four has been called a “paradigm” within equal protection jurisprudence on account of the fact that it provides a coherent and comprehensive roadmap for judicial review.175Steven L. Winter, Indeterminacy and Incommensurability in Constitutional Law, 78 Calif. L. Rev. 1441, 1464 (1990). It is not just that the footnote addresses one possible way of dealing with laws that affect access to the political process, like political redistricting does, but it also specifically deals with the intersection of race and political access: suggesting that laws which impede racial minorities access to the political process should be reviewed more closely. 

The Equal Protection Clause arguably provides a sufficient basis by itself for establishing a rule against partisan gerrymanders: they violate fundamental democratic principles such as those that motivated the Court to rule, in the early 1960s, that political districts should be of equal size. They violate majority rule—what Madison called the “fundamental principle of free government” in Federalist No. 58 and Hamilton called the “the fundamental maxim of republican government” in Federalist No. 22.176The Federalist No. 58 (James Madison); The Federalist No. 22 (Alexander Hamilton). Whether permitting a minority to entrench itself through the manipulation of district boundaries or by manipulating the number of voters in each district, the result can be the same and does violence to the principle of “one person, one vote” either way. 

A claim rooted in equal protection could narrowly assert that permitting extreme partisan gerrymanders would violate a person’s right to be treated equally by law or more broadly assert that it would also hinder access to both the political process and the ability to use that process to remedy unfair or unjust legislation. But even if the Equal Protection Clause itself, or some broader more synthetic reading of it, Carolene Products, or even related associational claims grounded in the First Amendment are part of the foundation for rendering partisan gerrymandering claims justiciable,177Daniel P. Tokaji, Gerrymandering and Association, 59 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 2159 (2018). there is another constitutional provision which has lain dormant but could be potentially enlisted to this cause: the Guarantee Clause. 

The Guarantee Clause requires the United States guarantee to the states a republican form of government.178U.S. Const. art. IV, § 4. Although rarely invoked, the prevailing consensus is that this Clause requires majority rule and that representatives serving in state governments be selected by elections.179 Gabriel J. Chin & Erin M. Hawley, Interpretation & Debate: The Guarantee Clause, Nat’l Const. Center, https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/interpretation/article-iv/clauses/42 [https://perma.cc/H39L-XFFC]. In other words, it is a guarantee to the citizens of those states (and of the nation) that each state government must be republican in form. This clause might be the basis for challenges to features of various state governments that are anti- or un-democratic. In addition to a formal recognition of the problem of entanglement in the gerrymandering cases, a revival of the Guarantee Clause could provide an easily understandable basis for reversing or excepting Rucho.

The problem here is that Supreme Court precedent does not allowed federal courts to entertain claims brought under the Guarantee Clause, thus far. In 1849, and again in 1946, the Supreme Court ruled that claims under this clause are non-justiciable.180Luther v. Borden, 48 U.S. 1 (1849); Colegrove v. Green, 328 U.S. 549, 556 (1946). Prominent and notable jurists, however, would have held otherwise. In his courageous and lonely dissent in Plessy v. Ferguson, the first Justice Harlan would not only have held that the segregative railway statute adopted by the state of Louisiana and reviewed in that case violated the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution, but also the Guarantee Clause. As he explained: 

Such a system is inconsistent with the guaranty given by the constitution to each state of a republican form of government, and may be stricken down by congressional action, or by the courts in the discharge of their solemn duty to maintain the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding.181Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537, 564 (1896) (Harlan, J., dissenting).

The aforementioned Supreme Court decisions, moreover, occurred prior to the Court’s ruling that districting cases are justiciable in Baker v. Carr. And in any event, these decisions cannot be based on the meaning of that clause as understood by its framers.182The current University of California, Berkeley Law School Dean, Erwin Chemerinsky, has previously made this argument a generation ago. See Erwin Chemerinsky, Why Cases Under the Guarantee Clause Should Be Justiciable, 65 Univ. Colo. L. Rev. 849 (1994). Chemerinsky argues, however, that the prevailing view that the Supreme Court deemed this clause non-justiciable in Luther v. Bolden is a “common myth,” and that it was not until the twentieth century that the Court decided such. Id. at 861–62.  

Federalist No. 9 explains that the “principles” of republican governance are “now well understood,” and in addition to the fundamental majoritarian principle, they include: (1) “[t]he regular distribution of power into distinct departments”; (2) “the introduction of legislative balances and checks”; (3) “the institution of courts composed of judges holding their offices during good behavior”; and (4) “the representation of the people in the legislature by deputies of their own election.”183The Federalist No. 9 (Alexander Hamilton). 

Moreover, Federalist No. 39 dealt specifically with the meaning of republican government. As Madison explained there, “we may define a republic to be . . . a government which derives all of its powers directly or indirectly from the great body of the people; and is administered by persons holding their offices during pleasure for a limited period, or during good behaviour.”184The Federalist No. 39 (James Madison). In other words, it is a government, in the words of Lincoln, “of, by, and for the people.”185Abraham Lincoln, Gettysburg Address (Nov. 19, 1863), https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/rbc/rbpe/rbpe24/rbpe244/24404500/24404500.pdf [https://perma.cc/WCQ9-XEFP]. Madison goes onto explain that 

[i]t is essential to such a government, that it be derived from the great body of the society, not from an inconsiderable proportion, or a favored class of it; otherwise a handful of tyrannical nobles, exercising their oppressions by a delegation of their powers, might aspire to the rank of republicans, and claim for their government the honorable title of republic.186Madison, supra note 184. 

Critics might note that, despite Madison and Hamilton’s declarations on the centrality of the principle of “majority rules,” they and their colleagues seemed unconcerned with the use of districting for partisan advantage in terms of either unequal size of districts or manipulation of lines, or else they would have argued against it (as they did against equal suffrage for states) or proposed or included provisions in the Constitution or in their respective roles in the federal government against it. In Part II, a number of possibilities were presented as to why Madison and Hamilton may not have introduced measures relating to this potential problem. A few more may now be considered.

First, any interpretative methodology assessing the Guarantee Clause would have to account for the fact that many categorical exclusions for voting existed at the time of the framing of the Constitution that are now prohibited, including those on the basis of sex, race, and class (through the Fifteenth, Nineteenth and Twenty-Fourth Amendments, respectively).187U.S. Const. amends. XV, XIX, XXIV. Thus, there are textual reasons to “update” any originalist understanding of the Guarantee Clause based upon the text of the Constitution itself, as amended. After all, it has already been observed that the modern Supreme Court has repeatedly struck down districting plans with population disparities in percentage terms far less than those observed by Madison and Hamilton in The Federalist Papers. 

Second, the framers failed to anticipate the extent to which partisanship would manifest in the federal councils and the harmful effects thereof. There is no reason to believe that they should devise measures to address problems they lacked the foresight to see. And, by their own accounts, the precautions and safeguards that the framers believed would curtail the harmful effects of partisanship were based on assumptions and premises that proved fallacious or were quickly refuted by experience as political parties organized themselves in the federal councils. 

To be clear, the framers were well-aware of the problem of partisanship. Having observed it within the states and other republics, Alexander Hamilton referred to this problem as “the diseases of faction” and the “demon of faction,” and James Madison called it “mischiefs of faction” and the “rage of party.”188The Federalist Nos. 61, 65 (Alexander Hamilton); The Federalist Nos. 10, 50 (James Madison). What they underestimated was the degree to which political parties would become the primary organizing forces to frame political discourse and focus policy debate in the federal government. 

As Madison and Hamilton explained throughout The Federalist Papers, the framers believed that the size and diversity of peoples and interests represented in the national government would ameliorate the effects of faction as observed in the state governments.189It is notable that Madison also concluded that the causes of faction cannot be eliminated, only that their effects could be regulated. The Federalist No. 10 (James Madison) (“[T]he CAUSES of faction cannot be removed, and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling [their] EFFECTS.”). As Madison concluded in Federalist No. 10, the “variety of sects dispersed over the entire face of [the confederacy of states] must secure the national councils against any danger from that source.”190The Federalist No. 10 (James Madison); see also Mari Kawakatsu, Yphtach Lelkes, Simon A. Levin & Corina E. Tarnita, Interindividual Cooperation Mediated by Partisanship Complicates Madison’s Cure for “Mischiefs of Faction,” 118 Proc. Nat’l Acad. Scis. 50 (2021). Hamilton arrived at similar conclusions in Federalist Nos. 60 and 61, where he wrote that “a diversity of local circumstances, prejudices, and interests” would make it unlikely that a “predominant faction” would prefer a particular class of electors over another.191The Federalist Nos. 60, 61 (Alexander Hamilton). Not only that, Hamilton felt that the diverse manner in which the various federal branches would be populated would safeguard against this problem, such that he concluded there is “little probability of a common interest to cement these different branches in a predilection for any particular class of electors.”192Id.

If at any moment the quantity of highly competitive national political parties had been greater and more numerous or if political parties had not acquired so much significance in organizing political interests at a national level, then this conclusion might have proven correct. But by the end of the first decade of the government’s operation under the Constitution, the problems of partisanship were already manifest to such an extent that it was one of the principal subjects of concern in George Washington’s 1796 Farewell Address. Far from leaving office assured with his good works and sanguine on the young nation’s prospects, he sounded an alarm. 

In this regard, any originalist argument would be incomplete without considering George Washington’s remarks in his Farewell Address, which were drafted with input from Hamilton and Madison, his top advisors. The degree to which they underestimated the corrosive effects of toxic partisanship—what they called the “baneful effects of the spirit of party”—is clear from the substance of the address.193George Washington, Washington’s Farewell Address to the People of the United States (Sept. 19, 1796), https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/resources/pdf/Washingtons_Farewell Address.pdf [https://perma.cc/7853-M5TJ].

Having observed the emergent dynamics of partisanship firsthand as the nation’s first chief executive,194The President of the United States Congress under the Articles of Confederation is not a chief executive leading a separate and independent executive branch. Washington expressed a deep-seated fear that political parties presented a danger to the stability of the young republic, and potentially an existential threat. The Senate Historical Office characterizes his remarks concerning the “dangers of parties in state” as reflecting the view that political parties “carried the seeds of the nation’s destruction through petty factionalism.”195That assessment asserts that Washington warned against three distinction problems. It is unclear from a reading of his remarks whether he viewed these problems as distinct or delineated as such, because he describes them as intertwined with each other. Nonetheless, it is notable in the context of the problem of gerrymandering that he specifically connects geographic sectionalism with partisanship, a feature that is discussed in Part IV herein. See Washington, supra note 193, at 14. The remarks specify, in serial form, the harmful effects that flow from extreme partisanship. Among them:

• “It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration.”

• “It agitates the community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms,”

• “kindles the animosity of one part against another,”

• “foments occasionally riot and insurrection.”

• “It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.”196Id. 

If anything, the experience of the last few years amply illustrates these dangers, especially in the administration of President Donald Trump, which experienced arguably each of these effects, most obviously in the Ukraine scandal that led to the first impeachment,197Nicholas Fandos & Michael D. Shear, Impeachment Hearings Open with Revelation on Trump’s Ukraine Pressure, N.Y. Times (Nov. 15, 2019), https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/13/us/politics/impeachment-hearing-day-1.html [https://perma.cc/D44M-XUBS]. the interactions with Russian officials that led to the Mueller investigation,198Michael S. Schmidt & Scott Shane, Russia, Trump and Mueller: The Major Moments in the Case, N.Y. Times (Mar. 22, 2019), https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/22/us/politics/trump-russia.html [https://perma.cc/3NXE-U59C]. and the riot and insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021.199Dan Barry, Mike McIntire & Matthew Rosenberg, ‘Our President Wants Us Here’: The Mob that Stormed the Capitol, N.Y. Times (Nov. 10, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/09/us/capitol-rioters.html [https://perma.cc/B96Z-N4WQ]. 

Extreme partisanship has fostered a visceral antipathy against the other party (what political scientists call “negative partisanship”) often for no other reason than the “animosity of one part against another,” such that even bipartisanship on broadly popular legislation (such as when Republicans in Congress voted for the 2021 infrastructure bill) is viewed within the faction as a violation of partisan solidarity.200Catie Edmondson, House Republicans Who Backed Infrastructure Bill Face Vicious Backlash, N.Y. Times (Nov. 10, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/10/us/politics/republicans-backlash-infrastructure-bill.html [https://perma.cc/QX4W-NBLK]. 

And, in the most extreme case, above all the previously listed concerns, Washington asserted that partisanship could lead to the “destruction of public liberty” in this way: 

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.201Washington, supra note 193, at 13–14.

Some political prognosticators and military leaders have warned that some version of this frightful vision might be realized in the aftermath of the 2024 election.202 Mary Louise Kelly, Ashish Valentine & Noah Caldwell, Retired Generals Warn Segments of the Military Could Support a Future Coup, NPR (Dec. 29, 2021), https://www.npr.org/2021/12/29/1068895489/low-probability-high-impact-3-generals-warn-of-a-potential-military-coup-in-2024 [https://perma.cc/VNE5-FVXH]; Gino Spocchia, Army Generals Warn a ‘Trumpian Loser’ Could Set Off Civil War After 2024 Election, Independent (Dec. 19, 2021), https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/us-politics/2024-election-result-coup-trump-b1978961.html [https://perma.cc/KZQ9-NK2C]. 

Critically, however, Washington also characterized the dangers of extreme partisanship in geographic terms, which he called “the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations.”203Washington, supra note 193, at 13–14. Although he may well have been referring to the sectional divide between the North and the South, the specific formulation is a perfect fit for the excesses of gerrymandering. It accurately characterizes the manifestation of partisanship through gerrymandering, which is a process of making geographic discriminations.

Whether a consequence of the framers’ underestimation of the ultimate role of political parties, the extent to which partisanship would infect the federal government, or some other reason, the Constitution itself is silent in regards to the problems posed by extreme forms of political districting. But that does not mean that the framers left the political community helpless, even in the absence of an explicit constitutional provision adopted to solve this problem. Provisions like the Guarantee Clause are open-textured specifically to empower that political community to address problems such as this, empowering both Congress and the courts to regulate such practices as partisan districting as circumstances may necessitate. 

CONCLUSION

Unlike the canonical and venerated document that it is regarded as today,204Although there are deep disagreements about the meaning of certain provisions of the Constitution, it is notable that virtually all sides of the American polity regard the Constitution as foundational and venerable and strive to remain faithful to its text and structure (at least, as amended). the United States Constitution was recognized by its framers as a political experiment of uncertain prospects.205Although the framers designed the document for posterity, or, in the words Hamilton, “remote futurity,” and for “the probable exigencies of the ages.” It seems likely that even the most far-sighted framer of that document would be surprised at its remarkable endurance, approaching two-and-half centuries. The Federalist No. 34 (Alexander Hamilton). To give the political community governed by it the flexibility to make it work in practice and tailor it to exigencies without violating its text or spirit, the framers provided an amendment process to correct for unforeseen flaws or circumstances and used terse, open-textured language amenable to varying shades of interpretations in enumerating certain powers, rights, or prohibitions.206This is especially notable in provisions of the Constitution relating to certain powers of different branches of government and the text of the Bill of Rights. Evidence that this was by design can be gleaned from the fact that the provisions relating to the Constitution of the three federal branches (their membership, the procedure for election, and so forth) is far less ambiguous. The ambiguous elements (for example, “cruel and unusual punishment”) of the Constitution have frustrated lawyers, judges and politicians alike for generations, fostering divergent and deeply contested methodological approaches for interpreting constitutional text. In practice, this has left the Supreme Court to be the final arbiter of constitutional meaning, an early rooted tradition that is not itself based in constitutional text. As a consequence, this has made the process for selecting Supreme Court Justices highly political and deeply contested, based upon the assumption that the ideological leanings or preferred interpretive methods of the jurist will result in correspondingly different constitutional rulings and decisions. 

Nonetheless, the Constitution was chiefly designed to overcome the deficiencies of the Articles of Confederation and other problems that had plagued the young republic.207See Michael Meyerson, Liberty’s Blueprint: How Madison and Hamilton Wrote the Federalist Papers, Defined the Constitution, and Made Democracy Safe for the World (2009). Consequently, it is silent on many issues that subsequently bedeviled the nation governed by it in intervening centuries. Two notable examples that frustrated subsequent generations in the first half of the nineteenth century were the definition of national citizenship and its relationship to state citizenship, and in the latter half of the twentieth century and early twenty-first century, the issue of abortion. 

Because the original Constitution did not explicitly indicate how federal citizenship was defined or acquired, the Supreme Court ultimately decided the question of whether persons of African descent were or could become United States citizens, which it did in the most notorious case of Dred Scott v. Sandford.208See Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393 (1857) (enslaved party), superseded by constitutional amendment, U.S Const. amend. XIV; John A. Powell & Stephen Menendian, Little Rock and the Legacy of Dred Scott, 52 St. Louis U. L.J. 1153, 1160 (2008). The Court’s decision was reversed by opening line of the Fourteenth Amendment.209U.S Const. amend. XIV, § 1. Similarly, the issue of abortion has proven to be highly divisive and one of the most deeply contested legal matters of the last fifty years. Advocates and jurists often look beyond the explicit text to the structure of the Constitution and the history and traditions of the republic at certain points in time to try to resolve these matters.210See, e.g., Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), overruled by Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 142 S. Ct. 2228 (2022).

Unfortunately, extreme manipulation of political districting processes is another issue upon which the Constitution remains explicitly silent. This does not mean federal officials are powerless to address it. Constitutional text provides indirect solutions, such as the affirmative powers afforded Congress under the Elections Clause to “make or alter” the laws for elections to the federal legislature and implicit protections made by inferences drawn from other provisions, such as the Equal Protection Clause. Nonetheless, as a result of the lack of constitutional specificity regarding this issue, certain problems generated by this underlying phenomenon are treated differently, depending on the circumstances, the class of persons most affected, or the form of the districting problem. 

This Article focuses on the problem of the entanglement of race and partisanship in the judicial review of gerrymandering claims. It conducts a brief history of gerrymandering, examines the divergent lines of cases, reveals the factors that contribute to the growing problem of gerrymandering, including the relationship between political segregation and racial residential segregation, and closes with a survey of possible solutions grounded in the constitutional text and structure. 

Although Congress could potentially pass laws curbing gerrymandering in the states, and would have the authority to do so under Article I, Section 4, the core of the problem of gerrymandering is that it violates what Madison called the “fundamental principle of free government”—that of majority rule, and therefore should be within the cognizance of the Constitution, not ordinary legislation, to resolve. This is true even though the Constitution is silent on it, an omission that is adequately compensated for by the applicability of indirect provisions that the framers included such as the Guarantee Clause and subsequent Amendments, most notably the Fourteenth, requiring equal protection of the law. 

Blame for underestimating the rise of political parties and the harmful effects of extreme partisanship cannot be entirely placed on insufficient foresight of the framers. A number of developments have contributed to the intensity of political partisanship in the federal government, including the enlargement of the sphere of national politics, the evolution of the information and media environment, and technological developments.211See Kawakatsu, supra note 190. 

There is no way that the framers could have fully anticipated the extremities toward which political districting processes designed for partisan purposes might distort many of the principles of representative government that they sought to institutionalize. In particular, they could not have anticipated the development of modern technological tools such as computer databases and programs such as Geographic Information System (“GIS”) technology that would easily permit state legislators to essentially select their voters rather than the other way around. But the framers’ insufficient foresight does not leave us helpless.

Whether the remedy lies in an act of Congress or the courts applying a synthetic reading of the Constitution as a whole, Carolene Products footnote four, the Guarantee Clause, or a novel reading of the Equal Protection Clause, partisan gerrymandering is a problem for our health of democracy that requires resolution. It is a problem in its own right because it undermines the values and foundation of the republic, and because it causes and results in the racial segregation of voters in clear violation of the Constitution without necessarily running afoul of the standards established by the Supreme Court to secure those protections. 

 
96 S. Cal. L. Rev. 301

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* Stephen Menendian is the Assistant Director at the Othering and Belonging Institute at University of California, Berkeley. The author would like to thank john powell and Dan Tokaji for their insights on this critical issue, Chris Elmendorf and Joshua Clark for their invaluable expert feedback on drafts of this Article, Samir Gambhir and Peter Mattingly for their contributions to the underlying research regarding segregation and assistance in developing the maps and scatterplots, Wenqi (Michael) Xu, Sara Osman, and Yemaj Sheik for their general research and citation assistance.